OVERVIEW
World Social Report 2021 Reconsidering Rural Development The World Social Report is a flagship publication of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA). UN DESA is a vital interface between global policies in the economic, social and environmental spheres and national action. The Department’s mission is to promote and support international cooperation in the pursuit of sustainable development for all. Its work is guided by the universal and transformative 2030 Agenda for Sus- tainable Development, along with a set of 17 integrated Sustainable Development Goals adopted by the United Nations General Assembly. UN DESA’s work addresses a range of crosscutting issues that affect peoples’ lives and livelihoods, such as social policy, poverty eradication, employment, social inclusion, inequalities, population, indigenous rights, macroeconomic policy, development finance and cooperation, public sector innovation, forest policy, climate change and sustainable development.
World Social Report 2021
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ii World Social Report 2021 Reconsidering Rural Development WORLD SOCIAL REPORT 2021
Overview
Rural development is essential to achieving the 2030 share of the rural population in the total population of Agenda for Sustainable Development. It is also a task a country, is not the only way in which a country can that follows from the Agenda’s guiding principle—to transform itself into a high-productivity country. Rath- leave no one behind. As such, rural development must er, it is possible to industrialize, even with these shares now be reconsidered. Instead of a sideshow or an remaining high. appendix of urban development, rural development The goal of World Social Report 2021: Reconsi should be pushed to the centre stage. The standard of dering rural development is to point to the directions in living of the rural population can be raised to that of which rural development strategies need to be modified the urban population through a process often called “in in view of the above factors. It offers several strategic situ urbanization,” which can also help to avoid many principles, programmes of action, and sets of concrete unwarranted consequences of unbridled rural-urban policies that can be combined to devise effective strat- migration. Going forward, more attention may be paid egies for realizing the potential of rural development in to in situ urbanization as a model of rural development. achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Several factors have made reconsideration of Rural areas are home to about 43 per cent of the the role of rural development and its strategies urgent: world’s population and most of the global population First, the deep challenges of poverty and inequali- living in poverty. Not only do rural populations generally ty persist in rural areas, which is home to four out of have less access to education, health and other social every five people living below the international income services, the work available to them is often character- poverty line. Rural populations also generally have less ized by human rights abuses, gender inequality, poor access to education, health, and other services. These working conditions, and the violation of indigenous rural-urban disparities are contributing in some coun- land rights. Without inclusion and improvement of the tries to rising rural discontent and grievances, polariza- well-being of rural populations as a central goal, sus- tion in society and unrest. tainable development cannot be achieved; the general Second, the current strategies of rural develop- principle of leaving no one behind also warrants their ment are not proving adequate to protect the health of inclusion. However, the rural populations need not be the planet. The continued loss of forests and wilder- viewed as just passive recipients of attention. Instead, ness has been a contributing factor to climate change with the adoption of appropriate strategies, rural devel- and is also widely held to be one of the reasons for opment can be a powerful force for achieving sustaina- the increased frequency of zoonotic diseases, such ble development in general, and the SDGs in particular. as COVID-19. Climate change in turn is having more It is possible to adopt two views of the role of adverse effects on agriculture and rural economies, rural areas in sustainable development. One is the nar thus creating a vicious cycle. row view, which focuses on the connection between Third, on the brighter side, the advent and spread rural development and the SDGs regarding poverty of digital and other frontier technologies are changing (SDG 1), hunger (SDG 2), and equality (SDG 5 and SDG the fundamentals of the present rural-urban divide. 10). The other is the broader view that emphasizes the Rapid technological progress is creating the possibil- wider range of connections between rural development ity of ending this division—a goal cherished by many and the SDGs. forward-looking thinkers since the nineteenth century. This report will both re-examine the narrow view Finally, recent experience has shown that, in of rural development—reviewing how existing models this era of globalization, steady decline of the share of and strategies of rural development have not always agriculture in gross domestic product (GDP), or of the been successful, even from this viewpoint—and expand
