DOCSLIB.ORG

Ampatuans Belie Witness Claim

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ampatuans Belie Witness Claim From brutality to accountability STAGGERING. This best describes how the Philippine news media community is currently experiencing more than a month after the Ampatuan massacre last Nov. 23 that killed at least 57 people, 32 of them journalists and media workers. Even then, it has to move forward from this sorry condition to fully get back to the crucial business of reporting about the real state of the country and its peoples. And seeking accountability for the brutality will be its most pressing challenge in moving forward. Bringing before the bar of justice the people responsible for the crime will be a Editor’s Note major eff ort to pursue. Another will be a more vigorous campaign to battle the culture of impunity. This is the very social circumstance that shaped up the character of the massacre perpetrators. In this edition of the PECOJON Digest, we train our sight on the signiicant issues related to the Nov. 23 massacre in aid of making sense of the dire event. In his story “Patience in search of justice,” long-time justice beat reporter Karlon Rama shows us the legal landscape attendant to the struggle to seek accountability for the brutality suff ered by the victims of the Ampatuan massacre. This provides us a peek into the hard realities FOUNDED in 2004 by Filipino and German journalists, PECOJON - The Peace of litigation in which crafty and Confl ict Journalism Network, unites reporters, editors, photographers and academicians and other communication professionals under the goal of providing moves are equally vital as the human, confl ict-sensitive and quality reporting of confl ict, crisis and war. weight of evidence to prove a Through this type of reporting, it aims to empower people in the most challenging case. moments of their lives to make well-informed decisions and reclaim control over their A sidebar story summarizes situation despite the manipulative power of propaganda and the painful experience of confl ict and war. the arguments of several Ampatuan clan members in Along this principal goal, PECOJON seeks to develop the capacity of the news industry to undertake confl ict-sensitive journalism. 1 T h e P e a c e a n d C o n f l i c t J o u r n a l i s m N e t w o r k CONTENTS PAGE TITLE answer to allegations they planned and carried out the massacre. Mindanao-based journalist Ryan Rosauro’s “Counting deaths and toll on the living” tries to fathom the impact of the massacre on the Philippine news media community which continues to stagger with the event up to now. 4PATIENce AMPATUANS BELIE IN SEARCH OF JUSTICE WITNESS CLAIM An accompanying article describes the eff ort of the National Union 5 of Journalists of the Philippines to set up a Justice Fund to bankroll activities geared at seeking accountability for the incident and the related circumstances that contributed to the shape up of events leading COUNTING DEATHS to the carnage. 12 GROUPS RESPOND AND TOLL ON THE LIVING TO MASSACRE AFTERMATH “Clans in clash” provides us a historical look at the relationship 17 between the Mangudadatu and Ampatuan families, and tries to trace the source of their falling out. A sidebar story by Ben Jason Tesiorna, “Starting them young?” 18 describes how some scions of both the Mangudadatu and Ampatuan PEN VS. SWORD PHOTO ESSAY clans were reared into the gun culture widely prevalent in their home communities. A photo essay by Rommel G. Rebollido, “Pen vs Sword,” takes us to the emotion-illed and gripping moments in the wake of the massacre. 27 STARTING THEM YOUNG? In this edition, and hopefully in the others that follow, we feature CLANS IN CLASH 28 viewpoints that enrich the body of knowledge underpinning the practice of conlict-sensitive reporting. The editorial, “Uncovering the coverage landscape” is an attempt to squeeze lessons from the incident on reporting about sensitive topics from conlict-ridden areas like Maguindanao. We also run here a piece by Antonia Koop, “An Open Letter to Non- EDITOR'S NOTE EDITORIAL: AN OPEN journalists,” which she wrote in the aftermath of the massacre. It is 1FROM BRUTALITY 30uncovering the 33LETTERTO an appeal for greater public ‘ownership’ of the journalism profession TO ACCOUNTABILITY coverage landscape NON-JOURNALISTS and hence, also public obligation to protect the lives of journalists. Journalism is not about journalists; it is about public interest. Beyond the