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The Emotions: Senses of the Modern Self Fordham University Masthead Logo DigitalResearch@Fordham Sociology Faculty Publications Sociology 2002 The motE ions: Senses of the Modern Self E. Doyle McCarthy Follow this and additional works at: https://fordham.bepress.com/soc_facultypubs Part of the Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, Other Sociology Commons, Sociology of Culture Commons, and the Theory, Knowledge and Science Commons Recommended Citation McCarthy, E. Doyle, "The motE ions: Senses of the Modern Self" (2002). Sociology Faculty Publications. 12. https://fordham.bepress.com/soc_facultypubs/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Sociology at DigitalResearch@Fordham. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalResearch@Fordham. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 27. Jahrgang Heft 2/2002 L OSTERREICHISCHE ZEITSCHRIFf FOR SOZIOLOGIE Joachim Fischer Simmels ,Exkurs liber die Soziologie der Sinne' Jens Loenhoff Sinne, Kommunikarion und Gesellschafi:- Eine Theorieskizze E. Doyle McCarthy The Emorions: Senses of the Modern Self Roswitha Mutrenthaler GesellschaftlicheVerfasstheit im Feld des Sehens - DeUtungsabsichten und verborgene AutorInnenschafi: Andreas Ziemann Perzeption, Interaktion und die Okologie der Gesellschafi:- eine systemtheoretische Suche nach den Sinnen SOZIOLOGIE DER SINNE Westdeutscher Verlag The Emotions: Senses of the Modern Self tions" shaped by the social circumstances (social structure) and culture of a particular society, group, or community (Solomon 1984; cf. Gordon 1981, p. 563; Averill 1980; Harre 1986, 1991;Lupton 1998,pp. 15-17). Among the many outcomes ofthis approach is a viewof human emotions aspossessing"so- E. Doyle McCarthy cially emergent properties" - properties that "transcend psychological or phys- iologicalexplanation" (Gordon 1981,p. 562; 1989).These emergent properties are explicable only in relation to other social phenomena: emotions combine The Emotions: Senses of the Modern Self I features of body, gesture, and cultural meaning. Today this approach to emo- tion studies is representative of a number of different "social constructionist" works (Harre 1991;Lupton 1998;Williams2001, pp. 45-50). ", , , we say there are five senses, Yet we know there arc more, , ," Constructionism's most prominent feature is an emphasis (one that varies (Diane Ackerman, A Natural Hiswry of the Senses) considerablyfromstudy to study) on the cognitive and cultural features of emo- "Society, then, provides extensive, incess:mtly renewed, often contm. tion. This emphasis it shares with many cognitive psychologists working in dictory lessons, , , it feeds and thwarts, in a word, it educates, the emotions and with those identified with the socialconstructionist movement in senses," (Peter Gay, Education of the Senses) psychology (Gergen 1985;Gergen and Davis 1985;Averill 1980, 1982, 1986; Harre 1986), as wellas with a number of works in cultural anthropology (e. g., Lutz 1988; Shweder and LeVine 1984) and philosophy (de Sousa 1987; Rorty 1. Preliminaries 1980; Solomon 1984). Studied this way, emotions are construed as acts or as symbolic actions or "cultural performances" (Averill 1986, p. 100), involving These extended considerations on the emotions of modem selves follow a line both cognitive and physical processes. These formulations are intentionally of inquiry that is sociological, specifically, how people's emotional experiences employed to provide alternatives to those viewsofemotions asprincipally bodi- take their collective shape from the social (institutional) and cultural (symbolic ly, experiential or irrational phenomena. Among the many important features and expressive) features of societies. This sociological approach develops and of this approach to emotions is a historical viewof human emotionality with its applies to the realm of human emotionality certain theoretical propositions emphasison changes in the socialand cultural environments in which the emo- from the sociology of knowledge whose starting point is collective - particular tions are experienced and known as well as an interest in the range and varia- societies with their specific institutions, representations, and cultures.2 My in- tions of human experience (Reddy2001; Lewisand Steams 1998): the histori- terest here is in the collective features of modem societiesinsofar as these bear cal formsofpersonhood, the relations of human beingswith the body, the rela- on the study of the emotions: how modem notions of personhood - its stan. tionship of various discourses (religious,medical, scientific, legal) and cultural dards of human feelingand being, aswell as the ideas and socialcategories that practices to bodily functions, the formsof physicalpain and pleasure and their modern persons use to define and to interpret their experiences - can be under. changing social meanings. One principal outcome of these studies has been an stood as particular constructs or features of a cultureof modernity.Both of these emerginghistory of emotionsor, more accuratelystated, the discoverythat phenomena - the social structure of modem societies and its culture of self- "emotions have a kind of history" (Reddy 2001, p. x), as scholars from medi- hood or identity - are used to describe the distinct experiences of emotion and evalists to modernists have come upon various revolutions in the domain of affect of modem individuals.