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Dissimilation in Grammar and the Lexicon 381
In Paul de Lacy (ed.), The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology, CUP. ~ssive' 16 hono main, uages Ii and Dissimilation in grammar .t sibi l1eme- and the lexicon John D. Alderete Stefan A. Frisch 1992). s har peech L1 and form 16.1 Introduction ltivity Dissimilation is the systematic avoidance of two similar sound structures in this is relatively close proximity to each other. It is exhibited in static generalizations over the lexicon, where combinations of similar sounds are systematically lspar avoided in lexical items, like the avoidance oftwo homorganic consonants in ~such Arabic roots (Greenberg 1950; McCarthy 1994). Dissimilation is also observed in l than phonological processes in which the target and trigger become less alike for by phonologically. In Tashlhiyt Berber, for example, two primary labial conson ction; ants in the same derived stem trigger a process ofdelabialization: Im-kaddabl ~ [n-kaddab] 'consider a liar (reciprocal)' (Elmedlaoui 1992, Jebbour 1985). Dissimilation has been an important empirical testing ground for many of the central research paradigms in modern linguistics. For example, dissimilatory phenomena have been crucial to the development of theories offeature geometry and feature specification in autosegmental phonology (McCarthy 1986, 1988, Padgett 1995, Yip 1989b). As the results emerging from this research were incorporated into constraint-based theories of phonology like Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 2004), dissimilation became an important problem in the study of phonological markedness and constraint composition (Alderete 1997, Ito & Mester 2003). In a different line of research, dissimilation has been argued to have its seeds in the phonetics of sound change, restricted by the same vocal tract constraints involved in speech production and perception (Ohala 1981 et seq.). -
Anatolian Evidence Suggests That the Indo- European Laryngeals * H2 And
Indo-European Linguistics 6 (2018) 69–94 brill.com/ieul Anatolian evidence suggests that the Indo- European laryngeals *h2 and *h3 were uvular stops Alwin Kloekhorst Leiden University [email protected] Abstract In this article it will be argued that the Indo-European laryngeals *h2 and *h3, which recently have been identified as uvular fricatives, were in fact uvular stops in Proto- Indo-Anatolian. Also in the Proto-Anatolian and Proto-Luwic stages these sounds prob- ably were stops, not fricatives. Keywords Indo-European – laryngeals – phonological change – Indo-Anatolian 1 Background It is well-known that the Indo-European laryngeals *h2 and *h3 have in some environments survived in Hittite and Luwian as consonants that are spelled with the graphemes ḫ (in the cuneiform script) and h (in the hieroglyphic script).1 Although in handbooks it was usually stated that the exact phonetic interpretation of these graphemes is unclear,2 in recent years a consensus seems to have formed that they represent uvular fricatives (Kümmel 2007: 1 Although there is no full consensus on the question exactly in which environments *h2 and *h3 were retained as ḫ and h: especially the outcome of *h3 in Anatolian is debated (e.g. Kloekhorst 2006). Nevertheless, for the remainder of this article it is not crucial in which environments *h2 and *h3 yielded ḫ and h, only that they sometimes did. 2 E.g. Melchert 1994: 22; Hoffner & Melchert 2008: 38. © alwin kloekhorst, 2018 | doi:10.1163/22125892-00601003 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing CC-BY-NC license at the time of publication. -
Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops
Title Page Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops by Eva Bacas University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2019 Committee Page UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This thesis was presented by Eva Bacas It was defended on November 8, 2019 and approved by Alana DeLoge, Quechua Instructor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Melinda Fricke, Assistant Professor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Gillian Gallagher, Associate Professor, Department of Linguistics, New York University Thesis Advisor/Dissertation Director: Claude Mauk, Senior Lecturer, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by Eva Bacas 2019 iii Abstract Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops Eva Bacas, BPhil University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Quechua is an indigenous language of the Andes region of South America. In Cochabamba, Bolivia, Quechua and Spanish have been in contact for over 500 years. In this thesis, I explore sociolinguistic variation among bilingual speakers of Cochabamba Quechua (CQ) and Spanish by investigating the relationship between the production of the voiceless uvular stop /q/ and speakers’ sociolinguistic backgrounds. I conducted a speech production study and sociolinguistic interview with seven bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers. I analyzed manner of articulation and place of articulation variation. Results indicate that manner of articulation varies primarily due to phonological factors, and place of articulation varies according to sociolinguistic factors. This reveals that among bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers, production of voiceless uvular stop /q/ does vary sociolinguistically. -