enormous loss, it can be categorically said that journalists in the Philippines have found themselves in greater community with one another in the aftermath of the massacre. This can be the situation- OUR COVER. Erlyn Umpad weeps while grieving for her loved one, changing asset for them, not only to cope, but to overcome.I UNTV reporter McDelbert Arriola who was killed along with 57 others in Maguindanao on Nov. 23. Cover photo by Rommel Rebollido PECOJON Digest remembers the Nov. 23 massacre by the colors of its cover. Black joins the families, rela ves and friends in mourning those 2 killed and red reminds the ruthless killings on that day. T h e P e a c e a n d C o n f l i c t J o u r n a l i s m N e t w o r k D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9 5 of 57 people, 32 of whom were media Akmad Ampatuan, Shariff Aguak Mayor practitioners, in Sitio Masalay, Barangay Anwar Ampatuan, Acting Maguindanao Patience in search of justice Salman, Ampatuan town, Maguindanao. Governor Sajid Ampatuan, and Krauner On the other hand, the Philippine Ampatuan have yet to be charged in Court Swift justice has been a persistent cry of though. those who lost loved ones in the Ampatuan National Police has detained six other massacre. Yet, the Philippine legal system members of the Ampatuan family, all Complaints, which include rebellion, provides enough opportunity for the taken within hours after the President’s have also been iled against them and accused to prolong the process. imposition of Martial Law over the entire over 600 more people. As of this writing, Maguindanao province on Dec. 5, 2009. these are still undergoing preliminary Former Maguindanao Governor investigation. Andal Ampatuan Sr., Autonomous Region for Muslin Mindanao (ARMM) Governor Complaints Zaldy Ampatuan, Mamasapano Vice Mayor Defense lawyer Sigfrid Fortun, who represents Andal Jr. in what is sure to be a lengthy legal battle, has already accused the justice department of bias. He highlighted his point by telling a panel of prosecutors last Dec. 18 that Andal Jr. was not Text by Karlon N. Rama and COURTS. Government prosecutors fi le murder going to submit a photos by Froilan O. Gallardo charges against Andal Ampatuan Jr., at a local counter-afidavit. court in Cotabato City. The panel was then conducting Its doors then forced CACHE. Hundreds of rounds of ammunition for machineguns, mortars the preliminary a yawning chasm great, Roman philosopher, “but they grind and rifl es were found by government troops in hastily dug pits around investigation on the Shariff Aguak town. Unfolding giant wings attached with pins exceedingly ine.” Of brass in two-way hinges. Chairperson Leila De Lima of the Squealing dins Commission on Human Rights reminds The air with painful moans, journalists and victims’ families not to Ampatuans belie witness claim as doors ixed fast take the law into their hands, following With rows of riveted bolts FOUR of the six Ampatuan family members the police held following the Nov. 23 killings in an incident where journalists mobbed wheel lazily past Maguindanao have formally denied any involvement to the incident and, in separate counter- and hurt Andal Ampatuan Jr., principal affi davits, cited a lack of direct evidence linking them to any crime. -- Parmenides’ maidens persuade suspect in the Nov. 23 massacre. Brothers Zaldy, Sajid Islam and Anwar, as well as cousin Akmad Ampatuan, all of whom hold vengeful Justice to open Her Gates “Irrespective of what we think or feel, public offi ce in Maguindanao, claimed they were not aware of the massacre, with one saying everyone has human rights, even suspects he was with President Arroyo when the killing took place. THE gates of justice turn on slow and convicted criminals. Violators of the In a three-page affi davit, subscribed before Assistant City Prosecutor Venchito Bangayan of hinges and the private complainants in the law have limited rights but have rights General Santos, Zaldy, Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) governor, called the murder cases against an indicted member nonetheless. The only limitations are allega ons of a witness a “sham”. of the Ampatuan family, as well as others those set by law, such as restrictions to The witness, Kenny Dalagdag, is an alleged member of the Ampatuans’ supposed private still undergoing preliminary investigation, right of liberty on account of detention,” army who claimed to be present during a mee ng a day before the killings at the Shariff Aguak