The Emperor Commodus
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Herodian History of the Roman Empire Source 2: Aulus Gellius Attic
insulae: how the masses lived Fires Romans Romans in f cus One of the greatest risks of living in the densely populated city of Rome, and particularly in insulae was that of fires. Fires broke out easily (due to people cooking on open flames), spread easily (due to buildings being constructed out of wood, and buildings being built so closely together) and were hard to control. Several times large parts of the city went up in flames. It was not unusual for imperial funds to make good losses of impoverished wealthy citizens in the wake of a fire. Source 1: Herodian History of the Roman Empire In this passage from Herodian riots have broken out in the city of Rome, and soldiers combatting civilians started setting fire to houses. The soldiers did, however, set fire to houses that had wooden balconies (and there were many of this type in the city). Because a great number of houses were made chiefly of wood, the fire spread very rapidly and without a break throughout most of the city. Many men who lost their vast and magnificent properties, valuable for the large incomes they produced and for their expensive decorations, were reduced from wealth to poverty. A great many people died in the fire, unable to escape because the exits had been blocked by the flames. All the property of the wealthy was looted when the criminal and worthless elements in the city joined with the soldiers in plundering. And the part of Rome destroyed by fire was greater in extent than the largest intact city in the empire. -
A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Rachel Meyers Iowa State University, [email protected]
World Languages and Cultures Publications World Languages and Cultures 2017 A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Rachel Meyers Iowa State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/language_pubs Part of the European Languages and Societies Commons, Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, and the History of Gender Commons The ompc lete bibliographic information for this item can be found at http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ language_pubs/130. For information on how to cite this item, please visit http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ howtocite.html. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the World Languages and Cultures at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in World Languages and Cultures Publications by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Abstract The ra ch dedicated to Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea was an important component in that town’s building activity. By situating the arch within its socio-historical context and acknowledging the political identity of Oea and nearby towns, this article shows that the arch at Oea far surpassed nearby contemporary arches in style, material, and execution. Further, this article demonstrates that the arch was a key element in Oea’s Roman identity. Finally, the article bridges disciplinary boundaries by bringing together art historical analysis with the concepts of euergetism, Roman civic status, and inter-city rivalry in the Roman Empire. -
Balance and Decline of Trade in Early Andhra: (With Special Reference to Roman Contacts)
International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, Volume 4, Issue 1, January 2014 1 ISSN 2250-3153 Balance and Decline of Trade in Early Andhra: (With special reference to Roman contacts) Dr. G. Mannepalli * Faculty Member,Dept. of History & Archaeology, Acharya Nagarjuna University, Guntur, Andhra Pradesh Abstract- The history of early Indian trade also shows a distinct A few words may be said here with regarded to the influence preference for the study of long-distance trade-both over land of the ocean upon the life of the Andhra people close association and overseas –the study of exports and imports, especially their with the sea made the inhabitants of the coastal regions fearless possible identifications on a modern map. The other common and adventurous sailors. The idea conquering the sea always feature in this historiography is to present urban centers almost haunted them and the result was the discovery of a number of invariably as thriving commercial canters and to hold places hitherto unknown to them. Going there both as colonists commercial exchanges as the principal causative factor towards and traders they also widened the geographical horizon of Indian urbanization. Without belittling the importance of this civilization. Levi (pre -Aryan and pre- Dravidian) has pointed out conventional narrative approach to the history of trade; it must be that the sea-routes to the East from the ports of South India had emphasized that an understanding of trade and urban centers can come in to common use many centuries before the Christian era. hardly be delinked from the agrarian sector. Significantly Trade relations with the West also opened well before said era. -
Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire