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the discussion to the role of rural development in Figure O.1 achieving the wider set of SDGs. In doing the latter, the Share of world’s rural population by report intends to pay particular attention to the inter- country income group, 2020 action of rural development with SDG 6 (clean water High-income countries and sanitation), SDG 8 (economic growth and decent 6% work), SDG 9 (infrastructure), SDG 11 (sustainable com- munities), SDG 13 (climate change), SDG 14 (life below Low- water) and SDG 15 (life on land). The interlinkages of income all these goals suggest that potential synergies exist Upper-middle- countries income countries 13% between rural development and sustainable develop- 27% ment efforts in many other directions. Given the limita- tion of this report’s scope, attention will be particularly focused on those aspects of the connections that have a potential nexus role, being able to exert influence in Lower-middle- income countries multiple directions. 54%
An overview of the rural world Source: UN DESA, based on data from World Bank (2021). The share of rural population in national population differs greatly from country to country, so does the Figure O.2 depth of the rural development challenge. About 90 Share of rural population in total per cent of the world’s rural population lives in coun- population by country income group, 2020 tries where the rural population constitutes at least 30 per cent of the national population. Also, about 70 67.0% per cent of the world’s rural population lives in low-in- 59.5% come or lower-middle-income countries (figure O.1), and rural population comprises about 60 and 67 per cent of the population in lower-middle-income and 33.0% low-income countries, respectively (figure O.2). It is therefore clear that the issue of rural development 18.4% is central for most of the low-income and lower-mid- dle-income countries. Even in high-income countries, the rural population comprises about one fifth of the Low-income Lower-middle- Upper-middle- High-income countries income income countries total population, making rural development important countries countries for these countries too. More importantly, rural areas Source: UN DESA, based on data from United Nations (2019b) and are critical to the ecology and environment of a coun- World Bank (2021). try; consequently, the importance of rural development cannot be gauged only by the share of population living The extent of the rural development challenge in rural areas. From this viewpoint, strategies of rural also differs across countries. Although there are some development assume much greater significance for countries where the per capita income of the rural pop- upper-middle-income and high-income countries than ulation is higher than the national per capita income, what may appear from the shares of rural population in in most countries, the former is much lower than the total population of these countries. latter. In fact, about 71.3 per cent of the world’s rural
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population lives in countries where the agricultural per trial revolution. However, the post-colonial reality of capita income is lower than the per capita income of many developing countries—saddled with large popu- the country as a whole. About one fifth of the rural pop- lations facing widespread unemployment and under- ulation lives in countries where the former is only about employment—gave rise to theories of development in 57 per cent of the latter. the early 1950s that proceeded from the assumption Even the socioeconomic performance of rural of lower labour productivity in rural areas (agriculture), development strategies cannot be evaluated only on as compared with that in urban areas (industry), and the basis of income. A broader set of socioeconomic viewed transfer of (surplus) labour from the former to indicators, together with environmental dimensions, the latter as the main engine of growth and develop- must be considered. Well-being of the rural population ment. This view was captured well through the Lewis depends on the complex interaction between their eco- model of development, put forward in 1954.1 In this nomic activities, the quality of their social condition, view of development, rural areas were assigned a resid and the management of their environment. It does ual role—that is, the role of supplying (surplus) labour them little good if a rural development strategy gen- to the urban areas. Over time, rural labour productivity erates high income that is concentrated in the hands increased under this scenario too, as less labour was of a few and at high environmental cost in the form of available to produce the same previous or greater lev- depletion and degradation of natural resources. els of agricultural output. However, this productivity The question is how rural development can be increase was a subsequent—and not preceding—out- made compatible with sustainable development and come, and the role of rural areas in development was the achievement of the SDGs. Answering this question requires first taking note of the different perspectives largely