Freedom Struggle in Delhi Rowlatt Satyagraha to Civil Disobedience Movement
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Anchoring Heritage with History—Minto Hall
Oprint from & PER is published annually as a single volume. Copyright © 2014 Preservation Education & Research. All rights reserved. Articles, essays, reports and reviews appearing in this journal may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, except for classroom and noncommercial use, including illustrations, in any form (beyond copying permitted by sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law), without written permission. ISSN 1946-5904 PRESERVATION EDUCATION & RESEARCH Preservation Education & Research (PER) disseminates international peer-reviewed scholarship relevant to historic environment education from fields such as historic EDITORS preservation, heritage conservation, heritage studies, building Jeremy C. Wells, Roger Williams University and landscape conservation, urban conservation, and cultural ([email protected]) patrimony. The National Council for Preservation Education (NCPE) launched PER in 2007 as part of its mission to Rebecca J. Sheppard, University of Delaware exchange and disseminate information and ideas concerning ([email protected]) historic environment education, current developments and innovations in conservation, and the improvement of historic environment education programs and endeavors in the United BOOK REVIEW EDITOR States and abroad. Gregory Donofrio, University of Minnesota Editorial correspondence, including manuscripts for ([email protected]) submission, should be emailed to Jeremy Wells at jwells@rwu. edu and Rebecca Sheppard at [email protected]. Electronic submissions are encouraged, but physical materials can be ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD mailed to Jeremy Wells, SAAHP, Roger Williams University, One Old Ferry Road, Bristol, RI 02809, USA. Articles Steven Hoffman, Southeast Missouri State University should be in the range of 4,500 to 6,000 words and not be Carter L. Hudgins, Clemson University/College of Charleston under consideration for publication or previously published elsewhere. -
The Ghadar Movement: Why Socialists Should Learn About It
Socialist Studies / Études socialistes 13 (2) Fall 2018 Copyright © 2018 The Author(s) Article THE GHADAR MOVEMENT: WHY SOCIALISTS SHOULD LEARN ABOUT IT RADHA D’SOUZA University of Westminster KASIM ALI TIRMIZEY York University Exile did not suit me, I took it for my homeland When the noose of my net tightened, I called it my nest. Mirza Asadullah Khan “Ghalib” [b. December 1797, Agra, India, d. February 1869, Delhi, India]1 I In May 2016 Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau formally apologized on behalf of the Government of Canada for the 1914 Komagata Maru incident, a singular event in the anti-colonial struggle against the British Empire launched by the newly formed Ghadar Party in North America. The apology came even as the anti-migrant vitriol in the wider society amplified. In late 2013 and again in early 2014, a memorial for the Ghadar martyrs in Harbour Green Park in Vancouver was vandalised twice within months. Notwithstanding the antagonism against immigrants in the public domain, Trudeau’s apology had settled Canada’s accounts with history and able to “move on.” The Trudeau government appointed Harjit Sajjan, a retired Lieutenant Colonel and war veteran in the Canadian Army as the defence minister, the first South Asian to hold the position. In 2011, Harjit Singh was interestingly made the commanding officer of one of the Canadian Army regiments that was historically involved in preventing passengers aboard the Komagata Maru from disembarking. Harjit Sajjan was deployed in Afghanistan where he used his familiarity with language, culture and traditions of the region in favour of imperialist agendas in the region, the very Afghanistan where the Ghadarites from his home state were instrumental in establishing the first government-in-exile of free India a hundred years ago. -
Jallianwala Bagh Massacre (Also Known As the Amritsar Massacre) Was a Notorious Episode in the History of British Colonialism in India