26 Potter Chapter 2 Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire David Potter By the age of Cicero – the point at which they began to recognize the fact that they controlled a territorial empire and could raise revenue from it – the Ro- mans were accustomed to measure their power with criteria taken over whole- sale from Greek theory. In the De Legibus, Cicero says simply that senators ought to know the state of the army, the treasury, the allies, friends and tribu- taries of Rome and the nature of the attachment of each to Rome. For Cicero this is what it was to “know the State.”1 In these terms power is a function of income and manpower. Such a measurement, which, as we shall see, would have a long history going forward, was even then being amply employed by Gaius Caesar in his Gallic Wars, and had a long prior history in Greek thought. Caesar famously illustrated the power of the various Gallic and German tribes he subdued or encountered by telling his readers how many of them there were or had been. Good of the Helvetians to have produced a census docu- ment (in Greek no less) attesting to the fact that there were 368,000 of them at the beginning of their migration. There were now a mere 110,000 going home. The Suebi, the most powerful of the Germans were said (a nice concession on Caesar’s part) to have controlled one hundred districts which each furnished 1000 men to fight each year – since the same warriors only fought every other year, this meant that there were at least 200,000 of them, and there were nearly 250,000 Gauls who came to the relief of Vercingetorix (including men from tribes such as the Nervii that Caesar claimed to have annihilated in recent years).2 A conception of state power as a function of demography and money would have been familiar to any Roman aristocrat who knew (as any Roman aristo- crat would have) the works of fifth-century Greek historians. -
A Remark on the Name of the Emperor Lucius Aurelius Verus in Egypt 448 ADAM ŁUKASZEWICZ
INSTITUT DES CULTURES MÉDITERRANÉENNES ET ORIENTALES DE L’ACADÉMIE POLONAISE DES SCIENCES ÉTUDES et TRAVAUX XXVI 2013 ADAM ŁUKASZEWICZ A Remark on the Name of the Emperor Lucius Aurelius Verus in Egypt 448 ADAM ŁUKASZEWICZ In documents from Roman Egypt the emperor Lucius Aurelius Verus (AD 161–169)1 appears obviously as co-regent of Marcus Aurelius and is mentioned only together with Marcus Aurelius. In Greek papyri a frequent formula reads: Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Μάρκος Αὐρήλιος ʼΑντωνῖνος Σεβαστὸς καὶ Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Λούκιος Αὐρήλιος Οὐῆρος Σεβαστός.2 The occurrence of Lucius Verus is rare in Egyptian texts. As far as the Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions are considered, J. von Beckerath quotes only the examples from R. Lepsius’ Denkmäler.3 The name of Lucius Verus occurs as: Rwky Awrry wr-aA anx-Dt. The names printed in the Denkmäler were copied from three cartouches which are situ- ated on the southern wall in a small western temple of Marcus Aurelius at Philae, in a row together with the cartouches of Marcus Aurelius, with two preserved cartouches containing the titles Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ: Awtkrtr Ksrs. Above these cartouches of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus there is a fragment of a Greek inscription with a date (Pharmouthi 30 of an unknown year) referring to the joint rulers: ] κυρίων Αὐτοκρατόρων Φαρμοῦθι λ ἐπ΄ ἀγαθῷ. New instances of the name of Lucius Verus are available now in the publication by J. Hallof.4 They came from Kom Ombo and Philae. The inscriptions can be found in the main temple of Kom Ombo and in the gate of Hadrian at Philae. -
Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage
Liberty Coin Service Collector’s Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage (49 BC - AD 518) The Twelve Caesars - The Julio-Claudians and the Flavians (49 BC - AD 96) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Julius Caesar (49-44 BC) Augustus (31 BC-AD 14) Tiberius (AD 14 - AD 37) Caligula (AD 37 - AD 41) Claudius (AD 41 - AD 54) Tiberius Nero (AD 54 - AD 68) Galba (AD 68 - AD 69) Otho (AD 69) Nero Vitellius (AD 69) Vespasian (AD 69 - AD 79) Otho Titus (AD 79 - AD 81) Domitian (AD 81 - AD 96) The Nerva-Antonine Dynasty (AD 96 - AD 192) Nerva (AD 96-AD 98) Trajan (AD 98-AD 117) Hadrian (AD 117 - AD 138) Antoninus Pius (AD 138 - AD 161) Marcus Aurelius (AD 161 - AD 180) Hadrian Lucius Verus (AD 161 - AD 169) Commodus (AD 177 - AD 192) Marcus Aurelius Years of Transition (AD 193 - AD 195) Pertinax (AD 193) Didius Julianus (AD 193) Pescennius Niger (AD 193) Clodius Albinus (AD 193- AD 195) The Severans (AD 193 - AD 235) Clodius Albinus Septimus Severus (AD 193 - AD 211) Caracalla (AD 198 - AD 217) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Geta (AD 209 - AD 212) Macrinus (AD 217 - AD 218) Diadumedian as Caesar (AD 217 - AD 218) Elagabalus (AD 218 - AD 222) Severus Alexander (AD 222 - AD 235) Severus The Military Emperors (AD 235 - AD 284) Alexander Maximinus (AD 235 - AD 238) Maximus Caesar (AD 235 - AD 238) Balbinus (AD 238) Maximinus Pupienus (AD 238) Gordian I (AD 238) Gordian II (AD 238) Gordian III (AD 238 - AD 244) Philip I (AD 244 - AD 249) Philip II (AD 247 - AD 249) Gordian III Trajan Decius (AD 249 - AD 251) Herennius Etruscus -
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th. -
(Ed.): Herodian: Geschichte Des Kaisertums Nach Marc Aurel: Griechisch Und Deutsch: Mit Einleitung, Anmerkungen Und Namenindex