passive, not active. that have emerged from different historical experienc- Around the same time as the above theories of es of countries and how these perspectives have influ- development gained ground, robust agricultural growth enced rural development strategies. took place in several East Asian countries, providing a strong foundation for subsequent broad-based indus- trial growth. The radical land redistributions carried Perspectives on out in these countries following World War II and the rural development Chinese Revolution in 1949 were an important factor for this agricultural growth. The experience of these Experiences of rural development have differed in dif- newly industrialized countries again lent support to the ferent parts of the world and at different periods in preceding role of rural development in a country’s over- time. Correspondingly, the theories of rural develop- all development. ment also differ. It is therefore not always clear which Meanwhile, agricultural productivity received a theoretical perspective is more useful for a particular big boost with the Green Revolution in the 1960s, when country or region at a given period in time. Moreover, high-yielding varieties of many crops were introduced, the situation keeps changing with each passing year. accompanied by controlled irrigation and the use of In particular, the pace of technological innovation chemical fertilizers and pesticides. The experience of has accelerated, and many changes are occurring at the Green Revolution also showed that a rural labour breathtaking speed. Technological changes and glo- balization are reinforcing each other in a manner that productivity increase does not always have to be a changes ground conditions rapidly. Strategies of ru- residual process; instead, it can be an independent—if ral development have to be thought of in the light of not preceding—process as well.
these changes. 1 This view was most famously put forward by the Nobel The history of the early industrializing countries Laureate economist Arthur Lewis through his celebrated article, “Economic Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labor” shows that improvements in agricultural productivity (Lewis, 1954). For a discussion of the Lewis model, see Islam had a preceding role in the causation of the first indus- and Yokota (2008).
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Theories of rural development are therefore as There was a time when cities were intentionally diverse as the actual experiences of rural development separated from surrounding rural areas by the erection have been, and it is important to take note of these of walls. These walls had the dual purpose of defence experiences in order to develop a proper understanding (against outside predators) and the regulation of flows of how to move forward in making rural development a of people, goods, and services between cities and the force for sustainable development. While the classical outside areas. Subsequent developments of technol- pattern of structural change (with the share of agricul- ogy made walls redundant as a means of defence. ture steadily declining) has been the dominant pattern The accompanying socioeconomic development also in the past, increased globalization and sweeping tech- made walls unacceptable as a barrier between rural nological changes have opened up new possibilities and urban areas. However, the spatial distinction for industrialization and overall transformation of the between rural and urban areas still remains. economy, even with relatively high shares of agriculture in GDP and of rural population in the total population.2 Models and drivers The question is what kind of strategies and policies can of urbanization allow countries to utilize these new possibilities. From the viewpoint of the content of the process, two models of urbanization can be distinguished, namely Models and drivers of rural- (i) classical and (ii) greenfield. The classical model urban spatial combination refers to urbanization through migration, so that pre- existing towns grow in size to become much larger ur- An important strategic question of rural development ban centres, as has actually happened in history and is concerns achieving optimal rural-urban spatial combi- supported theoretically by the Lewis model. The green- nation, which remains a significant challenge. field model refers to the growth of new cities through the conversion of previously rural areas. In some Problematic nature of the cases, these are rural areas lying on the outskirts of rural-urban distinction previously existing cities and towns, so that their con- version-first into peri-urban and then into fully urban The challenge begins with the very issue of demarca- areas-is linked with the classical urbanization pro- tion between rural and urban areas. The criteria for dis- cess. However, in other cases, these areas are far from tinguishing between the two are problematic. The most pre-existing cities and towns and represent a more au- widely used criterion is the density of population. How- thentic version of greenfield urbanization. ever, what is considered to be dense for one country Both the classical and greenfield urbanizations may be viewed as sparse in another. Another possible can be the outcome of