DEBATE PACK CDP 2019-0085 (2019) | 8 April 2019 Compiled by: Jallianwala Bagh Tim Robinson Subject specialist: massacre Jon Lunn Contents Westminster Hall 1. Background 2 2. Press Articles 4 Tuesday 9 April 2019 3. Parliamentary material 6 3.1 PQs 6 2.30pm to 4.00pm 3.2 Debates 7 3.1 Early Day Motions 9 Debate initiated by Bob Blackman MP 3.2 Foreign Affairs Committee 10 4. Further reading 11 The proceedings of this debate can be viewed on Parliamentlive.tv The House of Commons Library prepares a briefing in hard copy and/or online for most non-legislative debates in the Chamber and Westminster Hall other than half-hour debates. Debate Packs are produced quickly after the announcement of parliamentary business. They are intended to provide a summary or overview of the issue being debated and identify relevant briefings and useful documents, including press and parliamentary material. More detailed briefing can be prepared for Members on request to the Library. www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 Number CDP 2019-0085, 8 April 2019 1. Background The 13 April 1919 Jallianwala Bagh massacre (also known as the Amritsar massacre) was a notorious episode in the history of British colonialism in India. Britannica provides this overview: British troops fired on a large crowd of unarmed Indians in an open space known as the Jallianwala Bagh in Amritsar in the Punjab region (now in Punjab state) of India, killing several hundred people and wounding many hundreds more. It marked a turning point in India’s modern history, in that it left a permanent scar on Indo-British relations and was the prelude to Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi’s full commitment to the cause of Indian nationalism and independence from Britain. -
THE COAT of ARMS an Heraldic Journal Published Twice Yearly by the Heraldry Society the COAT of ARMS the Journal of the Heraldry Society
Third Series Vol. II part 2. ISSN 0010-003X No. 212 Price £12.00 Autumn 2006 THE COAT OF ARMS an heraldic journal published twice yearly by The Heraldry Society THE COAT OF ARMS The journal of the Heraldry Society Third series Volume II 2006 Part 2 Number 212 in the original series started in 1952 The Coat of Arms is published twice a year by The Heraldry Society, whose registered office is 53 High Street, Burnham, Slough SL1 7JX. The Society was registered in England in 1956 as registered charity no. 241456. Founding Editor † John Brooke-Little, C.V.O., M.A., F.H.S. Honorary Editors C. E. A. Cheesman, M.A., PH.D., Rouge Dragon Pursuivant M. P. D. O'Donoghue, M.A., Bluemantle Pursuivant Editorial Committee Adrian Ailes, B.A., F.S.A., F.H.S. Jackson W. Armstrong, B.A. Andrew Hanham, B.A., PH.D Advertizing Manager John Tunesi of Liongam PLATE 4 Osmond Barnes, Chief Herald at the Imperial Assemblage at Delhi, 1876-7 Private Collection. See page 108. HERALDS AT THE DELHI DURBARS Peter O 'Donoghue Three great imperial durbars took place on the Ridge outside Delhi during the height of the British Raj, on a site which was associated with the heroics of the Mutiny. The first durbar, in 1876-77, proclaimed Queen Victoria as Empress of India, whilst the second and third, in 1902-3 and 1911, proclaimed the accessions of Edward VII and George V respectively. All three drew upon Indian traditions of ceremonial meetings or durbars between rulers and ruled, and in particular upon the Mughal Empire's manner of expressing its power to its subject princes. -
Urdu in Hyderabad State*
tariq rahman Urdu in Hyderabad State* The state of Hyderabad was carved out in 1724 by the Asif Jahis (Āṣif Jāhīs), the governors of the Mughal emperors in the Deccan, when they became powerful enough to set themselves up as rulers in their own right. The Nizams1ófrom Mīr Qamruíd-Dīn Khān (1724ñ48) until the sixth ruler of the house Mīr Maḥbūb ʿAlī Khān (1869ñ1911)óused Persian as their court language, in common with the prevailing fashion of their times, though they spoke Urdu at home. Persian was, however, replaced by Urdu in some domains of power, such as law courts, administration and education, toward the end of the nineteenth century. The focus of this article is on the manner in which this transition took place. This phenomenon, which may be called the ìUrduizationî of the state, had important consequences. Besides the historical construction of events, an attempt will be made to understand these consequences: the link of ìUrduizationî with power, the construction of Muslim identity, and socio- economic class. Moreover, the effect of ìUrduizationî on the local languages of Hyderabad will also be touched on. *The author is grateful to the Higher Education Commission of Pakistan for a grant to carry out research for this article in India. 1The Nizams who actually ruled were the first seven; the last in the line carried the title until 1971 but did not rule: 1) Mīr Qamaruíd-Dīn Khān Niāmuíl- Mulk Āṣaf Jāh I (r. 1724–48); 2) Mīr Niām ʿAlī Khān Āṣaf Jāh II (r. 1762–1803); 3) Mīr Akbar ʿAlī Khān Sikandar Jāh III (r. -
