The Depiction of the Arsacid Dynasty in Medieval Armenian Historiography 207

Home , Arsaces (conspirator), Artaxiad dynasty, Atropatene, Bahram Chobin, Early Period (Assyria), Faustus of Byzantium

Azat Bozoyan The Depiction of the ArsacidDynasty in Medieval Armenian Historiography

Introduction

The Arsacid, or Parthian, dynasty was foundedinthe 250s bce,detaching large ter- ritories from the Seleucid Kingdom which had been formed after the conquests of Alexander the Great.This dynasty ruled Persia for about half amillennium, until 226 ce,when Ardashir the Sasanian removed them from power.Under the Arsacid dynasty,Persia became Rome’smain rival in the East.Arsacid kingsset up theirrel- ativesinpositions of power in neighbouringstates, thus making them allies. After the fall of the Artaxiad dynasty in Armenia in 66 ce,Vologases IofParthia, in agree- ment with the RomanEmpire and the Armenian royal court,proclaimed his brother Tiridates king of Armenia. His dynasty ruled Armenia until 428 ce.Armenian historiographical sources, beginning in the fifth century,always reserved aspecial place for that dynasty. MovsēsXorenacʽi(Moses of Xoren), the ‘Father of Armenian historiography,’ attributed the origin of the Arsacids to the Artaxiad kingswho had ruled Armenia be- forehand. EarlyArmenian historiographic sources provide us with anumber of tes- timoniesregarding various representativesofthe Arsacid dynasty and their role in the spread of Christianity in Armenia. In Armenian, as well as in some Syriac historical works,the origin of the Arsacids is related to King AbgarVof Edessa, known as the first king to officiallyadopt Christianity.Armenian and Byzantine historiographical sources associate the adoption of Christianity as the state religion in Armenia with the Arsacid King Tiridates III. Gregory the Illuminator,who playedamajor role in the adoption of Christianity as Armenia’sstate religion and who even became widelyknown as the founder of the Armenian Church, belongstoanother branch of the samefamily. Medieval Armenian sources call that branch of the Arsacids, which playedasignificant role in the middle of the fifth century,the Pahlavunibranch. It producedaseries of catholicoi who pre- sided over the Armenian Church until the line was broken by Sahak I ‘The Parthian’ (386–428?). Anumber of medieval catholicoi, particularlyfrom Gregory II Vkayaser to Gregory VI Apirat (eleventh–twelfth centuries), also descended from the Pahlavuni family. Atheoretical justification of this inheritance was elaboratedinthe eleventh century and,especially, in the Vipasanutʽiwn (Narratio)ofCatholicos NersesIVthe Gracious (twelfth century). From an earlyperiod, Roman and Byzantine authorsspeak of the ParthianArsa- cids as the ruling dynasties both in Persia and Armenia. Some scions of the Arsacid dynasty,who weremostly associated with the Byzantine Empire, are mentioned in

OpenAccess. ©2021Azat Bozoyan, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-010 206 AzatBozoyan

Procopius of Caesarea’s History. Apocalyptic works preserved in Greek and attributed to the Catholicos Sahak Iattach great importance to the Arsacid dynasty in the future restoration of Armenian kingship. Anumber of apocalyptic works preserved in Arme- nian are alsoassociated with this family.The earliest sourceattributed to Catholicos Sahak is incorporatedinto the historical work of Łazar Pʽarpecʽi(fifth century).¹ In the ninth and tenth centuries, Emperor Basil Ithe Macedonian was said to have Ar- sacid origin by Patriarch of Constantinople Photios and by Basil’sgrandson Constan- tine VII Porphyrogennetos. These and other sources allow us to seek common roots of the Armenian and By- zantine claims regarding the Arsacids. They found fertile ground both in Armenian and Byzantine historiographicaltraditions, shapingthe imageofthe Arsacids as good Christian rulers.

On the Subject of the Arsacids

The royal house of the ArsacidsorParthians first appeared in history around 250 bce when it seceded from the Seleucid Hellenistic state formedinthe aftermath of Alexander the Great’scampaigns.The Parthian-Arsacid dynasty ruled over Iran for about 500 years until 226 ce when Ardashir the Sasanian, founderofanew dynasty, deprivedthem of theirpower.² However,little is known about the rule of members of the Parthian-Arsacid royal familyortheir attitude towards their kingdom. We know thatthe Arsacids considered their power as divine gift; they founded anew temple in Iran on the occasion of the coronation of each of their new rulers and therebysanctified each monarch’srule.³ Moreover,inconformity with ancient conventions, they traced theirdynasty back to the Achaemenids, constructingtheirdirect descent from Artaxerxes II.⁴ Thus, follow-

 See G. Muradyan, The Vision of St.Sahak in the History of Łazar Pʽarpecʽi. The Armenian Apoca- lyptic Tradition. AComparative Perspective.In: Kevork B. Bardakjian and Sergio La Porta (eds.), Es- says Presented in Honor of Professor Robert W. Thomson on the Occasion of His Eightieth Birthday, Leiden, Boston, 2014,313–325.  V. G. Lukonin, Iran in Ancient Times and the EarlyMiddle Ages [Essayonthe History of Culture], Moscow,1987(in Russian: В.Г. Луконин, Древнийи ранне-средневековый Иран (Очерки исто- рии культуры), Москва,1987), 87– 88.  Lukonin (cf. fn. 2) 109,115;M.R.Shayegan, Arsacids and Sasanians.Political Ideology in Post-Hel- lenistic and Late Antique Persia, Cambridge,New York, 2011,137–150,226–228.  Arrianus,Flavii Arriani quae extant omnia, ed. by A.G. Roos,vol. II: Scripta minora et fragmenta / Editio stereotypa correctior addenda et corrigenda adecit G. Wirth, Leipzig,1968 [Bibliotheca scripto- rum graecorum et romanoeum Teubneriana], 225; Lukonin (cf. fn. 2) 109,116;Cf. also A. Pétrovitch, Arsacid Coins,Part I: Collectionsofthe Knight Alexander Pétrovitch. ABrief History of the Partho- Armenians by Jacobos,archbishop of Tashean, Vienna, 1917[Bibliothèque Nationale, LXXX.] (in Ar- menian: Արշակունի դրամներ, մասն առաջին։Ժողովածոյք ասպետին Աղեքսանդր Պետրովիչ, Համառոտ Պարթևահայ պատմութեամբ, գրեց հ․ Յակոբոս վ․ Տաշեան, Վիեննա 1919 [ԱզգայինՄատենադարան, Ձ]), 19. The Depiction of the Arsacid Dynasty in Medieval Armenian Historiography 207