either spontaneous or guided criterion is the nature of the predominant economic ac- processes. Under the former, spontaneous econom- tivity, with areas dominated by agriculture regarded as ic forces drive the determination of the rural-urban rural, and areas dominated by commerce and industry boundaries. By contrast, under the latter, administra- regarded as urban. A closer observation reveals that tive decisions are used to guide the formation of these the economic criterion actually underpins the popu- boundaries. The spontaneous process is more prev- lation density criterion. Inherently, areas dominated alent in land-rich countries, where easy availability by agriculture must be sparsely populated, given the of land allows the authorities to be less concerned amount of land (open space) required by this activity. about the rural-urban boundaries. The philosophy of By contrast, the processes of commerce and industry Governments also plays a role, with those committed require many people working in close proximity; areas to the laissez-faire principle (or less concerned about dominated by them, therefore, have high population the environmental impact of the economic processes) densities and are thus classified as urban. being more favourable to the spontaneous model. By 2 See Islam and Iversen (2018) for a recent discussion. contrast, countries with a limited amount of land and
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greater concern about the environmental impact of into urban areas (in the sense of the size and density of the economic processes tend more towards the guid- population). ed model. Administrative cities present a special sit- Since the early nineteenth century, progressive uation. These cities are built mainly to perform admi social thinkers have dreamed of ending the rural-urban nistrative functions and do not rely on concentrations division and equalizing the standard of living between of commerce and industry. They represent a special the urban and rural areas. In situ urbanization embod- example of the guided model and may be seen in land- ies that dream. The idea of in situ urbanization can also rich countries too. be viewed as a reaction to the undesirable nature that In most cases, these two driving forces—spon- urbanization has taken on in many countries in recent taneous and guided—combine, although one may decades: millions of rural people flocked to cities be more important than the other. The spontaneous in search of a better life, but ended up in unhygienic force may lead to the conversion of a rural area into slums and in wretched living conditions. Also, in many an urban area through the process of agglomeration; countries, ills of urbanization have led to the growth of and through the same process, it may lead to further urban sprawl and suburbia, encroaching the rural land- growth of an existing urban area.3 Similarly, under the scape and societies in undesirable ways. The goal of guided model, administrative decisions may promote in situ urbanization is to ensure an urban standard of urbanization of an area, while in other cases they may living for people in rural areas so that they do not have discourage or even prevent urbanization. The adminis- to migrate to cities. This model of rural-urban spatial trative decisions may also take the form of restrictions combination generally depends more on guidance. on the mobility and resettlement of people, instead of Looking across the world, several notable experi altering the economic character of an area directly.4 ments of in situ urbanization can already be seen, and their experiences can provide important lessons about how to implement the idea of in situ urbanization. In situ urbanization as a model of rural development Different variants of in situ urbanization In contrast to the classical and greenfield models of Japan urbanization, in situ urbanization—despite the name— is actually a model of rural development. It refers to Japan was an early example of transforming under- the improvement of the standard of living of the rural developed rural areas into modern communities with population to the urban level, without getting converted high income levels and improved well-being. This transformation can be attributed to land reforms, the 3 However, the spontaneous model may lead to de-urbanization establishment of agricultural cooperatives, price sub- too. The departure of concentrated economic activities can lead to a decline in the population density of an area, sidies to farmers and other measures that improved undermining its characterization as urban. For example, agricultural productivity. There was a conscious effort globalization, accompanied by off-shoring of labour-intensive production operations, led to urban decay and hollowing out of to avoid large rural-urban income disparity. Eventually, towns and cities in many advanced countries. A more benign many rural areas located in the outskirts of large cit- process of decline in urban density was seen in the form of suburbanization, which, in turn, took two forms, namely (i) shift ies became parts of the metropolitan areas, producing in residence only and (ii) shift in both residence and workplace. non-rice agricultural products (such as flowers, fruits Under the former, people moved to places outside the cities in order to enjoy the more expansive living conditions of rural and vegetables), providing residential areas, and host- areas while commuting to their workplaces that remained ing manufacturing and service activities to the old and within the cities. Under the latter, even the workplaces moved new residents. to outside the city perimeters, along with the workers. In both cases, the suburbanization was facilitated by the construction of highways, expansion of car ownership, etc. China 4 The hukou (household registration) system of China is an example, under which rural people are not free to migrate and The in situ urbanization process in China has involved take up residences in cities. setting up of township and village enterprises, which
