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Nationalism in India Lesson
DC-1 SEM-2 Paper: Nationalism in India Lesson: Beginning of constitutionalism in India Lesson Developer: Anushka Singh Research scholar, Political Science, University of Delhi 1 Institute of Lifelog learning, University of Delhi Content: Introducing the chapter What is the idea of constitutionalism A brief history of the idea in the West and its introduction in the colony The early nationalists and Indian Councils Act of 1861 and 1892 More promises and fewer deliveries: Government of India Acts, 1909 and 1919 Post 1919 developments and India’s first attempt at constitution writing Government of India Act 1935 and the building blocks to a future constitution The road leading to the transfer of power The theory of constitutionalism at work Conclusion 2 Institute of Lifelog learning, University of Delhi Introduction: The idea of constitutionalism is part of the basic idea of liberalism based on the notion of individual’s right to liberty. Along with other liberal notions,constitutionalism also travelled to India through British colonialism. However, on the one hand, the ideology of liberalism guaranteed the liberal rightsbut one the other hand it denied the same basic right to the colony. The justification to why an advanced liberal nation like England must colonize the ‘not yet’ liberal nation like India was also found within the ideology of liberalism itself. The rationale was that British colonialism in India was like a ‘civilization mission’ to train the colony how to tread the path of liberty.1 However, soon the English educated Indian intellectual class realised the gap between the claim that British Rule made and the oppressive and exploitative reality of colonialism.Consequently,there started the movement towards autonomy and self-governance by Indians. -
The Ghadar Movement: Why Socialists Should Learn About It
Socialist Studies / Études socialistes 13 (2) Fall 2018 Copyright © 2018 The Author(s) Article THE GHADAR MOVEMENT: WHY SOCIALISTS SHOULD LEARN ABOUT IT RADHA D’SOUZA University of Westminster KASIM ALI TIRMIZEY York University Exile did not suit me, I took it for my homeland When the noose of my net tightened, I called it my nest. Mirza Asadullah Khan “Ghalib” [b. December 1797, Agra, India, d. February 1869, Delhi, India]1 I In May 2016 Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau formally apologized on behalf of the Government of Canada for the 1914 Komagata Maru incident, a singular event in the anti-colonial struggle against the British Empire launched by the newly formed Ghadar Party in North America. The apology came even as the anti-migrant vitriol in the wider society amplified. In late 2013 and again in early 2014, a memorial for the Ghadar martyrs in Harbour Green Park in Vancouver was vandalised twice within months. Notwithstanding the antagonism against immigrants in the public domain, Trudeau’s apology had settled Canada’s accounts with history and able to “move on.” The Trudeau government appointed Harjit Sajjan, a retired Lieutenant Colonel and war veteran in the Canadian Army as the defence minister, the first South Asian to hold the position. In 2011, Harjit Singh was interestingly made the commanding officer of one of the Canadian Army regiments that was historically involved in preventing passengers aboard the Komagata Maru from disembarking. Harjit Sajjan was deployed in Afghanistan where he used his familiarity with language, culture and traditions of the region in favour of imperialist agendas in the region, the very Afghanistan where the Ghadarites from his home state were instrumental in establishing the first government-in-exile of free India a hundred years ago. -
The Khilafat Movement in India 1919-1924
THE KHILAFAT MOVEMENT IN INDIA 1919-1924 VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR T AAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE 62 THE KHILAFAT MOVEMENT IN INDIA 1919-1924 A. C. NIEMEIJER THE HAGUE - MAR TINUS NIJHOFF 1972 I.S.B.N.90.247.1334.X PREFACE The first incentive to write this book originated from a post-graduate course in Asian history which the University of Amsterdam organized in 1966. I am happy to acknowledge that the university where I received my training in the period from 1933 to 1940 also provided the stimulus for its final completion. I am greatly indebted to the personal interest taken in my studies by professor Dr. W. F. Wertheim and Dr. J. M. Pluvier. Without their encouragement, their critical observations and their advice the result would certainly have been of less value than it may be now. The same applies to Mrs. Dr. S. C. L. Vreede-de Stuers, who was prevented only by ill-health from playing a more active role in the last phase of preparation of this thesis. I am also grateful to professor Dr. G. F. Pijper who was kind enough to read the second chapter of my book and gave me valuable advice. Beside this personal and scholarly help I am indebted for assistance of a more technical character to the staff of the India Office Library and the India Office Records, and also to the staff of the Public Record Office, who were invariably kind and helpful in guiding a foreigner through the intricacies of their libraries and archives. -