} feelingsand judgments about feelings,their cultivation, control, or expression. From the standpoint of the sociologyof knowledge, the psychologicalfea- Argumentsfora historyofemotionsfollowlogicallyupona socioculturalap- tures of individuals - experiences, emotions, and feelings - are socially con- proach to the emotions. Forif the emotions are preeminently cultural phenom- structed, meaning that the psychologicalsphere is permeated bysocial and cul- ena, the principal contexts for their study are the cultural systemsand social tural processes, including the entire cognitive and ideational realm ofideas, be- worldswhere they are experienced and known, the particular political and reli- liefs. social symbols,and language. Using this approach, the emotions can be gious systems, the variousdiscourses, the collective practices, and the formsof studied collectively, that is, as waysof acting and being, as "cultural acquisi- selfhood that prevail amongparticular groupsand societies.Put differently, it is 30 bzs27.Jg. 2/2002 31 E. Doyle McCarthy The Emotions: Senses of the Modern Self in and through (historically particular) cultural systems that emotions have fied with a history of modernity in its different phases: in the early modern pe- come into being as something, that is, as objects of experiences that mean some- riod with its rules and new standards of "civility"and etiquette and an accom- thing, and as a differentiated system of signs with which the self engages. A his- panying rise in self-consciousnessabout the artful process of self-presentation tory of emotions is particularly suited to address the question of how precisely (Elias 2000; Greenblatt 1980); with the 18t!,century rise of "sentimentalism" and in what ways, cultures of sentiment and emotion - standards, ideas, precepts (Reddy 2001; Taylor 1989), an emotional regime that, in its full flowering,ex- concerning how to feel and what to feel and what feelings mean - and emotional tolled emotions as both natUral and morally good; with the development of experiences themselves, actually change. nineteenth century "sentimentality," expressed in a Victorian reserve in mat- At the forefront of emotion studies is the idea that emotions change, since ters of feelings - a reserve that struggled with the widely accepted view of the the emotions - and this is also a way of understanding the self - are the products "vitality of feelings" (Gay 1984,p. 455). of collective acts of interpretation. To know how and what to feel, to be con- Using the framework I have outlined here, I will locate the emotions as scious of emotional experiences is, to cite Walker Percy (1958), to be "con- "senses" of the modern self, arguing that the emotions have taken on specific scious of something being something." Emotions and feelings come into being meanings within modernity's history, that the emotions have become special as something, that is, as objects of our experiences that mean something and as a objects of attention and elaboration for modern selves or "subjects." What I differentiated system of signs with which persons engage. This returns us to the mean by the emotions as sensesof modern selves- I mean this figuratively,as I system of culture in which any object - an emotion, a person, an event - is know mean to capture what emotions are in the everyday sense of things - is that the and interpreted as something. The emotions, for example, have a range of histor- emotions have taken on some of the historical meanings of the fivesenses - vi- ical meanings closely associated with aspirations concerning self-control, with sion, hearing, touch, smell, taste - as vehicles of knowledge of the world, as so religious salvation or redemption, with self-integration or wholeness, with one's many channels transmitting to our minds and consciousness the (external) moral goodness or sinfulness, and with the meanings a person gives to her abili- realm of reality. Today, the emotions, what and how and how much we feel, ty to control what she feels and how she feels it. Today, as many have observed, have become paramount
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