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led to the creation of non-farm employment for more trade protective measures for rice, and a shrinking and than 130 million people by 1997 and accounted for ageing rural population, which is causing many rural about 30 per cent of China’s GDP and about one third of communities to become non-viable. In China, despite the country’s export by the end of the twentieth century the numerous measures and institutions that aim to (Harvie, 1999; Islam 2009). In situ urbanization in Chi- retain population in rural areas, there has been mas- na has also been driven by improvement in infrastruc- sive internal migration to the cities. The inadequate tures, measures to attract foreign investment, and pol- social protection system—which includes health care icies and institutions that empower local governments and education—and rural-urban differences in stand- while disincentivizing rural residents from leaving for ard of living that remain continue to drive people (par- the cities. ticularly youth) away from rural areas. In Sri Lanka, the worry is whether, after serving the country well for Sri Lanka many decades, the in situ urbanization model is leading Sri Lanka offers a model of in situ urbanization that the country into what is called the middle-income trap differs from the Chinese and Japanese experiences (MIT). According to some observers, avoiding the MIT in many respects. Defying the general notion that ur- and moving forward to the high-income stage requires banization is a precondition or concomitant feature of a more innovative economy, with more horizontal and growth and development, Sri Lanka achieved the up- vertical mobility.5 From this perspective, the current in per-middle-income status with an urbanization rate of situ urbanization model can become a hindrance. less than 20 per cent and little rural-urban disparity— Despite the limitations noted above, the in situ all the while without experiencing significant rural- urbanization model offers an attractive way of improv- urban migration. Sri Lanka achieved this feat through ing the quality of life of rural people and avoiding urban its “Rural First” principle, under which preference was squalor and misery. China, Japan and Sri Lanka offer given to the demands of rural people. Accordingly, the good examples of this model, showing how the income country guaranteed them free education and medi- of rural people can be raised to that of urban people; cal services of the same quality available to its urban how non-farm, industrial employment opportunities population. This equality was achieved through a hub- can be created in rural areas; and how the urban-rural and-spoke system, in which small cities and towns of disparity in education, health, and other areas can be Sri Lanka’s provinces served as hubs of education and eliminated or narrowed. Lessons from these examples health-care services that all the people of the adjoin- can therefore be valuable ingredients for future strate- ing rural areas could utilize. For this purpose, the Gov- gies of rural development in many countries. ernment set up enough schools and hospitals in these hubs, built a dense road network, and ensured a subsi- In situ urbanization as a future dized, efficient bus transportation system that the rural model of rural development people could use for traveling to the hubs. Rural peo- Two recent global processes are making the idea and ple could also make use of the transportation system practice of in situ urbanization more plausible. The for commuting to jobs that they took in the cities and first is globalization, which is creating the possibility towns. The small physical size of the country, implying of non-classical patterns of structural change. For short commuting distances, facilitated the success of a long time, the idea of structural change was based the hub-and-spoke system. Sri Lanka could thereby on basically the closed-economy assumption and im- avoid both classical and greenfield urbanization pro- plied steady decline in the share of agriculture in the cesses to a significant degree. GDP and concomitantly of the share of rural popula- Although successful in many ways and for tion in the total population of a country. However, in a considerable periods of time, the in situ urbanization globalized economy, it is possible for some countries model faced problems too. Japan, for example, now faces challenges associated with the sustainability of 5 See Islam (2015) for a discussion of these issues.