ing ancient historiography, King Sohemos who seized power twice in Armenia in the second century ce,was amemberofboth the Achaemenid and Arsacid royal houses (his origins are cited below).⁵ The aforementioned conception of royal power was adopted by the succeeding Sasanian dynasty,⁶ which attempted to create the illusion of acontinuity of their power in Iran, starting with the time of Cyrus the Great (about 600 –530 bce)and persisting until the end of the seventh century ce when the Arabsdeposed the last Sasanian Kings. Accordingtothe seventh-century Byzantine historian Theophylact Simocatta, the Arsacids occupied one of the most important courtlypositions during this critical time for the Iranian state.AccordingtoSimocatta, it was the Arsacids alone who had the right of royal power in Iran and therefore could crownthe Sasa- nians.⁷ Simocatta also said thatBahram Chobin,⁸ commandant of the Sasanian court and usurper,was amember of this dynasty.⁹ The Arsacid kingsoften placed theirpa- rents (representativesoftheir dynasty) on the thrones of neighbouring vassal or con- federate countries (e.g.,Armenia, Georgia, Atropatene, Media, Adiabene, Edessa etc.).¹⁰

The Arsacids in the Caucasian Historiographical Tradition

The Arsacid dynasty was foundedafter the downfall of the Artaxiad dynasty (according to modern historiography) in Armenia duringthe second half of the first century ce by the Parthian(Arsacid) Vologases I(r. 51– 78)with the consent of the Roman Empire and the Armenian court.Vologases proclaimed his brother Tiridates king and the dynasty founded by the latter reigned over Armenia until 428. Medieval Ar- menianhistoriographyand MovsēsXorenacʽipoint towards another view on the es-

 J. Marquart,Untersuchungenzur Geschichtevon Eran, in: Philologus.Zeitschrift für das Classische Altertum, Supplementband X, 1, Leipzig,1905,222–223; Cf. N. Adontz, Works in Five Volumes,I–V, Yerevan,2006–2012 (in Armenian: Ն․ ԱդոնցԵրկեր հինգ հատորով, Ա–Ե, Երևան 2006–2012), 63.  Lukonin (cf. fn. 2) 109,116;Shayegan(cf. fn. 3) 340 –368.  Thphyl., 3.18.8; 10 (Theophylacti Simocattae Historiae, ed. by C. de Boor,Lipsiae, 1968, 148); Cf. Theophylactus Simocatta History /Russian translation by S.P.Kondratev, Мoscou,1957 (in Russian: Феофилакт Симокатта, История / Пер. С.П. Кондратева, Москва), 94;Cf. E. Sh. Khurshudian, StateInstitutions of Parthian and Sassanian Iran, III bce– VII ce,Almaty,2015 (in Russian: Э.Ш. Хур- шудян, Государственные Институты парфянскогоисасанидского Ирана.III в. до н.э. – VII в. н.э., Алматы 2015), 161, 200–201.  Cf. A. Sh. Shahbazi, Bahram VI Čōbīn, in: Encyclopaedia Iranica, III/5, 1988, 514–522.  Ibid.  Lukonin (cf. fn. 2) 118, 120, 135–137. 208 AzatBozoyan

tablishment of the Arsacid dynasty in Armenia.¹¹ In Xorenacʽi’s HistoryofArmenia, the Arsacid dynasty begins around the middle of the second century bce (nearly two hundred years before the date acknowledgedinmodern historiography)when Arsaces II, the Arsacid king of Iran, established his brother Vologases on the throne (around 150 –140 bce). SimilartoMovsēsXorenacʽi, Sebeos (seventh century) attests to the fact that the kingsthat held power in Armenia from the beginning of the second century bce are considered as the representative of the Arsacid dynasty.¹² Like- wise, as in MovsēsXorenacʽi, Tigranesthe Great is referred to as an Arsacid king in the works of Faustus of Byzantium and Pseudo-Epiphanius of Cyprus (surviving in Armenian), whereas modern historiographyconsiders him king of the Artaxiad (Ar- tašesyan) dynasty.¹³ It should be noted that Flavius Josephus, the Jewishhistorian, refers to Artavazd, the son of Tigraneswho was captured in 35/34 bce by the Roman commander Marc Antony and offered to Cleopatrathe Great,as“Parthian,” that is Arsacid.¹⁴ That is to say, MovsēsXorenacʽi, like the whole Armenian medieval historiography, did not recognisethe Artaxiad dynasty.Georgian medieval historiographylike the Armenian tradition considered the Armenian kings, who werecontemporaries of the Seleucids, as Arsacidskings.¹⁵ In the HistoryofGeorgia (Kʽartʽlis cʽxovreba), the origins of the sixth GeorgianKing Arshak are ascribed to the families of the Ne- brotʽians, the Arsacids, and the Pharnavazids (დედითარშაკუნიანი, და მამით

 N. Garsoïan, L’Histoire attribuée àMovsēsXorenacʽique reste-t-il àendire?, in: Revue des études arméniennes29, 2003,29–48;Id.,MovsēsXorenacʽi, in: Encyclopaedia Iranica, online: http://www. iranicaonline.org/articles/movses-xorenaci.  History of Sebeos,ed. G.V․ Abgaryan, Yerevan, 1979 (in Armenian: Պատմութիւն Սեբէոսի, աշխատասիրությամբ Գ․Վ․ Աբգարյանի), chap. III, 55.  Faustus, History of Armenia in Four Parts,Venice,19334 (in Armenian: Փաւստոսի Բուզանդացւոյ պատմութիւն Հայոցիչորսդպրութիւնս, Վենետիկ 19334), The Epic Histories attributed to Pʽawstos Buzand (Buzandaran Pamutʽiwnkʽ), trans. and comm. by N.G. Garsoïan, Cam- bridge,1989,IV, chap. 55;H.Ł.v.Alishan, History of Armenia. The Historians and their Histories,Ven- ice, 1901 (in Armenian: Հ․ Ղ․ վ․ Ալիշան, Հայապատում․ պատմիչք եւ պատմութիւնք Հայոց, Վենետիկ 1901), 31;Cf. Pseudo-Epiphanius, Homilies, ed. by H. Qyoseyan, Etcmiadzin, 2013 (in Ar- menian: Եպիփան Կիպրացի, Ճառեր / ԱշխատասիրությամբՀ․Քյոսեյանի, Էջմիածին 2013), 9–10.  Jos.,BI18.5(Flavius Josephus,Bellum Judaicum, trans.byH.St. J. Thackeray, London, 1956,170/ 171); Cf. Pétrovitch (cf. fn. 4) 162.  L. Mélikset-Bek, Georgian Sources on Armenia and the Armenians, vol. I–II, Yerevan, 1934–1936 (in Armenian: Լ․ Մելիքսեթ-Բեկ, Վրաց աղբյուրները Հայաստանի ևհայերի մասին, հտ․ Ա, Երևան 1934, հտ․ Բ,1936), 151,153,162;G.A.Melikishvili, Towards the History of Ancient Georgia, Tbilisi, 1959(in Russian: Г.А. Мелкишвили, Кисториидревней Грузии, Тбилиси 1959), 49;Kʽar- tʽlis cʽxovreba, ed. by I. Abuladzé (Armenian Translation. The Ancient Armenian TranslationofKʽar- tʽlis cʽxovreba, Georgian Text and the Ancient Armenian Translation), Tbilisi, 1953, 43 (in Armenian and Georgian: ქართლის ცხოვრების ძველი სომხური თარგმანი / ქართული ტექსტი და ძველი სომხური თარგმანი გამოკვლევითა და ლექსიკონით გამოსცა ილია აბულაძემ, თბილისი 1953); trans. by R. W. Thompson, RewritingCaucasian History.The Medieval Armenian Adaptation of the Georgian Chronicles (The Original Georgian Text and the Armenian Adaptation), Oxford, 1996,43(the edition was not available to me). The Depiction of the Arsacid Dynasty in Medieval Armenian Historiography 209

