Introduction
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THE SOCIAL SITUATION IN THE CHECHEN REPUBLIC: PROBLEMS AND TRENDS Musa Yusupov Introduction The Chechen Republic lies at the very heart of the North Caucasus. Its territory comprises around 15.6 thousand square km. It shares its western border with Ingushetia, but this border is not yet defined. In 2011, the population was 1,275,219, of which 34.4 percent were in urban areas and 64.4 percent in rural areas. 95.3 percent are ethnic Chechens, 1.9 percent are Russian, 1 percent Kumyks and 1.9 percent come from other ethnic groups – Ingush, Avars, Nogais and others (2010 census). Chechnya was annexed by Russia as a result of the Caucasus war in 1859, and in 1922 the Chechen autonomous oblast was formed as part of the Russian Soviet Socialist Republic. The Chechen and Ingush autonomous oblast were unified into a Chechen-Ingush autonomous oblast in 1934, and in 1936 the unified area became an autonomous republic. In 1944 the Chechen and Ingush peoples were deported to Kazakhstan and other parts of Central Asia. In 1957 the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was reinstated. On 6 September 1991 there was a change in Soviet leadership in Chechnya-Ingushetia, on 1 November the sovereignty of the Chechen Republic was announced and in 1992 the Ingush Republic was formed. The Chechen conflict in 1991 did not take place on the basis of interethnic, interreligious or intra-religious tensions, but on the basis of a socio-political crisis: the sharpening of contradictions between socio-economic groups, the population and the authorities, which grew into a nationalist political conflict between the Federal Centre and the Republic. The conflict in Chechnya grew into wars (1994–1996, 1999–2003). During the second campaign, the conflict was extinguished by military force. Subsequently, the administration of the Chechen Republic, which was nominated by the centre, was legitimised by the 2003 referendum on the new Chechen Constitution, the presidential election and then Chechen parliamentary elections. On 26 April 2009 the Counter-Terrorist Operational (CTO) regime was abolished in the Chechen Republic. The head of the Chechen Republic and its Parliament are elected for 5 years. The Parliament has one chamber, and works on full-time basis. Ramzan Kadyrov is the Head of the Republic. The post-conflict situation in the Chechen Republic is characterised by active efforts to reconstruct and develop its socio-economic infrastructure. In recent years, there have been significant achievements in the reconstruction and development of Grozny, as well as other towns and communities. Currently, Grozny, which was destroyed during the war, has been reconstructed and several modern cultural and social facilities have been built; the towns of Gudermes, Argun and other communities are also being reconstructed. Social institutions, including those providing healthcare, education and culture, are functioning. The opening of Grozny City, a business centre and large medical complex, on 5 October 2011 was a socially important event. Saferworld The revival and development of the economy is not flowing as quickly. The oil industry, agriculture and the service sector are at the core of the economy, and over 90 percent of the republic’s income is subsidised. More than half of the population of the working age does not have a job. Registered unemployment is 27.2 percent.1 Methodology Research Approach The approach identifies the socio-economic interdependence between the quality of life, social sense of wellbeing and the people’s confidence in the future. Meanwhile, cultural values and norms, ethnic, religious and other types of self-identification are viewed as relatively independent phenomena which are not directly connected to the current situation. Methods These consisted of collecting information through interviews conducted by experts, focus groups and conversations with officials. In total, there were 11 interviews with specialists in the social sciences, and representatives of youth and human rights organisations. Focus groups were organised in September 2011 with non-governmental organisation (NGO) leaders; representatives of small and medium business and farming enterprises; students and young people not in education; the self-employed; and doctors and teachers. A theme-based questionnaire was prepared for each meeting and a key focus of all conversations was the social aspect of everyday life. The work mainly took place in Grozny, there was one focus group in Urus-Martan, and there were separate conversations with people living in Shalinski and Vedenski rural settlements. The participants chose the language they preferred to speak in; all the interviews took place in Russian, there were two focus groups in Russian, three in Russian and Chechen and one in Chechen. The aim of the research investigation was to identify social problems of concern to the population, unveil their underlying causes, determine to what extent the measures to address them are effective, and determine and evaluate the potential for further improvement of the social situation and the wellbeing of the people. The results of the study The problems which emerged through the discussions can be classified as follows: social, economic, judicial, cultural and political. Some of them require solutions at an institutional level, while others – on the organisational/operational level; the federal, regional and local institutions and organisations each have their areas of responsibility and a role to play in solving these problems. 1 The figure was given by Prime Minister Vladimir Putin during his trip to Gudermes on 20 December 2011, in Кира Латухина, «Кавказский Маршрут», Российская Газета, 21 декабря 2011. 2 The North Caucasus: Views from Within Discussion participants raised socio-economic and judicial themes on their own initiative, while problems in the cultural, ethnic and religious spheres were most often addressed only when the moderator introduced the topics. Key social gradations Ethnicity/identity The political component of ethnicity, or rather of a region’s ethno-social commonality, manifests itself through the self-organisation of the republic and the existence of limited sovereignty along with the right to autonomy. However, ethnicity has become somewhat less instrumental since the 1990s; the ‘ethno-political’ has declined from being at the centre stage to a sleeping regime, and how active it will be in future will depend on processes within the country and the North Caucasus region. At this point it is appropriate to contrast two differing opinions from the interviews. In one, the political aspect of ethnicity was regarded as a ‘favourite political myth’. According to this view, if the desire for ethnic identification is ‘justified’ in society undergoing a transition, as a defensive reaction, which exists for the ethnic group’s survival, then in times of peace this desire leads to a further escalation of conflict. 2 According to another point of view, today ethnicity cannot be a factor in community development by itself; it leads the society to self-isolation. Only inclusion into the international civilisational process will allow the ethnic group to take its rightful place in the general mosaic of different peoples. The concept of multi-ethnicity has a strong political aspect to it, since in this context it is relevant to both a multi-ethnic country and a ‘super-ethnic’ region – the North Caucasus.3 According to sociological studies, interviews and focus groups, national (ethnic) commonality in the Chechen social consciousness is primarily characterised by features like traditions, language and religion; other characteristics mentioned were territory, self- awareness, character traits and appearance, historical memory, ‘blood’ and the existence of nationhood (the republic). Opinions given in interviews, and shared by humanitarian experts, are that ethno- territorial identification in Chechnya is significantly more important than pan-Russian identification and self-identification as Russian citizens.4 This is likely to have been the result of the armed conflict in the region and its consequences, i.e. the localisation of social and physical survival. Feelings like this can change in the long run. In this situation, a more important factor is the dominance of traditional elements in social and cultural life and within the social consciousness. It is the existence of a traditional segment within the culture that determines the dominance of local identities in the region, such as family, 2 Interview ‘Social and ethnic situation’, No 1, 14.09.2001. 3 Interview ‘Ethnicity and religiosity’ No 6, 24.09.2011. 4 Sociological study ‘Interests, norms, values’, Chechen Republic, 2003, sample size: 1,060 people. Sociological study ‘The region’s socio-cultural problems’, Chechen Republic, 2009, sample size: 1,000 people. 3 Saferworld relatives, friends, people of the same generation, those who share the same territory – a community or a republic. Humanitarian experts also share this view. For example, one of the interviewees said that a person’s world view and social behaviour are influenced by ethnicity more than by anything else. “This is explained by the fact that ethnicity is an older phenomenon than religion; in pagan times ethnic culture had already been formed. Throughout the development of ethnic qualities the ethnic group came into being as a distinctive phenomenon.” 5 Another interviewee pointed out the wide variety of self-identifications. “More often than not, for