can only wait. De Lima said. home of Andal Ampatuan Sr. Yet comfort may lie in the surviving Andal Jr. stands charged with 56 The plan to kill the journalists and supporters of Buluan town vice mayor Esmael “Toto” words of the late Sextus Empiricus. “The counts of murder before the Regional Ampatuan belie X11 mills of the gods grind slow,” says the Trial Court (RTC) for the Nov. 23 massacre T h e P e a c e a n d C o n f l i c t J o u r n a l i s m N e t w o r k D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9 7 remaining 16 of the now 56 counts of A counter-afidavit is a legal document allegedly trying to go up in arms against that not giving the trial court enough elbow murder against him.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Southern Philippines, February 2011
    Confirms CORI country of origin research and information CORI Country Report Southern Philippines, February 2011 Commissioned by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Division of International Protection. Any views expressed in this paper are those of the author and are not necessarily those of UNHCR. Preface Country of Origin Information (COI) is required within Refugee Status Determination (RSD) to provide objective evidence on conditions in refugee producing countries to support decision making. Quality information about human rights, legal provisions, politics, culture, society, religion and healthcare in countries of origin is essential in establishing whether or not a person’s fear of persecution is well founded. CORI Country Reports are designed to aid decision making within RSD. They are not intended to be general reports on human rights conditions. They serve a specific purpose, collating legally relevant information on conditions in countries of origin, pertinent to the assessment of claims for asylum. Categories of COI included within this report are based on the most common issues arising from asylum applications made by nationals from the southern Philippines, specifically Mindanao, Tawi Tawi, Basilan and Sulu. This report covers events up to 28 February 2011. COI is a specific discipline distinct from academic, journalistic or policy writing, with its own conventions and protocols of professional standards as outlined in international guidance such as The Common EU Guidelines on Processing Country of Origin Information, 2008 and UNHCR, Country of Origin Information: Towards Enhanced International Cooperation, 2004. CORI provides information impartially and objectively, the inclusion of source material in this report does not equate to CORI agreeing with its content or reflect CORI’s position on conditions in a country.
    [Show full text]
  • Does Dynastic Prohibition Improve Democracy?
    WORKING PAPER Does Dynastic Prohibition Improve Democracy? Jan Fredrick P. Cruz AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Ronald U. Mendoza AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness RSN-PCC WORKING PAPER 15-010 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2640571 ASIAN INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT RIZALINO S. NAVARRO POLICY CENTER FOR COMPETITIVENESS WORKING PAPER Does Dynastic Prohibition Improve Democracy? Jan Fredrick P. Cruz AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Ronald U. Mendoza AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness AUGUST 2015 The authors would like to thank retired Associate Justice Adolfo Azcuna, Dr. Florangel Rosario-Braid, and Dr. Wilfrido Villacorta, former members of the 1986 Constitutional Commission; Dr. Bruno Wilhelm Speck, faculty member of the University of São Paolo; and Atty. Ray Paolo Santiago, executive director of the Ateneo Human Rights Center for the helpful comments on an earlier draft. This working paper is a discussion draft in progress that is posted to stimulate discussion and critical comment. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Asian Institute of Management. Corresponding Authors: Ronald U. Mendoza, AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Tel: +632-892-4011. Fax: +632-465-2863. E-mail: [email protected] Jan Fredrick P. Cruz, AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Tel: +632-892-4011. Fax: +632-465-2863. E-mail: [email protected] RSN-PCC WORKING PAPER 15-010 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2640571 1. Introduction Political dynasties, simply defined, refer to elected officials with relatives in past or present elected positions in government.