An Illustration of the Phonemic Inventory and Phonology of Bimanese*
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE An Illustration of the Phonemic Inventory and Phonology of Bimanese* Ladina R. Thoeny and Eunice Tong University of Hong Kong 1 Introduction This paper presents the phonemic inventory and phonology of Bimanese, a vastly understudied Austronesian language, with a focus on the Kolo dialect and the co-occurrence restrictions of sounds, consonantal and vowel combinations in words and their syllable structure. 1.1 Background Bimanese is classified as a Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian language and is spoken by the Mbojo people on Eastern Sumbawa Island in the Indonesian province of West Nusa Tenggara. In Kolo Bimanese, there are prenasalized, implosive consonants, and homorganic consonant clusters, but there is a dispreference for closed syllables (Klamer 2002). 1.2 Fieldwork Research was conducted over a two-week period at the Mataram Lingua Franca Institute in Mataram, Indonesia. The study focuses on the data collected from recording sessions with one male and one female. Both are native speakers of Kolo Bimanese, who also speak Indonesian and English. We first confirmed the inventory of consonants and vowels found in the language, and then looked at all possible consonant and vowel combinations. Lapel microphone recordings of attested CV and CCV combinations, as well as isolated vowels with two separate consonants, were recorded. All consonants and vowels have been double confirmed by reading their respective spectrograms in Praat. 2 Phonemic Inventory Pulmonic consonants, non-pulmonic consonants, and vowels are presented in the following section. The study does not focus on stress. -
A Cinefluorographic Study of the Articulation of Uvular Consonants in Swedish and West Greenlandic
A cinefluorographic study of the articulation of uvular consonants in Swedish and West Greenlandic Abstract This poster concerns the articulation of uvular consonants with particular reference to quantal aspects of speech production. Data from X-ray motion films are presented. Two speakers of Southern Swedish give examples of [R], and one speaker of West Greenlandic Inuit gives examples of [R] and [q]. Traditionally, uvular consonants are said to be produced by articulating the dorsum against the uvula. Unfortunately, this ought not work, owing to the presence of air passages either side of the uvular: (1) these passages should prevent occlusion for a stop, (2) similarly they should prevent necessary conditions for a Bernoulli force for a tremulant, and (3) they should prevent a Reynolds number sufficiently small for fricatives. The formant transitions to vowels adjacent to these consonants suggest instead that the place of articulation is in the upper pharynx, at the same place as is constricted for [o]-like vowels. The X-ray films confirm that these three subjects constrict the upper pharynx for these consonants. But there was a difference of timing of the uvular consonant gesture for these two languages. The Swedish subjects completed the vowel as usual and then initiated the uvular tongue body gesture. The Inuit subject initiated both vowel and uvular consonant gestures earlier, so that the vocoid segment consisted of the transition to the uvular consonant, reflecting the regular pharyngeal assimilation of vowels preceding uvulars in West Greenlandic. Wood, S. A cinefluorographic study of uvular consonants in Swedish and West Greenlandic. Poster presented at the conference From Sound to Sense, 11-13 June 2004. -
A North Caucasian Etymological Dictionary
S. L. Nikolayev S. A. Starostin A NORTH CAUCASIAN ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY Edited by S. A. Starostin ***************** ****************ASTERISK PUBLISHERS * Moscow * 1994 The two volumes contain a systematic reconstruction of the phonology and vocabulary of Proto-North-Caucasian - the ancestor of numerous modern languages of the Northern Caucasus, as well as of some extinct languages of ancient Anatolia. Created by two leading Russian specialists in linguistic prehistory, the book will be valuable for all specialists in comparative linguistics and history of ancient Near East and Europe. © S. L. Nikolayev, S. A. Starostin 1994 TABLE OF CONTENTS Editor' s foreword. , . Preface List of abbreviations Literature I ntr oduct ion Dictionary ? . 200 9 . 236 5 . , . ..............242 a' i ... ' 252 a ............. 275 b ...... 285 c 322 c 3 3 L t ^39 C 352 £ 376 : 381 d 397 e 409 4 2 5 Y 474 B 477 h 48 5 h 5 00 h 5 0 3 H 342 i 625 i 669 j '. 6 7 3 k. 68 7 fc 715 I 7 4 2 1 : .... 7 5 4 X. ! 7 5 8 X ; 766 X 7 7 3 L 7 86 t. ' 7 87 n 844 o. 859 p. 865 p. 878 q . 882 q 907 r. ..... 943 s... i 958 s. 973 S. 980 t . 990 t 995 ft. ...... 1009 u 1010 u 1013 V 1016 w. 1039 x 1060 X. ........ 1067 z. ... 1084 z 1086 2. 1089 3 1 090 3 1101 5 1105 I ndices. 1111 5 EDITOR'S FOREWORD This dictionary has a long history. The idea of composing it was already ripe in 1979, and the basic cardfiles were composed in 1980-1983, during long winter months of our collaboration with S. -
Iberian Spirantization As a Syllable Contact Process