ნებროთიანი და ფარნავაზიანი =through mother Arsacid and through father Ne- brotʽian and Pharnavazid).¹⁶ Moreover,according to the Georgian medieval historiographical tradition, certain Georgiankingsbetween the second and first century bce werealso scions of the Arsacid royal house.¹⁷ Information relating to the history of Armenia in the HistoryofGeorgia is denoted with aparticularArmenian name:Pat- motʽin “პატმოთინ” (in this history acommon dialectal form of the Armenians of Tbilisiispreserved until today).¹⁸ This implies an Armenian origin of the work.¹⁹ Beginning with the fifth century,Armenian historiographydisplays aparticular attitude towards the royal house of the Arsacids. MovsēsXorenacʽi’s HistoryofArme- nia occupies aspecial position amongst the works preserved until todayinterms of the richness of its description of the Arsacid epoch. It is composed of three parts, and the exposition follows achronological structure defined by the author.The work rep- resents the entirety of documents compiled by the historian and the logical presentation of events basedonthese documents. This work leans on historiographical and geopolitical analysis of written sources, oral traditions, and archaeological material accessibletothe author.AsN.Adontzremarked in his time,the tradition of con- structing the descent of the Armenian dynasty from the Arsacids existed in Armenian historiography before Xorenacʽi, which we know from Procopius of Caesarea’s De Ae- dificiis.²⁰ Procopius names “ἡ τῶν̕Αρμενίων ἱστορία”–TheHistoryofArmenia as the sourceofhis considerations. The first book of Xorenacʽi’shistory contains agenealogyofthe Armenian dynasty’sancestors beginning with the PatriarchNoah until the establishment of the Ar- sacids in Iran and Armenia. It should be noted that Xorenacʽirefers to the History of Mar Abas Catina as his principal sourceinhis presentation of the history of An- cient Armenia.²¹ Accordingtothe historian Movsēs, this work was created on the

 Cf. Kʽartʽlis cʽxovreba, ed. by S. Qauxčʽišvili, t. IetII, Tbilisi, 1955–1959(in Georgian: ქართლის ცხოვრება / ტექსტი დადგენილი ყველა ძირითადი ხელნაწერისმიხედვით ს. ყაუხჩიშვილის მიერ, ტ. I, თბილისი 1955, ტ.II, 1955–1959), 33,l.9–10.  Cf. G. A. Melikishvili, Towards the History of Ancient Georgia, Tbilisi, 1959(in Russian: Г.А. Мел- кишвили, Кистории древней Грузии, Тбилиси 1959), 49.  Mélikset-Bek(cf. fn. 15) 72–73 et passim.  Cf. A. Abdaladze “Kʽartʽlis cʽxovreba” and the Georgian-Armenian Relations.From Ancient Times Until the Beginningofthe Twelvth Century,Tbilisi, 1982 (in Georgian: ალ. აბდალაძე, “ქართლის ცხოვრება” და საქართველო-სომხეთის ურთიერთობა [უძველესი დროიდან XII საუკუნის დასაწყისამდე], თბილისი, გამომცემლობა “მეცნიერება”,1982),83, 134,150,151– 153,156–158, 162, 174– 176, 216.  Procop., aed. 3.1.6, (Procopii Caesarensis opera omnia, ed. by G. Wirth, vol. IV,Leipzig, 1913;re- print 1963); Cf. Adontz (cf. fn. 5) II, 280.  G. Khalatiants,The Armenian Epic in the History of Armenian of Moses of Xoren, Moscow, 1896 (in Russian: Г. Халатянц, Армянский эпос висторииАрмении Моисея Хоренского, Москва 1896), 9–19,61–85; G. Khalatiants, The Armenian Arsacids in the History of Armenian of Moses of Xoren, Moscow, 1903 (in Russian։ Г. Халатянц, Армянские Аршакидыв“Истории Армении” Моисея Хоренского, ч.I.Исследование, ч.II. Материалы, Москва 1903), 5ff.; N. Adontz, Armenia 210 AzatBozoyan

basis of documents from the royal Persian (Iranian) archivesunderthe patronage of Vologases, the first king of Armenia (second–first century bce). Amajority of researchers (N.Adontz,²² H. Manandian²³)agree that the History of MarabaMcurnacʽi conserved in the two first chapters of the HistoryofSebeos is identical with Mar Abas Catina’swork as mentioned by Xorenacʽi. The Syriac Garshuni Chronicle by Maribas the Chaldean should be taken into consideration in the same way.²⁴ Acompleteanal- ysis of the genealogical listsofMovsēsXorenacʽi, Sebeos and Maribas can open new ways of research upon these works,aswellasreveal so far unknown historical-phi- lological connections in the Armenian-Syrian world. The historical genre as used by Xorenacʽiiscloselylinked to biblical genealogy. In this aspect,Xorenacʽitakes up the example of Eusebius of Caesarea’s Chronicle. The line of the first Armenian Patriarchs begins with Hayk, the eponymous ancestor of the Armenians (Hayk‛), and ends with Tigranes, contemporary of King Ajdahakof Marastan (that is Media),who livedbefore the campaigns of Alexander the Great. Xorenacʽioutlines the line of patriarchs and kingspreviouslyinpower back to Togar- mah/Togarmas,scion of Japheth, who was the son of the PatriarchNoah. The main feature of this wayofpresentation was transmittedinArmenian historiography, whereitserved in certain cases as an example for the historical works of Leonti Mro- veli (ninth century) and parts of it wereincluded in the Kartʽlis cʽxovreba (TheLife of Georgia), which is one of the most ancient works in Georgianhistoriography.²⁵ Based on sources known to him, MovsēsXorenacʽi, the founderofArmenian historiography, attributes an Arsacid origin to the kingswho ruled Armeniaafter the campaigns of Alexander the Great and parallel to the epoch of the Seleucids. Accord- ing to Xorenacʽi, around 150 –140 bce King Arsaces the BraveofParthia,after revolt- ing against the Seleucids, and chasing them away from his territory,established his brother Vologases as heir to the throne of Armenia.²⁶ Xorenacʽiconnects the reigns of Persian kingstothose of Armenian kingsbyset- ting up chronologicallyconcordant lists based on self-made tables.Asone might ex- pect,the historian oftenmentions Romanemperors as well as persons and events