Encyclopedia of Law & Society
Encyclopedia of Law & Society: American and Global Perspectives Civil Disobedience Contributors: Shubhankar Dam Editors: David S. Clark Book Title: Encyclopedia of Law & Society: American and Global Perspectives Chapter Title: "Civil Disobedience" Pub. Date: 2007 Access Date: December 08, 2014 Publishing Company: Sage Publications, Inc. City: Thousand Oaks Print ISBN: 9780761923879 Online ISBN: 9781412952637 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412952637.n95 Print pages: 196-199 ©2007 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. This PDF has been generated from SAGE knowledge. Please note that the pagination of the online version will vary from the pagination of the print book. SAGE ©2007 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved. SAGE knowledge http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412952637.n95 Scholars often credit Henry David Thoreau (1817–1862) with the origin of the term civil disobedience in his essay of the same name, which he wrote after spending a night in jail in 1846 for refusing to pay the Massachusetts poll tax. As a concept in political theory, civil disobedience has defied definitional precision. Writers frequently use conscientious evasion, conscientious refusal, nonviolent resistance, pacifism, and passive resistance to convey ideas similar to civil disobedience. David Daube (1909– 1999) argued that civil disobedience is “an offense against human authority, committed openly in a higher cause, or a cause thought to be higher” (1972: 1). John Rawls (1921– 2002) endeavored to constitutionally theorize civil disobedience by defining it as “a public, nonviolent, conscientious yet political act contrary to law usually done with the aim of bringing about a change in the law or policies of the government” (2000: 363). -
The Delhi Coronation Durbars Trust Based in New Delhi
THE ALKAZI COLLECTION OF PhotographY The Alkazi Collection of Photography Codell POWER AND RESISTANCE The Alkazi Foundation for the Arts is a registered charitable The Delhi Coronation Durbars trust based in New Delhi. It is primarily dedicated to the power AND resistance exploration and study of the cultural history of India. Over the last 30 years, Ebrahim Alkazi, the Foundation’s The Delhi Coronation Durbars This volume explores how photography represented, Chairman, has amassed a private collection of photographs The Delhi Coronation Durbars Coronation The Delhi idealized and publicized the Delhi Coronation Durbars, known as The Alkazi Collection of Photography occasions marking the formal coronations of English (www.acparchives.com), an archive of nineteenth- and early- monarchs as empress and emperors of India: Victoria twentieth century photographic prints from South and power Edited by Julie F. Codell South-East Asia, amounting to over 90,000 images.The core in 1877, Edward VII in 1903 and George V in 1911. of the Collection comprises works in the form of photographic Formally schematized and instituted by the Viceroys albums, single prints, paper negatives and glass plate negatives of India—Lytton, Curzon and Hardinge—the durbars from India, Burma, Ceylon, Nepal, Afghanistan and Tibet. were the first examples of the aestheticisation of imperial Almost every region with a history touched by the British Raj politics and the inscription of the Raj in a celebratory is represented. These vintage prints document sociopolitical history that served to legitimate colonial presence. life in the subcontinent through the linked fields of history, AND architecture, anthropology, topography and archaeology, Lasting several weeks, each lavish occasion was imaged beginning from the 1840s and leading up to the rise of and described in photographs (cartes-de-visite as well as modern India and the Independence Movement of 1947. -
03 1. Why Did Gandhiji Organise Satyagraha in 1917 in Kheda District of Gujarat?