Iberian Spirantization as a Syllable Contact Process MARfA M. CARREIRA Department of Romance Languages and Literatures California Srare University This paper examines Spanish spirantization as a syllable contact phenomenon subject to the Syllable Preference Laws proposed by Murray and Venneman (1987). It proposes a rule that assigns the feature [+continuant] to a voiced obstruent, provided that a minimum sonority distance is maintained between the obstruent as a spirant and a preceding rhyme. Otherwise, the obstruent receives the specification [-continuant]' The minimum sonority difference between an onset and a preceding segment is subject to dialectal and stylistic variation, ranging from a distance of two, in spirantizing dialects, to a distance of seven, in dialects that show a preference for stops. This approach allows us to explain the range of variation inherent in Spanish spirantization as well as the right-environment conditions of Portuguese and Catalan spirantization. I. Introduction Spirantization in Spanish, the alternation between voiced obstruent stops and continuants, has been the subject of countless papers and discussions. Most analyses have accepted the facts in (1) as complete and representative of this phenomenon. (1) The distribution ofvoiced obstruents in Spanish: Stops [b, d, g] N_ banda,hornbre, tango I_(only for ID/) ea1do, ee1da After a pause bareo, diente, gato Continuants [b, d, g] V(G)_ ca[~]ra,ca[o]a, o[y]o r ar[ ~ ]01, par[0]0, ear[y]o 1__ (for IBI and IG/) al[~]a, al[y]o In syllable-final position a[y]nostieo, lau[o], o[~]tuso Based on these data, most analyses have represented the stop/spirant alternation as the result of a process of assimilation involving the feature continuant. -
Dominance in Coronal Nasal Place Assimilation: the Case of Classical Arabic
http://elr.sciedupress.com English Linguistics Research Vol. 9, No. 3; 2020 Dominance in Coronal Nasal Place Assimilation: The Case of Classical Arabic Zainab Sa’aida Correspondence: Zainab Sa’aida, Department of English, Tafila Technical University, Tafila 66110, Jordan. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6645-6957, E-mail: [email protected] Received: August 16, 2020 Accepted: Sep. 15, 2020 Online Published: Sep. 21, 2020 doi:10.5430/elr.v9n3p25 URL: https://doi.org/10.5430/elr.v9n3p25 Abstract The aim of this study is to investigate place assimilation processes of coronal nasal in classical Arabic. I hypothesise that coronal nasal behaves differently in different assimilatory situations in classical Arabic. Data of the study were collected from the Holy Quran. It was referred to Quran.com for the pronunciations and translations of the data. Data of the study were analysed from the perspective of Mohanan’s dominance in assimilation model. Findings of the study have revealed that coronal nasal shows different assimilatory behaviours when it occurs in different syllable positions. Coronal nasal onset seems to fail to assimilate a whole or a portion of the matrix of a preceding obstruent or sonorant coda within a phonological word. However, coronal nasal in the coda position shows different phonological behaviours. Keywords: assimilation, dominance, coronal nasal, onset, coda, classical Arabic 1. Introduction An assimilatory situation in natural languages has two elements in which one element dominates the other. Nasal place assimilation occurs when a nasal phoneme takes on place features of an adjacent consonant. This study aims at investigating place assimilation processes of coronal nasal in classical Arabic (CA, henceforth). -
Building a Universal Phonetic Model for Zero-Resource Languages
Building a Universal Phonetic Model for Zero-Resource Languages Paul Moore MInf Project (Part 2) Interim Report Master of Informatics School of Informatics University of Edinburgh 2020 3 Abstract Being able to predict phones from speech is a challenge in and of itself, but what about unseen phones from different languages? In this project, work was done towards building precisely this kind of universal phonetic model. Using the GlobalPhone language corpus, phones’ articulatory features, a recurrent neu- ral network, open-source libraries, and an innovative prediction system, a model was created to predict phones based on their features alone. The results show promise, especially for using these models on languages within the same family. 4 Acknowledgements Once again, a huge thank you to Steve Renals, my supervisor, for all his assistance. I greatly appreciated his practical advice and reasoning when I got stuck, or things seemed overwhelming, and I’m very thankful that he endorsed this project. I’m immensely grateful for the support my family and friends have provided in the good times and bad throughout my studies at university. A big shout-out to my flatmates Hamish, Mark, Stephen and Iain for the fun and laugh- ter they contributed this year. I’m especially grateful to Hamish for being around dur- ing the isolation from Coronavirus and for helping me out in so many practical ways when I needed time to work on this project. Lastly, I wish to thank Jesus Christ, my Saviour and my Lord, who keeps all these things in their proper perspective, and gives me strength each day. -
Prestopped Bilabial Trills in Sangtam*