in the period of Justinian. The Political conditions based on the Naxarar System,trans. with partial revisions,abibliographical note,and appendix by Mina G. Garssoïan, Lisbon, 1970,196.  N. Adontz, The Initial History of Armenia, Tiflis, 1899 (in Russian: Начальная история Армении уСебеоса веяотношениях ктрудам Моисея Хоренского иФауста Византийского. – Византий- ский Временник, т.VIII, вып.1–2, 1899), 64–105;Adontz (cf. fn. 20)196.  Y. Manandean, Works,vol. 1, Yerevan,1977(in Armenian: Հ․ Մանանդեան, Երկեր, Ա, Երևան 1977), 38ff.  Cf. Maribas the Chaldean 1903,Extraits de la Chronique de Maribas Kaldoyo(Mar Abas Catina), Essai de critique historico-littéraire/par Fr.Macler,in: JA,dixième série, t. I, 1903,mai–juin, 491– 549. Michael the Syrien also citesMaribas the Chaldean amongthe sourcesofhis History (Ibid., 493).  Cf. Mélikset-Bek (cf. fn. 15) 74,143 – 147etpassim. It is Adontz whosteers the attention of contemporary researchers to this circumstance(Adontz [cf. fn. 5] t. I, 434).  The Georgian historiographyofthe High Middle Ages has also preserved the tradition that Arsa- cesascended the Armenian throne,cf. Mélikset-Bek(cf. fn. 15) 74 – 75,150 –152. The Depiction of the Arsacid Dynasty in Medieval Armenian Historiography 211

related to the Arsacid kings. Xorenacʽiattributes deeds to the Arsacids that modern historiography ascribes to the Artaxiads (second–first century bce). Apart from the aforementioned account of Flavius Josephus, Graeco-Roman historiographyinstead provides us with indirect evidence that supports Xorenacʽi’sview.²⁷

MovsēsXorenacʽiand the Arsacids

It is not new to saythat Xorenacʽi’swork revolvesaround the history of the royal house of the Arsacids.²⁸ In the second and third book of his work he introduces the history of the Arsacids until the year 428, which is the date of their fall in Arme- nia. Thus, the Arsacids reigned in Armenia for over 500 years according to Xorena- cʽi’schronological system. This datepassed from the Armenian tradition to the By- zantine historian Procopius of Caesarea.²⁹ The chronological line between Xorenacʽi’ssecond and third book is the adoption of Christianity in Armenia under the reign of Tiridates III, the Arsacid. AccordingtoXorenacʽi, the Arsacids are descendants of Keturah, the third wife of Abraham, himself adescendant of Sem, the son of Noah. In this general aspect,this genealogyismaintainedinArme- nian historiographyduringthe following epochs. However,incertain historiographical works of the tenth century,³⁰ the Arsacids and likewisethe Haykians (the descendants of Haykʽ,ancestor of the Armenians)are considered descendants of

 B. Harutʽunian is right to consider the transmissionofthe Parthian title “kingofkings” to Ti- granes the Greatand its return to the Arsacid kings of Persiaasanargument for this point of view.(Cf. B. Harutʽunian, La maison princièredes Artzrounides dans l’histoire d’Arménie, Yerevan, 2016 [in Armenian։Բ․Հարությունյան, Արծրունյաց իշխանական ընտանիքը Հայոց պատմության մեջ, Երևան 2016], 42). Cf. Shahinyan, L’Arménie et les premiers Arsacides, Yerevan, 1993[in Armenian։Լ․Շահինյան, Հայաստանը ևառաջին Արշակունիները, Երևան 1993], 268. The informationreferring to the identity of KingArtavasdes mentioned abovebyFlavius Josephus points in the same direction.  This is what G. Khalatiants,one of the most vehement critics of MovsēsXorenacʽi, did by calling his book MovsēsofXoren and the Armenian Arsacids,cf.: G. Khalatiants,The Armenian Arsacids in the History of Armenia of Moses of Xoren, Moscow,1903 (in Russian։ Г. Халатянц, Армянские Аршакидыв“Истории Армении” Моисея Хоренскго, ч.I.Исследование, ч.II. Материалы, Москва 1903).  Procop.aed. 3.1.6(cf. fn. 20); cf. Procopius of Caesarea. Translation, Introduction, and Notes by H. Bartikian (Foreign Sources on Armenia and the Armenians 5, Byzantine Sources, 1), Yerevan,1967(in Armenian: Պրոկոպիոս Կեսարացի / թարգմանություն բնագրից, առաջաբան և ծանոթագրություններՀ․Բարթիկյանի, Երևան 1967[Օտար աղբյուրները Հայաստանի և հայերի մասին,5,Բյուզանդական աղբյուրներ, Ա], 189); Cf. Adontz (cf. fn. 5) t. II, 280.  Mainly, this is the case with the HistoryofMovsēsKałankatuacʽi,cf.: MovsēsKałankatuacʽi. His- tory of Albania, Critical Text and Introduction by V. Araqelyan,Yerevan, 1983(in Armenian: Մովսէս Կաղանկատուացի, Պատմութիւն Աղուանից աշխարհի / Քննական բնագիրը ևներածությունը՝ Վ․ Առաքելյանի, Երևան 1983). 212 AzatBozoyan