CLASS:-10TH, HISTORY, MCQ QUESTIONS ,CHAPTER:-03 NATIONALISM IN INDIA 1. Why did Gandhiji organise Satyagraha in 1917 in Kheda district of Gujarat? (a) To support the plantation workers (b) To protest against high revenue demand (c) To support the mill workers to fulfil their demand (d) To demand loans for the farmers Answer: b 2. Why was Satyagraha organised in Champaran in 1916? (a) To oppose the British laws (b) To oppose the plantation system (c) To oppose high land revenue (d) To protest against the oppression of the mill workers Answer:-b 2. Why was the Simon Commission sent to India? (a) To look into the Indian constitutional matter and suggest reform (b) To choose members of Indian Council (c) To settle disputes between the government and the Congress leaders (d) To set up a government organisation Answer: a 4. Why was Alluri Sitarama Raju well known? (a) He led the militant movement of tribal peasants in Andhra Pradesh. (b) He led a peasant movement in Avadh. (c) He led a satyagraha movement in Bardoli. (d) He set up an organisation for the uplifment of the dalits. Answer: a 5. Why did General Dyer open fire on peaceful crowd in Jallianwalla Bagh? Mark the most important factor. (a) To punish the Indians (b) To take revenge for breaking martial laws (c) To create a feeling of terror and awe in the mind of Indians (d) To disperse the crowd Answer: c 6. What kind of movement was launched by the tribal peasants of Gudem Hills in Andhra Pradesh? (a) Satyagraha Movement (b) Militant Guerrilla Movement (c) Non-Violent Movement (d) None of the above Answer: b 7. -
1 the Pakistan Movement: a Prologue
1 The Pakistan Movement: A Prologue While the administrative and legal uniformity of British India appeared to be an impressive achievement, the increasing commu nal, religious, cultural and political diversities together with new educational and politico-economic prospects were producing a curious situation. In the post-1857 decades South Asian Mus lims suffered from alienation and a deep sense of loss as the British held them mainly responsible for the outbreak of the revolt. The lack ofmanoeuvrability, with no realleadership and an almost complete absence of channels and opportunities avail able to the wider community, left them in astate of chaos. 1 The early traditions of revivalism and resistance would need many more decades and intellects to regenerate a dynamic sense of self-preservation. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Syed Ameer Ali tried to reconcile the Muslims to the new realities by stressing 'adjustment' to rather than 'rejection' of western ideas and institutions.2 But it was not until a generation after them and 'the founding fathers' of the Indian National Congress (INC) that a new leaf was turned which enabled the All-India Muslim League (AIML) to emerge in Dacca in 1906.3 The pre-First World War years saw increased political act ivism in the subcontinent when both the Congress and the Muslim League started a new phase in their political career. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah joined the League at a time when the reforms of 1909 had already been promulgated and the partition of Bengal had been annulled by the British - who also transferred the capital from Calcutta to Delhi.4 In the wake ofthe Balkan wars, pan-Islamism had already caused a stir among the South Asian Muslims who regarded the Ottoman caliphate as the last symbolic vestige of waning Muslim glory. -
Viceroy of India 1899 – 1931
Viceroysof India 1899-1931 ADMINISTRATION Announced Partition of Bengal Province, the nerve centre of Indian Nationalism into two parts - Bengal and East Bengal (1905) Established Archaeological Survey of India to restore India's cultural heritage, Department of Commerce and Industry, Agricultural banks LORD CURZON Passed the Cooperative Credit Societies Act 1904 (1899-1905) POLICE Appointment of Police Commission (1902) under Sir Andrew Frazer to review Police Administration, recommended the establishment of CID Education Appointment of Raleigh Commission Emphasis on Technical Education, (1902) to suggest improvement into established Agriculture Research the prospects of Universities and Institute at Pusa passing of Indian Universities Act (1904) ADMINISTRATION His