PRESTOPPED BILABIAL TRILLS IN SANGTAM* Alexander R. Coupe Nanyang Technological University, Singapore [email protected] ABSTRACT manner of articulation in an ethnographic description published in 1939: This paper discusses the phonetic and phonological p͜͜ w = der für Nord-Sangtam typische Konsonant, sehr features of a typologically rare prestopped bilabial schwierig auszusprechen; tönt etwa wie pw oder pr. trill and some associated evolving sound changes in Wird jedoch von den Lippen gebildet, durch die man the phonology of Sangtam, a Tibeto-Burman die Luft so preßt, daß die Untelippe einmal (oder language of central Nagaland, north-east India. zweimal) vibriert. (Möglicherweise gibt es den gleichen Konsonanten etwas weicher und wird dann Prestopped bilabial trills were encountered in two mit b͜ w bezeichnet). dozen words of a 500-item corpus and found to be in Translation: pw = the typical consonant for the North phonemic contrast with all other members of the Sangtam language, very difficult to pronounce; sounds plosive series. Evidence from static palatograms and like pw or pr. It is however produced by the lips, linguagrams demonstrates that Sangtam speakers through which one presses the air in a way that the articulate this sound by first making an apical- or lower lip vibrates once (or twice). (Possibly, the same laminal-dental oral occlusion, which is then consonant exists in a slightly softer form and is then 1 explosively released into a bilabial trill involving up termed bw). to three oscillations of the lips. In 2012 a similar sound was encountered in two The paper concludes with a discussion of the dozen words of a 500-word corpus of Northern possible historical sources of prestopped bilabial Sangtam, the main difference from Kauffman’s trills in this language, taking into account description being that the lip vibration is preceded phonological reconstructions and cross-linguistic by an apical- or laminal-dental occlusion. -
The Stops of Tlingit
The Stops of Tlingit IAN MADDIESON1,2 and CAROLINE L. SMITH2 1University of California, Berkeley and 2University of New Mexico Introduction One aspect of the maintenance of languages is the maintenance of the appropriate pronunciation. A language whose speakers use it only a minority of the time is often strongly affected by the phonetic patterns of the dominant language, particularly as speech habits natural to the ‘new’ language are carried over to the traditional one. Documenting the phonetic patterns of those speakers who were the last to have learned the language in question as their first language can provide an appropriate source of guidance to the pronunciation to adopt for later generations. In this paper we aim to present a good description of certain important aspects of the pronunciation of the stops of Tlingit. We hope that this data will be of value to those interested in the continuation of Tlingit as a spoken language. Of course, all languages change over time, and pronunciation will evolve in natural ways, so this information should be used in ways that accommodate natural changes. This data will also have value for comparative phonetic studies as illustrating details of a language whose phonetics has been previously little studied. Tlingit ([!i"ít]) is a Na-Dene language (Krauss 1979) spoken in South-East Alaska and the Yukon. There are now few fluent speakers under the age of 60 (Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer 1995). The language has some dialect variation, with particular differences noted between Inland or Yukon Tlingit and Coastal or Alaskan varieties, and further differences between Northern, Central, and Southern varieties along the Coast. -
1 the Phonology of Wakashan Languages Adam Werle University
1 The Phonology of Wakashan Languages Adam Werle University of Victoria, March 2010 Abstract This article offers an overview of the phonological typology and analysis of the Wakashan languages, namely Haisla, Heiltsukvla (Heiltsuk, Bella Bella), Oowekyala, Kwak’wala (Kwakiutl), Nuu-chah-nulth (Nootka), Ditidaht (Nitinaht), and Makah. Like other languages of the Northwest Coast of North America, these have many consonants, including several laterals, front and back dorsals, few labials, contrastive glottalization and lip rounding, and a glottal stop with similar distribution to other consonants. Consonant-vowel sequences are characterized by large obstruent clusters, and no hiatus. Of theoretical interest at the segmental level are consonant mutations, positional neutralizations of laryngeal features, vowel-glide alternations, glottalized vowels and glottalized voiced plosives, and historical loss of nasal consonants. Also addressed here are aspects of these languages’ rich prosodic morphology, such as patterns of reduplication and templatic stem modifications, the distribution of Northern Wakashan schwa, alternations in Southern Wakashan vowel length and presence, and the syllabification of all-obstruent words. 1. Introduction The Wakashan language are spoken in what are now British Columbia, Canada, and Washington State, USA. The family comprises a northern branch—Haisla, Heiltsukvla, Oowekyala, and Kwa kwala—and̓ a southern branch—Nuu-chah-nulth, Ditidaht, and Makah— that diverge significantly from each other, but are internally very similar. They are endangered, being spoken natively by about 350 people, out of ethnic populations of about 23,000 whose main language is English. At the same time, most are undergoing active revitalization, with about 1,000 semi-speakers and learners ( First Peoples’ Language Map ).