    [Show full text]
  • LSE IDEAS Annual Report 2009 2010
    MESSAGE FROM THE DIRECTORS IDEAS was formed at the LSE to encourage a critical but serious dialogue between academics and policy makers, all the time recognising that its principal raison d’être was to add substantially to the intellectual life of a School famed for its public engagement and known around the world for its high quality research. IDEAS thus situated itself within what its two Directors understood to be a long LSE tradition, and since its formation can reasonably claim to have added to the LSE’s footprint: first in London as a global city; then more widely in Europe and the United States; and finally in the wider world where its reputation now stretches from China to Latin America, India to Indonesia, Africa to the Balkans. Through its various self-standing programmes, its hugely well attended public events at the LSE, its publications, and the active role it is now playing at such leading institutions as Peking and Columbia universities, IDEAS has expanded enormously on its activities since it was originally launched by Sir Peter Ricketts – now National Security Adviser to the coalition government – back in February 2008. We have not yet moved mountains. That is for sure. But it would not be too immodest to suggest that we have fulfilled at least part of our original ambition of creating another point of serious intellectual activity at one of the greatest universities in the world. All successful projects collect several debts, and it would only be right as Co-Directors of IDEAS to mention just a few of these here.
    [Show full text]
  • How the Philippines Became Dangerous for Journalists
    How the Philippines Became Dangerous for Journalists By Gemma Bagayaua Mendoza* Joseph Jubelag, correspondent for the Manila Standard, a national daily, could not shake an uneasy feeling about the story he was covering in November 2009. Local politician Esmael Mangudadatu was about to send his kin and supporters to a political rally officially announcing his candidacy in Shariff Aguak, the provincial capital of Maguindanao province. Andal Ampatuan Sr., the Ampatuan clan patriarch, had ruled as governor there for almost a decade. Mangudadatu acknowledged that there was danger involved. The Ampatuan supporters had warned him and his family that their presence in the area was unwelcome. Despite the danger, Jubelag was surprised at the amount of media — over 30 representitives of news organizations — that turned up that day. With so many reporters present, who could possibly think of doing them harm? Still, Jubelag, who had previously earned the ire of the Ampatuans for a story he had written about their wealth, remained worried for his personal safety. Fearing that the Ampatuans would come after him if they found him within their territory, he and a couple of his colleagues decided to head to Buluan town, where Mangudadatu had scheduled a press conference after his candidacy became official. That decision saved their lives. By three in the afternoon that day, reports that Mangudadatu’s kin, supporters, and the reporters accompanying them had all been abducted and massacred was all over the national news. Coverage of A Carnage Around 30 journalists and media workers died in the carnage, which was tagged by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) as one of the single deadliest event for journalists ever documented by their organization.
    [Show full text]
  • State of Local Democracy in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (Sold ARMM)
    State of Local Democracy in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (SoLD ARMM) Edna E.A. Co Ramon L. Fernan III Maria Faina L. Diola Amina Rasul Mehol K. Sadain Acram A. Latiph Rufa C. Guiam Benedicto R. Bacani Raphael N. Montes Jr. Supported by: © 2013 National College of Public Administration and Governance, University of the Philippines Diliman (UP-NCPAG) and the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy (PCID) ISBN: 978-971-8567-85-2 This report is a product of an assessment of the quality of democracy conducted on the basis of International IDEA’s State of Local Democracy Assessment framework. The report was developed by the University of the Philippines National College of Public Administration and Governance (UP-NCPAG) and the Philippine Centre for Islam and Democracy (PCID) with the support and partnership of International IDEA. International IDEA has not participated in the content development