Togarmah/Togarmas.³¹ One of the most important arguments in medieval Armenian and Georgian historiographyisthe idea that the Haykians as well as the Kartʽlossians (accordingtoLeonti Mroveli, Kartʽlos is the ancestor of the Georgians) are descended from the Patriarch Togarmah/Togarmas.³² This argument retraces the initial point for the history of the region to the new beginnings of mankind after the deluge.The Stro- mates (Յաճախապատում)attributed to Gregory the Illuminator and one of the old- est works written in Armenian relates that: “In Armenia and in Persia there is no greater power than the one of the house of the Arsacids, who are the descendants of Abraham and at the same time kingsofall nations in conformity with the word of the Lord.”³³ Deviating from Xorenacʽi, the Stromates does not saythat the Arsacids werethe progeny of the concubine Keturah. It should be noted thatSmbat Davi- tisdze, the Georgian twelfth-century historian, calls Mariam, the mother of KingBa- grat (tenth century), “… the descendant of the magnificent,great and powerful Arsa- cid kings,” even though we know that she was part of the house of Artsruni.³⁴ Moreover it should be noted that Dvin and Ani are referred to as Arsacid³⁵ estates in fourteenth-century Georgian chronicles.However,Parsadan Gorgijanidze, the sev- enteenth-centuryhistorian, writes that before the Bagratids, “the descendants of the Arsacids ruled over Armenians and Georgians.”³⁶ This demonstrates thatpeople from the Caucasian region have preserved the memory of the Arsacidsfor quite some time. Be that as it may, one can assert that the principal subject of Xorenacʽi’stwo final books is the evaluation of the reigns of Arsacid kingsonthe basis of Christian values. This becomes apparent in his individual evaluation of every house and king of the dynasty.From this point of view,one should lookatthe very last chapter of Xorena- cʽi’sbook and his title “Lamentation of the loss of the Armenian throne by the Arsa-

 One assumption of this genre is preserved in the text mentioned above, which is attributed to Pseudo-EpiphaniusorEpiphanius of Cyprus.Cf. Alishan (cf. fn. 13) 31. Cf. as well: Pseudo-Epipha- nius,Sermo de Antichristo(Armeniacadefine temporum), Introducione testo critico, versione latina enote di Giusepe Frasson, Venice, 1976 (Bibliotheca Armeniaca. Textus et Studia, curaacademiae ar- meniacae S. Lazari venetiarum, 2),18, 1. 145 – 150.  Cf. Mélikset-Bek (cf. fn. 15) t. I, 143etpassim.  Gregory the Illuminator,Discourse on the Faith (the Stromates) of Our Father,the Saint and Blessed Gregory the Illuminator,with aPreface,Comparison, and Annotations by A. Ter-Mikélian, St.Etchmiadzin 1894 (in Armenian: Սրբոյ Հօրն մերոյ երանելւոյն Գրիգորի Լուսաւորչի Յաճախապատում ճառքլուսաւորք / Յառաջաբանով, համեմատութեամբեւ ծանօթագրութիւններով Ա․ Տեր-Միքելեանի, Ս․ Էջմիածին 1894), 238.  Cf. Mélikset-Bek (cf. fn. 14)t.I,138–139;Kʽartʽlis cʽxovreba (cf. fn. 16) t. I, 386,25–27.Cf. Abda- ladze (cf. fn. 19) 216.  Cf. Mélikset-Bek (cf. fn. 15) t. II, 54.Cf. Kʽartʽlis cʽxovreba (cf. fn. 16) t. II, p. 186,l.9.  Cf. Mélikset-Bek (cf. fn. 15) t. II, 96;Cf. Abdaladze (cf. fn. 19) 83,134,150,151–153,156–158, 162, 174– 176, 216. The Depiction of the Arsacid Dynasty in Medieval ArmenianHistoriography 213

cid Dynasty and of the archiepiscopate by the familyofGregory the Illuminator.”³⁷ The general characteristics of this idea developed within Armenian literature were passed on to the work De Aedificiis of Procopius of Caesarea (3.1)inthe sixth century. In all likelihood,the work of Procopius is one of the bridges linking Armenian his- toriographytoliteraryworks from the Macedonian epoch, especiallywith the works about the life and deeds of Basil I. Nevertheless,Procopius’swork is no excep- tion in Byzantine literature in respect to the transmission of information on the Ar- sacids. As we have alreadyseen, Theophylact Simocatta underlines the exceptional role of the Arsacids in Persian political life while talking about the last stageofthe Sasanian period.³⁸ TheFrench Byzantinist Christian Settipani has recentlytried to summarise information on the political activities of different politicians originating from the Armenian Arsacids passed on between the sixth and tenth centuries in By- zantium and to recreate familytrees,³⁹ taking up the work of Cyrille Toumanoff.⁴⁰

The Christian Virtues of the Arsacids

The next step in Xorenacʽi’scharacterisation of the Arsacids within the system of Christian values is to correlatethem with the King Agbar of Edessa, who had written aletter to Christ and adopted Christianity.Armenian historiographyfrom the High Middle Ages contains numerous accounts referringtothe relation between representativesofthe Arsacid dynasty and certain episodesinthe propagation of the Chris- tian faith in Armenia. Thisproblem found its solution in the HistoryofArmenia of MovsēsXorenacʽiinwhich the role of intermediary between Abgarand Christ is reserved for the Apostle Thaddeus (or Addai in the Syriac text). This follows the presentation of Eusebius of Caesareaand not the account of Labubna, who was the scribe of King Abgar. Despite knowing Labubna, Xorenacʽifollowed the general direction of the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius of Caesarea in his depiction. However,two ad- ditionsbyXorenacʽidonot exist in Eusebius of Caesarea: The first claims that Abgar was king of Armenia and the second alleges thathe, king of Edessa and contemporary of Christ,was part of the Arsacid dynasty.The second addition is also transmit- ted to other pieces of Armenian literature whereas the first addition can also be

 Cf. MovsēsXorenacʽi, History of Armenia, ed. by M. Abełyanand S. Harutʽiwnyan, Tbilisi 1913 (in Armenian: Մովսիսի Խորենացւոյ Պատմութիւն Հայոց / աշախտությամբ Մ․ Աբեղյանի եւ Ս․ Յարութիւնեանի, Տփnղիս,1913), III, 68.  TheophylactSimocatta (cf. fn. 7) 147– 148, III 18, 6–8.  C. Settipani, Continuité des élitesàByzancedurant les siècles obscurs.Les princes caucasiens et l’empiredes VIe et IXesiècles,Paris,2006,106–130.  C. Toumanoff, Lesdynasties de la Caucase chrétienne de l’Antiquitéjusqu’au XIXesiècle. Tables généalogiques et chronologiques,Rome, 19902,84–91. 214 AzatBozoyan

found in acertain number of historiographical works in Syriac.⁴¹ In addition, the By- zantine world of the Macedonian period did not remain indifferent regarding the rel- ics of King AbgarofEdessa. Theportrait created by divinepower and sent by Christ himself to Abgarand their correspondence has been considered as guarantee for the inviolability of Edessa. Both weretransferred to the Church of the Virgin of Blacher- nae located in adistrict of Constantinople in 944 – there they became one of the most important guarantees for the continuity of the power of the Byzantine Emperor. It seems likelytousthat the description of this historical event did not occur by chance and had been pennedbyConstantine VII Porphyrogennetos (although for the emperor of Byzantium King Abgarwas neither Armenian nor Arsacid).⁴² In the second and third chapter of his History, MovsēsXorenacʽiascribes different Christian virtuestoacertain number of Arsacid kings(both pagan and Christian). ForMovsēsXorenacʽi, the virtues of Arsacid kingsare: courage, majesty,fidelity,wis- dom, and dedicationtoArmenia. Among the pagans, it is Vologases (the Valiant,the Sageetc.),⁴³ the founderofthe Arsacid dynasty who is valued the most; among the Christian kings, it is Tiridates III (the victor, “being resplendent with all virtues”)⁴⁴ under whose reign Gregory the Illuminator propagated the new religion in Armenia. Accordingtoaccounts from Armenian and Byzantine literature, the official adoption of ChristianityinArmenia is ascribed to the activities of King Tiridates III the Arsacid. Tiridates, the first Christian king,isalsopresent in the genealogyofthe Macedonian King Basil I. Nicolas Adontz supposes that this genealogywas created by Photius (r. 858 – 867, 877– 886), patriarch of Byzantium.⁴⁵ Among the works that have been handed down to us, the biographyofBasil I, writtenbyhis grandson Constantine