period is witnessed as “Era of Great Political Unrest” in India Partition of Bengal was formally enforced on October 16, 1905, the day was observed as a Day of National Mourning throughout Bengal Morley-Minto Reforms 1909, popular for its 'Divide LORD MINTO II & Rule Policy' provided for Separate Electorate to (1905-1910) Muslims National Movement Anti-Partition & Swadeshi Movement to prevent unjust partition of Bengal through Boycott of Foreign Goods Foundation of Muslim League (1906) to safeguard the rights of Indian Muslims. It will cause the partition of British India in 1947 and demand for a Separate Muslim Nation Split in Congress at Surat Session of Congress in 1907 due to the Ideological differences between Moderate-Extremist Major Events Annulment of Partition of Bengal -
Theodore John Baptiste Phyffers C.1821-76
Theodore John Baptiste Phyffers c.1821-76 http://www.victorianweb.org/sculpture/phyffers/index.html [c.1821] [born Leuvan (Louvan), Belgium] c1844 Wood carving, Palace of Westminster, London [19.07.1847] [marriage to Maria Colquohoun] [Westminster] [1849] [birth of son Theodore James Phyffers Benyon] [Chelsea] [31.08.1849] [birth of son Felix Phyffers] [Westminster] 1850 Bust of John Watkins, Esq (RA 1365) Address: 44 Arthur Street, Chelsea 1850 High Altar and reredos for A.W.N. Pugin for the Chapel of St Joseph, at the Cathedral Church of St Marie, Norfolk Row, Sheffield, architects John Grey Wightman and Matthew Ellison Hadfield (partnership until 1858). 1850 The first lesson of the Bible, sculptural relief, untraced 1850 Unidentified subject (bust) 1850 Unidentified subject, statue, untraced [30.03.1851] Census: occ. sculptor / stone carver Westminster RC Cathedral [Address: Holywell Street, Westminster (in-laws)] "This small and unpretentious building in Horseferry-road was erected in 1813… It was enlarged and beautified in 1852… The sculpture over the alter represents the Annunciation of our Lady, and is said to possess great artistic merit. The sculptor was Phyffers.” ['St John the Evangelist, Westminster: parochial memorials’, 1892] 1852 [04.02.1853] [birth of daughter Alice Phyffers] [St Pancras] 1854 Bust of H. S. Parkman, Esq (RA 1475) Address: Landsdowne Yard, Guildford Street Henry Spurrier Parkman (1814-1864), portrait painter, Bristol 1854 Bust of J. R. Clayon, Esq (RA 1484) Address: Landsdowne Yard, Guildford Street John Richard Clayton (1827-1913), stained glass artist, sculptor, architect. Trained by George Gilbert Scott and later in partnership with Alfred Bell (1832-1895). -
GHOSH, DURBA. Gentlemanly Terrorists. Political Violence and The
548 Book Reviews GHOSH,DURBA. Gentlemanly Terrorists. Political Violence and the Colonial State in India, 1919–1947. [Critical Perspectives on Empire.] Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2017. xv, 275 pp. Ill. £69.99. (Paper: £23.99; E-book $24.00). Durba Ghoshʼs book Gentlemanly Terrorists complements other recent histories that make a concerted attempt to highlight the place of militant political actors in the Indian freedom movement and to de-centre Gandhian/non-violent politics as the be all and end all of the anti-colonial struggle.1 As the title implies, with its reference to a gentlemanly (bhadralok) class of offenders, Ghosh deals with the history of Bengali militancy especially around 1920 to the late 1930s. But unlike other recent histories, the author does not focus on the revolutionaries them- selves (or their international connections and sojourns), but rather on the administrative machine designed to tackle the threat they represented. Specifically, she traces the expansion of a system of repressive laws that suspended civil rights for those suspected of sedition, and the associated growth of a specialized system of detention facilities. Four particular deten- tion camps, and especially the camp at Deoli, are closely examined in the second half of the study. Through this empirical account, the author makes a paradigmatic case about the “state of exception” that lurks at the core of the modern state – and that casts a long shadow over postcolonial India with its myriad repressive and pre-emptive laws that bear a close resemblance to the colonial-era ordinances and regulations she explores here (pp. 252–256).