Jallianwala Bagh Massacre (Also Known As the Amritsar Massacre) Was a Notorious Episode in the History of British Colonialism in India
DEBATE PACK CDP 2019-0085 (2019) | 8 April 2019 Compiled by: Jallianwala Bagh Tim Robinson Subject specialist: massacre Jon Lunn Contents Westminster Hall 1. Background 2 2. Press Articles 4 Tuesday 9 April 2019 3. Parliamentary material 6 3.1 PQs 6 2.30pm to 4.00pm 3.2 Debates 7 3.1 Early Day Motions 9 Debate initiated by Bob Blackman MP 3.2 Foreign Affairs Committee 10 4. Further reading 11 The proceedings of this debate can be viewed on Parliamentlive.tv The House of Commons Library prepares a briefing in hard copy and/or online for most non-legislative debates in the Chamber and Westminster Hall other than half-hour debates. Debate Packs are produced quickly after the announcement of parliamentary business. They are intended to provide a summary or overview of the issue being debated and identify relevant briefings and useful documents, including press and parliamentary material. More detailed briefing can be prepared for Members on request to the Library. www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 Number CDP 2019-0085, 8 April 2019 1. Background The 13 April 1919 Jallianwala Bagh massacre (also known as the Amritsar massacre) was a notorious episode in the history of British colonialism in India. Britannica provides this overview: British troops fired on a large crowd of unarmed Indians in an open space known as the Jallianwala Bagh in Amritsar in the Punjab region (now in Punjab state) of India, killing several hundred people and wounding many hundreds more. It marked a turning point in India’s modern history, in that it left a permanent scar on Indo-British relations and was the prelude to Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi’s full commitment to the cause of Indian nationalism and independence from Britain. -
Encyclopedia of Law & Society
Encyclopedia of Law & Society: American and Global Perspectives Civil Disobedience Contributors: Shubhankar Dam Editors: David S. Clark Book Title: Encyclopedia of Law & Society: American and Global Perspectives Chapter Title: "Civil Disobedience" Pub. Date: 2007 Access Date: December 08, 2014 Publishing Company: Sage Publications, Inc. City: Thousand Oaks Print ISBN: 9780761923879 Online ISBN: 9781412952637 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412952637.n95 Print pages: 196-199 ©2007 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. This PDF has been generated from SAGE knowledge. Please note that the pagination of the online version will vary from the pagination of the print book. SAGE ©2007 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. SAGE knowledge http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412952637.n95 Scholars often credit Henry David Thoreau (1817–1862) with the origin of the term civil disobedience in his essay of the same name, which he wrote after spending a night in jail in 1846 for refusing to pay the Massachusetts poll tax. As a concept in political theory, civil disobedience has defied definitional precision. Writers frequently use conscientious evasion, conscientious refusal, nonviolent resistance, pacifism, and passive resistance to convey ideas similar to civil disobedience. David Daube (1909– 1999) argued that civil disobedience is “an offense against human authority, committed openly in a higher cause, or a cause thought to be higher” (1972: 1). John Rawls (1921– 2002) endeavored to constitutionally theorize civil disobedience by defining it as “a public, nonviolent, conscientious yet political act contrary to law usually done with the aim of bringing about a change in the law or policies of the government” (2000: 363). -
Morley Minto Reforms to Civil Disobedience Movement Indian Councils Act(1909) - Minto- Morley Reforms
Morley Minto Reforms to Civil Disobedience Movement Indian Councils Act(1909) - Minto- Morley Reforms ● Act increased the number of elected members in the imperial & provincial legislative councils. ● 1st attempt at introducing a representative & popular element: Direct election for some seats along with nominations for the others. ● At least 1 Indian in the Viceroy’s Executive Council ( Satyendra Sinha was the 1st to be appointed as the law member ). Separate Electorate ● Reforms introduced the system of separate electorates. ● Act ‘legalised communalism’ & Minto came to be known as the Father of Communal Electorate. Delhi Darbar(1911) ❑ Set up to welcome King George V. ❑ Decisions taken during this were: ❑ Annulment of Partition of Bengal but Separation of Bihar & Orissa from Bengal ❑ Transfer of capital from Calcutta to Delhi in 1912 The Ghadr ❑ The Ghadr Party was a revolutionary group organized around a weekly newspaper. ❑ The Ghadr had its headquarters at San Francisco. ❑ These revolutionaries included mainly ex-soldiers & peasants who had migrated from the Punjab in search of better employment opportunities. Continued… ❑ They were based in the US & Canadian cities along the western (Pacific) coast. ❑ To carry out revolutionary activities, the earlier activists had set up a 'Swadesh Sevak Home' at Vancouver & 'United India House' in Seattle. ❑ Tarak Nath Das, an Indian student started a paper called Free Hindustan. Where were the Ghadr revolutionaries , who became active during the outbreak of the World War I based? (a) Central America (b) North America (c) West America (d) South America Komagata Maru incident ❑ Komagata Maru was the name of a ship which was carrying 376 passengers, mainly Sikh & Punjabi Muslim would-be immigrants, from Hongkong to Vancouver. -