 Cf. ChroniconAnonimum, Chronicon ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens. I, ed. by J.-B. Chabot, Prae- missum est Chronicon Anonymum ad A.D.819 pertinens.Curante Aphram Barsaum (CSCO 81, Syr.36), Louvain, 1920,120 (= Anonymus d’Édesse, Chronicle: Translation, Introduction, and Notes by L. Ter-Petrosyan, Yerevan 1982[Foreign Sources on Armenia and the Armenians 12, Syriac Sources 2],196 [in Armenian: Անանուն Եդեսացի, Ժամանակագրություն / Թարգմանություն բնագրից, առաջաբան ևծանոթագրություններԼ․Հ․Տեր-Պետրոսյանի, Երևան 1982 (Օտարաղբյուրները Հայաստանի ևհայերի մասին,12, Ասորականաղբյուրներ Բ), 196]). Cf. also:Maribas the Chaldean (cf. fn. 24)534–540.  Cf. ConstantinusPorphyrogennetos,Narratio diversis ex historiis collecta de divina Christi Dei nostra imagine non manufacta ad Augaium missa (PG,t.113,col. 423 – 454); Translation, Introduc- tion, and NotesbyH.Bartikian, Constantine Porphyrogennetos,Yerevan, 1970 (Foreign Sourceson Armenia and the Armenians 6, Byzantine Sources 2),177–220(in Armenian: Կոստանդին Ծիրանածին / Թարգմանություն բնագրից, առաջաբան ևծանոթագրություններՀ․ Բարթիկյանի, Երևան 1970 [Օտար աղբյուրները Հայաստանի ևհայերի մասին,6, Բյուզանդական աղբյուրներԲ]).  MovsēsXorenacʽi, Moïs de Khorène. Histoire de l’Arménie, Nouvelle traduction de l’arménien classique par Annie et Jean-PierreMahé (d’après Victor Langlois) avecune introduction et des notes, Paris,1993, 117, 119ff.  MovsēsXorenacʽi(cf. fn. 37) 229–230, 247–249.  Cf. N. Adontz, L’âge et l’origine de l’empereur Basile I., in: BZ 1933/1934, 81–85,reédition in: N. Adontz, Études arméno-byzantines,Lisbon 1965, 47– 109. The Depiction of the Arsacid Dynasty in Medieval ArmenianHistoriography 215

VII Porphyrogennetos and preserved in the works of the successor of Theophanes the Confessor,acquires conceptual importance:

Now Emperor Basil – for he is the one whom our workintends to present – hailed from Mace- donia, but traced his origins to the nation of the Armenians and his lineage back to the Arsacids: Forsincethe ancient Arsakes, the ruler of the Parthians,had attained great glory and virtue, a lawhad existed in successive generations, [byvirtue of which] the kingofthe Parthians, Arme- nians,and even Medes had to be drawnfromnoother race than that of Arsakes and his descendants.While the aforementionednations were beinggoverned by this dynasty,ithappened that one time when the ruler of the Armenianshad left his life, astruggle ensued over the crown and the succession to that realm. (Trans. Ševcenko)⁴⁶

This means Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos traced the first establishment of the Arsacid dynasty within the borders of the Byzantine Empire back to the years of the reign of Emperor LeoI(r. 457– 474). Intendingtoresist the temptingsolicitations of the Persians,hegavesome land to the Arsacids and set them up in the city of Ni- caea in Macedonia.⁴⁷ After the disappearance of the Sasanians from the political scene, their place was occupied by the Arab Caliphate (probablytowards the end of the eighth century) – however,the influenceofthe Arsacidswas so stronginAr- menia they were also invitedtothe court of the Arab Caliphs.⁴⁸ Accordingtothe con- tinuators of Theophanes “… the Saracens hoped thatifthey had had the descendants of Arsaces under their dominion, they would have been easilyabletogain the Arme- nian people for their cause because this people loved the ancient Arsaces.”⁴⁹ Accord- ing to Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos the Emperor resettled the Arsacidstoavoid this temptation and installed them in the city of Philippi of Macedonia and then af-

 Theophanus Continuatus, Chronographia 1.2 (Chronographiae quae Theophanis continuati no- mine fertur liber quo Vita Basilii Imperatoris amplectur,recensuit Anglicevertit indicibus instruxit I. Ševcenko [CFHB 42], Berlin, Boston, 2011, 11–12): Πλὴνοὖνοὗτος ὃν ὁ λόγος νῦν ὑποδεῖξαι κατε- παγγέλλεται, αὐτοκράτωρ Βασίλειος ὡρμᾶτο μὲν ἐκτῆςΜακεδόνων γῆς, τὸ δὲ γένος εἷλκεν ἐξ ᾿Aρμε- νίων ἔθνους,[σειρᾶςδὲτῶν]᾿Aρσακίδων∙ τοῦ γὰρπαλαιοῦ᾿Aρσάκου, ὃςΠάρθων ἡγήσατο, ἐπὶ μέγα δόξης προελθόντος καὶἀρετῆς, νόμος τοῖς ὕστερον ἐχρημάτισεν μὴἄλλοθεν βασιλεύεσθαι μήτ’ ᾿Aρμε- νίους, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ Μήδους, ἢ παρὰ τοῦ γένους ᾿Aρσάκου καὶ τῶν ἀπογόνων αὐτοῦ. οὕτως οὖντῶν εἰρημένων ἐθνῶν ὑπὸ τῆςτοιαύτης βασιλευομένων σειρᾶς, κατά τινας χρόνους, τοῦ᾿Aρμενίων κατάρ- χοντος ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀποιχομένου συνέβη στάσιν γενέσθαι περὶ τὰ βασίλεια καὶ τοὺςδιαδόχους τῆς τοιαύτης ἀρχῆς.Cf. Theophanus Continuatus, Ioannes Cameniata, Symeon Magister,Georgius Mon- achus,Exrecognitione Immanuelis Bekkeri, Bonnae, 1838, 212–213, I.2; Cf. ContinuatorofTheopha- nus, Translation, Introduction, and NotesbyH.Bartikian, Yerevan,1990 [Foreign Sources on Armenia and the Armenians 15,Byzantine Sources5](in Armenian: Թեոփանեսի Շարունակողի / Թարգմանություն բնագրից, առաջաբանը ևծանոթագրությունները Հրաչ Բարթիկյանի, Երևան 1990 [Օտար աղբյուրները Հայաստանի ևհայերի մասին,15, Բյուզանդական աղբյուրներ Ե]).  Perhapsthis settlement is connected to the revolt led by Vahan Mamikonian, whorestored in 484 Armenia’sautonomy.  Theophanus Continuatus (cf. fn. 46) 14– 15,2.43 – 45.Cf. Bartikian (cf. fn. 46) 128.  Theophanus Continuatus (cf. fn. 46) 14– 15,2.35– 38. Cf. Bartikian (cf. fn. 46) 127–128. 216 AzatBozoyan