nor the research leading to the report. Views expressed in this report do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. This publication was supported by funding from Australian Aid. The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and not necessarily those of Australian Aid nor of the Australian Government. Printed in the Philippines by Ec-tec Commercial First printing: 500 copies, July 2013. Preface The State of Local Democracy in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (SoLD ARMM) is the fifth in a series of Philippine citizen-led democracy assessments, and the first ever on the state of local democracy (SoLD). The first four assessments focused on different aspects of democracy at the national level utilizing components of the State of Democracy (SoD) framework that the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) sponsors.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and Human Rights in East Asia and Beyond – Critical Essays
    Democracy and Human Rights in East Asia and Beyond Od 15 lat misją Collegium Civitas jest oferowanie studiów społecznych i politycznych na najwyższym poziomie, umożliwianie młodym ludziom zdobywania praktycznych umiejętności, – Critical Essays poszerzanie horyzontów oraz kształtowanie dojrzałych postaw obywatelskich. Wojna o pokój trwa… o pokój Wojna Collegium Civitas działa pod patronatem pięciu instytutów nauk społecznych PAN: Instytutu Filozofii i Socjologii, Instytutu Historii, Instytutu Studiów Politycznych, Instytutu Sztuki edited by Marta Kosmala-Kozłowska oraz Instytutu Slawistyki. Collegium Civitas oferuje studia w następujących obszarach: • dyplomacja • stosunki międzynarodowe • dziennikarstwo • bezpieczeństwo • marketing i nowe media • badania rynkowe i psychologia społeczna na najbardziej poszukiwanych kierunkach i specjalnościach: Socjologia, Stosunki Międzynarodowe, Politologia, Dziennikarstwo, Studia Azjatyckie. Collegium Civitas jest uczelnią akademicką – posiada uprawnienia do nadawania stopnia naukowego doktora w dziedzinie socjologii. Uczelnia jest członkiem Konferencji Rektorów Akademickich Szkół Polskich, jako jedna z zaledwie dziewięciu szkół niepublicznych. Collegium Civitas jako pierwsza niepubliczna uczelnia wyższa w Polsce wprowadziło licencjackie i magisterskie studia w zakresie Stosunków Międzynarodowych i Politologii w języku angielskim (International Relations, Political Science). Oferuje ponad 25 programów studiów w języku angielskim i dwujęzycznych (polsko-angielskich) w następujących obszarach: • stosunki
    [Show full text]
  • Philippine Governance: Merging Politics and Crime
    PRIF-Reports No. 93 Philippine Governance: Merging Politics and Crime Peter Kreuzer I would like to thank the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) for the generous grant provided for the project “Genesis, Structure and Workings of Coercive Systems of Social Control”. Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2009 Correspondence to: PRIF Baseler Straße 27-31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49(0)69 95 91 04-0 Fax: +49(0)69 55 84 81 E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-942532-03-7 Euro 10.- Summary The Philippines are a “gambling republic” in which politicians hold “power without virtue”, dominating by means of “capital, coercion and crime”. Individual power holders are “bosses”, acting in a “mafia-style” and employing “guns, goons and gold” in order to gain, uphold or enhance their power positions. Whereas the politicians at times make use of vigilantes, private armies, death squads and hired contract-killers, the state itself resorts to “state terror” to counter the leftist threat posed by the Communist New People’s Army and its various offshoots, as a sideline killing hundreds of people in extralegal executions. Local power remains “in the family”, and national power is diffused in an “anarchy of families”. All of these characterizations of Philippine politics put in quotation marks are taken out of scientific books, articles and statements of Philippine state officials and politicians. While Philippine politics certainly is much more than captured in these characterizations, this report takes them as a starting point to analyze Philippine politics as if it was crime, or as “criminalized governance” (Briscoe 2008: 4), arguing that criminal activities do not only connect to politics in an erratic and unsystematic way, but seem to be a durable and integral part of politics from the local to the national levels.