The Black Hole of Empire
Th e Black Hole of Empire Th e Black Hole of Empire History of a Global Practice of Power Partha Chatterjee Princeton University Press Princeton and Oxford Copyright © 2012 by Princeton University Press Requests for permission to reproduce material from this work should be sent to Permissions, Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 6 Oxford Street, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1TW press.princeton.edu All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Chatterjee, Partha, 1947- Th e black hole of empire : history of a global practice of power / Partha Chatterjee. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-691-15200-4 (hardcover : alk. paper)— ISBN 978-0-691-15201-1 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Bengal (India)—Colonization—History—18th century. 2. Black Hole Incident, Calcutta, India, 1756. 3. East India Company—History—18th century. 4. Imperialism—History. 5. Europe—Colonies—History. I. Title. DS465.C53 2011 954'.14029—dc23 2011028355 British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available Th is book has been composed in Adobe Caslon Pro Printed on acid-free paper. ∞ Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 To the amazing surgeons and physicians who have kept me alive and working This page intentionally left blank Contents List of Illustrations ix Preface xi Chapter One Outrage in Calcutta 1 Th e Travels of a Monument—Old Fort William—A New Nawab—Th e Fall -
03 1. Why Did Gandhiji Organise Satyagraha in 1917 in Kheda District of Gujarat?
CLASS:-10TH, HISTORY, MCQ QUESTIONS ,CHAPTER:-03 NATIONALISM IN INDIA 1. Why did Gandhiji organise Satyagraha in 1917 in Kheda district of Gujarat? (a) To support the plantation workers (b) To protest against high revenue demand (c) To support the mill workers to fulfil their demand (d) To demand loans for the farmers Answer: b 2. Why was Satyagraha organised in Champaran in 1916? (a) To oppose the British laws (b) To oppose the plantation system (c) To oppose high land revenue (d) To protest against the oppression of the mill workers Answer:-b 2. Why was the Simon Commission sent to India? (a) To look into the Indian constitutional matter and suggest reform (b) To choose members of Indian Council (c) To settle disputes between the government and the Congress leaders (d) To set up a government organisation Answer: a 4. Why was Alluri Sitarama Raju well known? (a) He led the militant movement of tribal peasants in Andhra Pradesh. (b) He led a peasant movement in Avadh. (c) He led a satyagraha movement in Bardoli. (d) He set up an organisation for the uplifment of the dalits. Answer: a 5. Why did General Dyer open fire on peaceful crowd in Jallianwalla Bagh? Mark the most important factor. (a) To punish the Indians (b) To take revenge for breaking martial laws (c) To create a feeling of terror and awe in the mind of Indians (d) To disperse the crowd Answer: c 6. What kind of movement was launched by the tribal peasants of Gudem Hills in Andhra Pradesh? (a) Satyagraha Movement (b) Militant Guerrilla Movement (c) Non-Violent Movement (d) None of the above Answer: b 7. -
1 the Pakistan Movement: a Prologue
1 The Pakistan Movement: A Prologue While the administrative and legal uniformity of British India appeared to be an impressive achievement, the increasing commu nal, religious, cultural and political diversities together with new educational and politico-economic prospects were producing a curious situation. In the post-1857 decades South Asian Mus lims suffered from alienation and a deep sense of loss as the British held them mainly responsible for the outbreak of the revolt. The lack ofmanoeuvrability, with no realleadership and an almost complete absence of channels and opportunities avail able to the wider community, left them in astate of chaos. 1 The early traditions of revivalism and resistance would need many more decades and intellects to regenerate a dynamic sense of self-preservation. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Syed Ameer Ali tried to reconcile the Muslims to the new realities by stressing 'adjustment' to rather than 'rejection' of western ideas and institutions.2 But it was not until a generation after them and 'the founding fathers' of the Indian National Congress (INC) that a new leaf was turned which enabled the All-India Muslim League (AIML) to emerge in Dacca in 1906.3 The pre-First World War years saw increased political act ivism in the subcontinent when both the Congress and the Muslim League started a new phase in their political career. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah joined the League at a time when the reforms of 1909 had already been promulgated and the partition of Bengal had been annulled by the British - who also transferred the capital from Calcutta to Delhi.4 In the wake ofthe Balkan wars, pan-Islamism had already caused a stir among the South Asian Muslims who regarded the Ottoman caliphate as the last symbolic vestige of waning Muslim glory. -