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to industrialize and reach higher aggregate levels of Models of agriculture productivity even with higher shares of agriculture and Another strategic question of rural development con- rural population.6 cerns the choice of the agricultural model. Agriculture Second, the new digital technologies are under- has been and remains the main economic activity of ru- cutting the very technological rationale of the rural- ral areas, and the inherent reason for rural characteris- urban divide. As the COVID-19 experience has shown, tics of an area. It is therefore important to take note of many economic activities—that were previously the different models of agriculture that have emerged thought to be urban—can now be performed from rural over time. Agriculture itself has three interrelated di- locations too. The progress of 3D printing technology mensions, namely (i) resources (e.g., land and labour is converting manufacturing into a boutique operation availability); (ii) technology; and (iii) institutions (e.g., that can be located in rural areas. Also, the Internet has ownership of the land). Based on the combination of made it possible for people in rural locations to have various possibilities along these dimensions, different the same access to information, services, and enter- models of agriculture can be distinguished (table O.1). tainment as available to the people in urban areas. The different agricultural models shown in These fundamental changes are creating the table O.1 have their respective merits and demerits material basis for ending the rural-urban divide and for regarding various socioeconomic and environmental realizing the dream of in situ urbanization in a much objectives of sustainable development. The appropri- wider scale. The time for in situ urbanization may have ateness of one or the other or a combination of several finally come, and it is the responsibility of the policy models depends crucially on the resource, technology makers to make the best use of this possibility for and institutions of a particular country. Making the cor- improving the life and livelihood of the rural people and rect choice in this regard is central for the success of for the overall development of their countries. the rural development strategy.
Table O.1 Different agriculture models distinguished by technology, scale and ownership pattern Institutional setting and farm unit Transition technology- Size of land Industrial based Pre-industrial holding Corporate Family farm Cooperative Family farm Family farm Cooperative Large-scale Land-rich, Land-rich, Former socialist China, Viet Nam, industrialized industrialized countries in and other countries; Land- countries Eastern Europe socialist, rich developing developing countries with countries when foreign-owned they were at plantations their early industrialization stages Small- and Industrialized Developing Developing medium-scale countries with countries, countries at limited land yet to be fully initial levels of industrialized industrialization and with limited and that use land mainly pre-industrial agriculture technology Source: UN DESA.
6 See Islam and Iversen (2018) for details.
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To ascertain the suitability of different models of Chronic underinvestment in the agricultural sec- spatial combination of rural and urban areas and differ- tor is a key factor behind the subpar agricultural pro- ent models of agriculture, it is necessary to review the ductivity growth in many developing countries. This socioeconomic and environmental performance of the is reflected in the extremely low values of net capital current strategies and patterns of rural development. stock per agricultural worker in low-income countries as compared to those in middle- and high-income countries (figure O.3). Tepid investment in agriculture Investment and productivity reflects low expected return, which is in turn driven challenges of rural by a combination of factors: volatile agricultural pric- es that have been on a decade-long decline; lack of development access to agricultural knowledge and technology; inad- equate infrastructure; insecure access to land; gender The central challenge of rural transformation is raising gap in access to productive resources; climate change; agricultural productivity. The tepid growth of agricul- and environmental degradation. De-prioritization of the tural productivity and the persistent productivity gap agricultural sector by urban-minded Governments and between developed and developing countries in the the ongoing COVID-19-induced disruptions to the agri- past two decades is therefore worrying. Without an cultural global value chain also add to the downward acceleration in agricultural labour productivity growth pressure on agricultural productivity. from the levels they experienced since the turn of the Improvement in agricultural productivity does century, it is estimated that countries that are home to not necessarily lead to broad-based and immediate at least 501 million agricultural workers are unlikely to poverty reduction, especially in countries where pover- reach SDG 2.3—doubling the agricultural productivity ty is more prevalent among landless rural households and incomes of small-scale food producers—by 2030. that engage mainly in non-farm activities. Creating and
Figure O.3 Net capital stock per worker in agriculture sector, relative to high-income countries, 2003–2017 (high-income countries’ median=100)
Upper-middle-income countries Lower-middle-income countries Low-income countries