    [Show full text]
  • Maguindanao Massacre, Critical Elections and Armed Conflict Situation in the Philippines by Eva-Lotta Hedman
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Research Online Analysis The Maguindanao Massacre, Critical Elections and Armed Conflict Situation in the Philippines by Eva-Lotta Hedman The Maguindanao Massacre has sent shock waves at expanding the repertoire of oppositional politics in the through the Philippines and beyond. A convoy of forbidding context that is contemporary Maguindanao. cars was caught in an armed ambush on Monday While the placing of women and journalists in harm’s way 23 November, leaving at least 57 persons dead, failed to deter the fatal attack, the swift public reaction to with mutilated bodies and crushed vehicles found the massacre is nonetheless testimony to the power of the buried in large pits. The convoy was destined for the individual courage and collective action demonstrated by Commission of Elections office in Shariff Aguak town, those who joined in this convoy. Magindanao Province in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The purpose was to file The particular circumstances and suspected culprits behind local vice mayor Esmael Mangudadatu’s certificate of this massacre have attracted considerable attention, in the candidacy to run for the governorship of Maguindanao Philippines and elsewhere. While details and evidence have province in the May 2010 Philippine elections. Among yet to be heard in a court of law, the deeper causes and the victims of the massacre were at least 30 journalists, consequences of this massacre can be gleaned from analyzing more than 20 women, including the wife and two sisters the wider political context and dynamics – in Maguindanao, of Mangudadatu.
    [Show full text]
  • FOURTEENTH CONGRESS of THE) REPUBLIC of the PHILIPPINES ) Third Regular Session )
    FOURTEENTH CONGRESS OF THE) REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES ) Third Regular Session ) Introduced by Senator Richard J. Gordon A RESOLUTION DIRECTING THE COMMITTEE ON ACCOUNTABILITY OF PUBLIC OFFICERS AND INVESTIGATIONS TO INVESTIGATE THE DEPARTMENT OF NATIONAL DEFENSE (DND), ARMED FORCES OF THE PHILIPPINES (AFP), THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE (PNP), THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERIOR AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT (DILG), AND OTHER GOVERNMENT AGENCIES FOR POSSIBLE MALFEASANCE, MISFEASANCE AND NON·FEASANACE OF THEIR DUTIES RESULTING IN AN ALLEGED GOVERNMENT·SANCTIONED DISTRIBUTION ANDIOR PROLIFERATION OF HIGH·POWERED FIREARMS AND MILITARY ARMAMENTS AND THE PROLIFERATION OF PRIVATE ARMED GROUPS IN MAGUINDANAO THEREBY CAUSING A CULTURE OF VIOLENCE AND DISREGARD FOR THE RULE OF LAW WHEREAS, Section 28, Article II of the 1987 Philippine Constitution states that, "the State adopts and implements a policy of full disclosure of all its transactions involving public interest;" WHEREAS, Section 13 (36) of the Rules of the Senate provides that "the Committee on Accountability of Public Officers and Investigations. - Seventeen (17) members. All matters relating to including investigation of, malfeasance, misfeasance and nonfeasance in office by officers and employees of the government, its branches, agencies, subdivisions and instrumentalities; implementation of the provision of the Constitution on nepotism; and investigation of any matter of public interest on its own initiative or brought to its attention by any member of the Senate;" WHEREAS, in the morning of 23 November
    [Show full text]
  • Clan Politics of ARMM Ampatuans, Web of Kin Warp Maguindanao Polls by Ed Lingao Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism First of Three Parts
    The clan politics of ARMM Ampatuans, web of kin warp Maguindanao polls By Ed Lingao Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism First of Three Parts DATU HOFFER, Maguindanao – This municipality is just a kilometer or so from the capitol, but it barely looks like a town. Bereft of any paved roads, it has a scattering of huts around hillsides. There is no town center, no business and commercial establishments, and the municipal hall sits alone on a hilltop – gleaming white cement and grey granite, obviously new, yet seemingly unused. There is no activity that one would associate with the governance of any regular municipality. That‟s because as far as the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) is concerned, Datu Hoffer is one of many newly minted towns of Maguindanao in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) that should not even be called a town. Datu Hoffer was created by the ARMM Regional Legislative Assembly in 2009 by virtue of Muslim Mindanao Act 220, with a population of 22,000. But DBM has refused to release any internal revenue allotment (IRA) for Datu Hoffer and nine more towns in Maguindanao because their populations fall below the 25,000 residents required by the DBM to qualify for IRA. In other words, the municipal government of Datu Hoffer gets no revenues from the national government, and has to subsist on whatever taxes or revenues it can raise by itself from the smattering of homes on the hillsides surrounding the town hall. Yet the upcoming elections will see an all-out battle among members of the Ampatuan clan over Datu Hoffer, where among the few means of livelihood is “professional evacuation,” or living off relief goods.