GHOSH, DURBA. Gentlemanly Terrorists. Political Violence and The
548 Book Reviews GHOSH,DURBA. Gentlemanly Terrorists. Political Violence and the Colonial State in India, 1919–1947. [Critical Perspectives on Empire.] Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2017. xv, 275 pp. Ill. £69.99. (Paper: £23.99; E-book $24.00). Durba Ghoshʼs book Gentlemanly Terrorists complements other recent histories that make a concerted attempt to highlight the place of militant political actors in the Indian freedom movement and to de-centre Gandhian/non-violent politics as the be all and end all of the anti-colonial struggle.1 As the title implies, with its reference to a gentlemanly (bhadralok) class of offenders, Ghosh deals with the history of Bengali militancy especially around 1920 to the late 1930s. But unlike other recent histories, the author does not focus on the revolutionaries them- selves (or their international connections and sojourns), but rather on the administrative machine designed to tackle the threat they represented. Specifically, she traces the expansion of a system of repressive laws that suspended civil rights for those suspected of sedition, and the associated growth of a specialized system of detention facilities. Four particular deten- tion camps, and especially the camp at Deoli, are closely examined in the second half of the study. Through this empirical account, the author makes a paradigmatic case about the “state of exception” that lurks at the core of the modern state – and that casts a long shadow over postcolonial India with its myriad repressive and pre-emptive laws that bear a close resemblance to the colonial-era ordinances and regulations she explores here (pp. 252–256). -
Jallianwala Bagh Massacre
Jallianwala Bagh Massacre drishtiias.com/printpdf/jallianwala-bagh-massacre (This editorial is based on the article 'Deep Regret is Simply Not Good Enough' which appeared in 'The Hindu' on 12th April, 2019. The article talks about Jallianwala Bagh Massacre which will soon be completing 100 years of its occurrence.) Jallianwala Bagh’s importance lies not in the numbers killed but in what preceded it and in what followed. The Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes Act of 1919, better known as the Rowlatt Act, came into force a month before the massacre in Jallianwala Bagh. It shocked most Indians who had expected to be rewarded, not punished, for willingly fighting alongside the British in the First World War. A long due formal British apology came on the occasion of the centenary of the horrific Jallianwala Bagh massacre, but the question however remains - Is It Enough? Run up to the event During World War I (1914–18) the British government of India enacted a series of repressive emergency powers that were intended to combat subversive activities. By the war’s end, expectations were high among the Indian populace that those measures would be eased and that India would be given more political autonomy. The Montagu-Chelmsford Report, presented to the British Parliament in 1918, did in fact recommend limited local self-government. Instead, however, the government of India passed what became known as the Rowlatt Acts in early 1919, which essentially extended the repressive wartime measures. The acts were met by widespread anger and discontent among Indians, notably in the Punjab region. Gandhi in early April called for a one-day general strike throughout the country. -
Annie Besant: the Brilliant Outsider 1847-1933
15 Annie Besant: The Brilliant Outsider 1847-1933 Monica Leonards Britons must give up the idea that India is a possession to be exploited for their own benefit, and must see her as a friend, an equal, a Self-Governing Dominion within the Empire, a Nation like themselves, a willing partner in the Empire, but not a dependent.tt (Congress Presidential Address given December 26, 1917.)1 Annie Besant was not the first Briton to hold a prominent position in Indian nationalist politics, but she was the last to rise to its leadership. Her unique assets of personality, position and race made her the ideal person to transform the Indian National Congress from a complacent organization to an energetic one during the years of the first World War. But her essentially conservative position, belied by her strident rhetoric, made it impossible for her to retain a leadership role for long. Annie Wood was born October 1, 1847 in London; she was privately educated and early on expressed a deep interest in religion and spirituality. She was married in 1866 to the reverend Frank Besant, and she soon bore two children. In 1871 the serious illness of her daughter provoked a crisis of faith, and by 1875 she was separated from her husband and lecturing on atheism. This was the beginning of nearly twenty years’ involvement in the major social issues of the day. As George Lansbury, the Labour MP who would later introduce her Commonwealth of India Bill into Parliament, said of her: To write fully about her activities in the social and political life of Britain would be to write almost in full the story of social and political change from 1874 to the time she left for India.