terwards to Adrianople wherethey managed “to keep their aristocratic origin and na- tional vision pure and unmixed.”⁵⁰ In his History,Xorenacʽidistinguishesbetween threebranchesofthe Arsacids (the ones of Suren, of Karen, and Ispahbudhan of Parthian-Pahlavi origin).⁵¹ He speaksofthe confrontation that developed between two branches and which was re- solvedthanks to Christianity.Gregory the Illuminator,asurviving descendant from the branch of Suren who propagated the faith fighting against the pagans, even bap- tised Tiridates of Armenia, descendant of the hostile Pahlavi branch. In his medieval history of Armenia, the history of Christianity’spropagation by King Tiridates is dis- playedinmultilingual hagiographicalworks (in Armenian, Greek, Arabic, Syriac and Georgian etc.), as well as in the History of Agatʽangełos. It should be noted that the activities of TiridatesIII are in manyrespects aligned to prominent aspects of Con- stantine the Great’spersonality.⁵² One of the most important occasions for such a comparison is the treaty concluded between Constantine the Great and Tiridatesas- sisted by bishop Sylvester of Rome and bishop Gregory the Illuminator of Armenia. Accordingtomedieval Armenian historiography, the royal power has since been in the hands of the Christian Arsacids, the descendants of Tiridates, and the spiritual power has since been in the handsofGregory the Illuminator,himself descendant of an Arsacid branch. These two branchesofthe Arsacid dynasty playanimportant role in the third book of MovsēsXorenacʽi’s History. Gregory the Illuminator was a memberofthe Surenianbranch of the Pahlavi-Arsacid house (this double title of his family branch is used in almostall Armenian medieval sources).Thanks to his efforts the Christian religion wasofficiallyadopted in Armenia and he thereforebe- came the famous founder of the Armenian Church. As for the ancestors of the Arsa- cids, the biographers of Basil Iclaim descent from bothbranches (Surenian and Karenian). Since the time of Gregory,the holders of the title of catholicos have been the pil- lar of ChristianityinArmenia. The fall of the Arsacid dynasty and the abdication of the patriarchal throne by Sahak Partʽev,who was adescendant and heir to Gregory the Illuminator,werethe main reasons Xorenacʽiwrotethe Lamentation at the end of his History.⁵³ Foralong time after the fifth century,the echoes of attempts aiming at re-establishing the independence of the Armenian Kingdom werepresent in medieval visions and within the framework of Christian eschatological literature.⁵⁴ The

 Theophanus Continuatus (cf. fn. 46) 14,2.51– 53;16–17,I.3.9 – 10.Cf. Bartikian (cf. fn. 46) 128.  On this subject,see Khurshudian (cf. fn. 7) 195–196.  In this context, the biographer of Basil IofMacedonia constructs kinship between Basil and Con- stantine the Great from the maternal side. Cf. Theophanus Continuatus (cf. fn. 45)16, 3.20.Cf. Barti- kian (cf. fn. 46) 129.  Cf. MovsēsXorenacʽi(cf. fn. 37) 358–366.  The first scientific essayinthis field was deliveredbyAchot Hovhannissian in his two-volume monographEpisodes in the History of Armenian Liberation Thought, vol. I, Yerevan,1957 (in Arme- The Depiction of the Arsacid Dynasty in Medieval Armenian Historiography 217

prophecies announcing the return of the Pahlavi-Arsacids playedanimportant role and werealso passed on in the biographyofBasil I. As Constantine VII Porphyrogen- netos says: “It is now that the prediction and prophecy,made 350years agobythe priest and monk Isaac, himself of Arsacid origin, are fulfilled. He had avision and thus learned that after this time, one of the descendants of the Arsacids will hold the sceptreofthe RomanEmpire.”⁵⁵

The ApocalypticalRole of the ArsacidDynasty

In the History of Xorenacʽi, the fall of the Arsacid dynasty was caused by the inter- ruption of the hereditary line of the royal and patriarchal housesofthe Arsacids. From this point of view,the Lamentation of Xorenacʽiisaliterarygeneralisation char- acterizingthe end of the Arsacid epoch. Among the works belongingtothis genre, it can be compared to the Lamentations of Jeremiah in the Old Testament.Armenian historiography has attempted to colour the fall of the Arsacid dynasty in an apoca- lypticalfashion. MovsēsXorenacʽisucceeded in doing exactlythat,connectingArme- nian historiographywith Christian eschatology.After the fifth century,visions attributed to the bearers of the patriarchal title, to the Catholicos Nerses the Great and to Sahak the Parthian(both are members of the Arsacid dynasty and Nerses is Sahak’s father)began to circulate equallyinArmenian, Byzantine and Georgianliterary works.⁵⁶ Alreadyinthe HistoryofFaustus of Byzantium the life of Nerses the Great is conceptualised with an eschatologicalpurpose (Faustus of Byzantium, V 24–28).⁵⁷ In the account of the vision of Sahak Partʽev – found in the history of Łazar Pʽarpecʽi, dated to the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century as well as in the biographyofBasil the Macedonian written by Constantine Porphyr-