    [Show full text]
  • Mindanao Displacement Dashboard, December 2019
    DECEMBER 2019 ISSUE NO. 64 MINDANAO DISPLACEMENT DASHBOARD @ UNHCR/Eleazar Davao del Sur. Elders in Brgy. Santo Nino, Kiblawan participated in the assessment interview jointly conducted by the Mindanao Humanitarian Team (MHT) and Province of Davao del Sur LGU. DISPLACEMENT IN DECEMBER DISPLACEMENT OVERVIEW As of the 31st of December, a total number of 104,817 families (484,443 individuals) are currently displaced in Mindanao. Those displaced can be 33,695 classified into three main groups, depending on the length of displacement: Families Group A: 33,695 families (139,539 individuals) displaced within the month; Group B: 44,548 families (214,540 individuals) remain displaced, and have 139,539 been protractedly displaced for more than 30 days but less than 180 days; and Individuals Group C: 26,574 families (130,364 individuals) remain displaced and have CIVILIAN CASUALTIES been protractedly displaced for more than 180 days. Those classified under From January to December 2019 Group C are concentrated in five main areas: Zamboanga City: 524 families (2,620 individuals) still displaced due to 70 Zamboanga siege in September 2013. Persons dead Lanao del Sur & Lanao del Norte: 23,230 families (114,770 individuals) still displaced due to Marawi siege in May 2017. 610 Northern Mindanao: 788 families (3,892 individuals) still displaced due to Persons injured Severe Tropical Storm Vinta (Temblin) in December 2017. LOCATIONS Eastern Mindanao: 535 families (2,259 individuals) still displaced due to armed conflict between Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and New Breakdown of displaced individuals by region People’s Army (NPA) since February 2018.
    [Show full text]
  • General Assembly Distr.: General 23 February 2010
    United Nations A/HRC/13/NGO/58 General Assembly Distr.: General 23 February 2010 English only Human Rights Council Thirteenth session Agenda item 4 Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention Written statement* submitted by the Asian Legal Resource Centre (ALRC), a non-governmental organization in general consultative status The Secretary-General has received the following written statement which is circulated in accordance with Economic and Social Council resolution 1996/31. [15 February 2010] * This written statement is issued, unedited, in the language(s) received from the submitting non- governmental organization(s). GE.10-11219 A/HRC/13/NGO/58 Philippines: Council urged to ensure that justice is delivered concerning the Maguindanao Massacre The Asian Legal Resource Centre (ALRC) wishes to bring to the attention of the Human Rights Council (HRC) the ongoing situation of impunity in the Philippines, illustrated by the failure by the government to take appropriate action in the widely-reported massacre of 57 persons including 30 journalists that took place in Ampatuan, Maguindanao province, Mindanao, on November 23, 2009. This is the single incident in which the largest number of journalists has ever been killed. The massacre targeted a group that were travelling to file documents for the registration of Esmael Mangudadatu, challenging the incumbent governor, a member of the Ampatuan clan, in the race to be elected local governor. The party included numerous journalists accompanying Mangudadatu’s wife, as well as two human rights lawyers. They were halted by a group of armed men and executed. The government of the Philippines’ elected local officials and its security forces were involved in perpetrating this atrocity, now known as the “Maguindanao Massacre” which represents the worst election-related violent incident in the country's recent history.
    [Show full text]