nian: Ա․ Հովհաննիսյան, Դրվագներ հայ ազատագրականմտքի պատմության, գիրք առաջին, Երևան 1957).  Cf. Theophanus Continuatus (cf. fn. 46) 147– 148, 19.35–40.Cf. Bartikian (cf. fn. 46) 143.  Cf. Mélikset-Bek, On the Question of the Datingofthe Pamphlets of Pseudo-Isaac in Greco-Byzan- tine Literature, in: VV,vol.VIII, 1956(in Russian։ Л․Мелииксет-Бек, Квопросу одатировке псевдо- исааковских памфлетов вгреко-византийской литературе․ – Византийский Временник, т․ VIII, 1956, с.208–222),208–222.  In the work of Mesrop Vayocʽjorecʽi, the tenth-century biographer of Nerses the Great,the catho- licosforesees the slippingawayofthe patriarchal see from the descendants of Gregory the Illumina- tor, the downfall of the Arsacid dynasty and the appropriation of the True Crossbythe Persians be- forehis own death (cf.: MesropVayocʽjorecʽi, History of the Catholicos St.Nerses Partev, in: Armenian Writers 11:Tenth Century.Historiography, Antelias, Lebanon, 631– 743[in Armenian: Մեսրոպ Վայոցձորեցու Ներսէս ԱՊարթևկաթողիկոսի պատմությունը․ – Մատենագիրք Հայոց, հտ․ ԺԱ․ Ժդար, Պատմագրություն, Անթիլիաս-Լիբանան,2010, էջ 631– 743], 718 – 727). We believe that the followingadditions arethe result of alater redaction of the hagiographical text: “1. Then, the Romans which are called Franks,occupied Jerusalem and took the power away from the Greeks,” cf. ibid. 719, 2. “And they deported the Muslims that fell under the unlimited domination of the Ro- mans,” cf. ibid. 720. 218 AzatBozoyan

ogennetos – the same350 years are mentioned, which pass after the prediction of the fall of the royal house of the Arsacids and the patriarchal house of Gregory the Illu- minator – at the end of this period the return of this houseisforetold (Łazar Pʽarpe- cʽi, XV). N. Adontz,N.Akinian and A. Hovhannissian and H. Bartikian have pointed to the astonishingresemblanceofthe accounts giveninboth works,written in Arme- nian and Greek. Accordingtoone of the most probable hypotheses, the supplement to Pʽarpecʽi’swork was added at the end of the eighth century on the basis of a sourcealsoknown to Patriarch Photius.⁵⁸ Thisprediction is equallyknown to Arseni Sapareli, the Georgianauthor of the ninth century.⁵⁹ Nerses Akinian dates the crea- tion of the first text containingthe prediction to the eighth century.The Armenian apocalyptical literature is rich and varied and the studyofthis medievalliterary genre remains one of the main problems in Armenology. The manuscriptstestifying to the works of this genre are not yetentirely recorded. The eschatological discourse of pseudo-Epiphanius of Salamis testifies to it,treatingthe question of the loss of Ner (the devil’stwin) whenthe new Tiridates appears in Ani, no longer the capital of the Armenian kingdom but the capital of the Georgian.⁶⁰ Pseudo-Epiphanius refers to Agatʽangełos, Xorenacʽiand Faustus of Byzantium as his sources.⁶¹ In the apocalypticalworks attributed to Sahak and preserved in Greek, he equal- ly ascribes an importantrole to the Arsacid in restoringthe royal power.Acertain number of apocalyptical works is bound to the name of this dynasty,ofwhich the most ancient can be found in the historiographical work of Pʽarpecʽi, which has been attributed to Catholicos Sahak Pahlavuni. The above-mentioned facts allow for asearch for the common roots of the Armenian and Byzantine tradition which are closelyconnected to each other and have found fertile soil in the twomedieval

 Cf. Adontz (cf. fn. 45)96; N.Akinian, Die Vision des Hl. Sahak I. Eine literar-historische Untersu- chung, Vienna, 1948 (in Armenian: Հ․Ներսէս վ․ Ակինեան, Տեսիլ Ս․ Սահակայ․ Մատենագրական- պատմական քննություն, Վիեննա 1948 [ԱզգայինՄատենադարան, հատոր ՃԾԵ]), col. 470; Hov- hannissian (cf. fn. 54) I.36–37.Cf. as wellM.Shirinyan,Les liens entrel’Histoire de MovsēsKhoré- natsi et la Généalogie du patriarche Potus-Achtanak I, Yerevan, 1995(in Armenian: Մ․ Շիրինյան, Մովսես Խորենացու “Պատմության” եւ Փոտ պատրիարքի “Ծննդաբանության” աղերսները․ – Աշտանակ, Ա, Երևան 1995), 85 – 96.  Mélikset-Bek(cf. fn. 15) t. I, 38–39,57; Cf. Mélikset-Bek, The Georgian “Version” of the “Prophecy” of Sahak Parthev,in: Bulletin of the University of Tibilisi, 2, 1921–1925 (in Georgian: ლეეონ მელიქსეთ-ბეგი, ქართულივერსია საჰაკ პართელისწინასწარმეტყველებისა. – ტფილისის უნივერსიტეტის მოამბე, ტ. II, გვ.1921, 200 –221), 200–221; L. Mélikset-Bekov,Onthe Georgian Version of the Apocryphal Vision of Sahak Parthev on the Fate of Armenia. News fromthe Institute for the Historical Archaeology of Caucasia, vol. II, Leningrad, 1917–1925 (in Russian: Л.Меликсет- Бек, Огрузинской версии апокрифического ВиденияСаака Парфянина осудьбе Армении. – ИзвестияКавказского Историко-Археологического Института, Ленинград 1917–1925, с. 164–176), 164–176.  Pseudo-Epiphanius(cf. 31) 1976,§18, l.145 – 152, §20, l.171, §22, l.210,§40,l.365–367, 100 –103; Cf. Pseudo-Epiphanius(cf. fn. 13) 752, n. 1.  Pseudo-Epiphanius(cf. 31) 20,l.170 – 174. The Depiction of the Arsacid Dynasty in Medieval Armenian Historiography 219

Christian literatures in creatingthe generous and pro-Christian imageofthe Arsa- cids. Accordingtothe Armenian medieval historiographic tradition manyofthe catholicoi who occupied the patriarchal see of Armenia between the eleventh and twelfth centuries (since Gregory II Martyrophilos until Gregory VI Apirat) emergedfrom the Pahlavunis. With the objectiveofrestoring nationalsovereignty (e.g., kingdom), the Armenian princely houses of Cilicia as well as Armenian communities around the world nurtured ideas of enthroning the Arsacidsboth on the seeofthe catholicos and the royal throne for along time. In the nineteenth century, there wereattempts to use the example of the Arsacid house to gain political primacy in the years of the Crimean war,⁶² when international politics began to show interest in the Armenian question.

 From this viewpoint, it is interestingtonote that abook published in the nineteenth century car- ryingthe characteristics of Dédéyan of Smyrna starts the genealogy of the royal house of England with the Arsacids (cf. S. M. Vanandetzie, Descent of HerMajesty Victoria Queen of England from the Arsacid Kings of Armenia, Treated by M. Dedeyan, Smyrna, 1866).