The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here F. L. Müller (ed.): Herodian: Geschichte des Kaisertums nach Marc Aurel: griechisch und deutsch: mit Einleitung, Anmerkungen und Namenindex. Pp. 359. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1996. Paper, DM 144. ISBN: 351568627. Simon Corcoran The Classical Review / Volume 49 / Issue 01 / April 1999, pp 261 261 DOI: 10.1093/cr/49.1.261, Published online: 12 April 2006 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X99370037 How to cite this article: Simon Corcoran (1999). The Classical Review,49, pp 261261 doi:10.1093/cr/49.1.261 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 144.82.107.43 on 10 Sep 2012 the classical review 261 F. L . M ller (ed.): Herodian: Geschichte des Kaisertums nach Marc Aurel: griechisch und deutsch: mit Einleitung, Anmerkungen und Namenindex. Pp. 359. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1996. Paper, DM 144. ISBN: 3-515-6862-7. Following his recent versions of Eutropius and Vegetius (see pp. 272–3 below), M.’s main aim in this edition of Herodian is the provision of an up-to-date German translation, filling the gap in recent modern language versions. In this M. succeeds perfectly well, with the facing- page translation set against the Greek text. This text relies heavily on earlier editions, with apparatus concentrated in six pages (pp. 27–32), listing with short comments divergences from Stavenhagen’s 1922 Teubner edition. -
Name Reign Succession Died
Name Reign Succession Died March 20, 235 CE - Proclaimed emperor by German legions April 238 CE; Assasinated by Praetorian Maximinus I April 238 CE after the murder of Severus Alexander Guard Proclaimed emperor, whilst Pro-consul in Africa, during a revolt against Maximinus. Ruled jointly with his son Gordian II, and in opposition to Maximinus. Technically a usurper, but March 22, 238 CE - retrospectively legitimised by the April 238 CE; Committed suicide upon Gordian I April 12, 238 CE accession of Gordian III hearing of the death of Gordian II. Proclaimed emperor, alongside father March 22, 238 CE - Gordian I, in opposition to Maximinus by April 238 CE; Killed during the Battle of Gordian II April 12, 238 CE act of the Senate Carthage fighting a pro-Maximinus army Proclaimed joint emperor with Balbinus by the Senate in opposition to April 22, 238 AD – Maximinus; later co-emperor with July 29, 238 CE; Assassinated by the Pupienus July 29, 238 AD Balbinus. Praetorian Guard Proclaimed joint emperor with Pupienus by the Senate after death of Gordian I & April 22, 238 AD – II, in opposition to Maximinus; later co- July 29, 238 CE; Assassinated by the Balbinus July 29, 238 AD emperor with Pupienus and Gordian III Praetorian Guard Proclaimed emperor by supporters of April 22, 238 AD – Gordian I & II, then by the Senate; joint February 11, 244 emperor with Pupienus and Balbinus February 11, 244 CE; Unknown, possibly Gordian III AD until July 238 AD. murdered on orders of Philip I February 244 AD – Praetorian Prefect to Gordian III, took September/October -
The Roaming Roman All the News Romans Need to Know 182AD Rome
The Roaming Roman All the News Romans Need to Know 182AD Rome Letter to the Editor Connelius Reillium Dear Roaming Roman, I am writing this letter because I want you to know I am sorry, but only that I failed to kill Commodus. If I had succeeded, Lucilla and her husband would have brought the Roman Empire back to the glory we saw when her father Marcus Aurelius ruled. The two years since he died have been terrible for the Roman Empire. In his 58 years of life, the only thing he did that was bad for the Romans was to let Commodus into power. Marcus Aurelius was a great man. Plato himself would have said he was the Philosopher King he hoped would rule an empire. I read his Meditations regularly and find his Stoicism so different from the terrible policies of Commodus. Commodus does not seem to care about us Romans. Commodus had everything handed to him, but your father was different. His father died when he was two, but that did not stop Marcus Aurelius. He became a consul at 18 and a tribune at 25. He even died fighting the German tribes. Romans need a leader like your father. Commodus needs to be killed, but he will certainly sentence me to death for trying to kill him outside the theater today. I only hope someone finds my dagger and finishes the job. Sincerely, Appius Claudius Quintianus, 182AD Bust of Emperor Marcus Aurelius 160-170 Source: British Museum Sources: Aurelius, Marcus, The Emperor’s Handbook Boak, Arthur, A History of Rome to A.D.565 Birley, Anthony, Marcus Aurelius Knight, Judson, Ancient Civilizations: Biographies . -
Commodus-Hercules: the People’S Princeps
Commodus-Hercules: The People’s Princeps Olivier Hekster History has not been kind to Lucius Aurelius Commodus. Cassius Dio men tioned how ‘Commodus, taking a respite from his amusement and sports, turned to murder and was killing off the prominent men’, before describing the emperor as ‘superlatively mad’. The author of the fourth-century Histo ria Augusta continued the negative tradition, and summarised Commodus as being, from his earliest childhood onwards, ‘base and dishonourable, and cruel and lewd, and moreover defiled of mouth and debauched’.1 Gibbon was shocked to find that his perfect princeps, Marcus Aurelius, had left his throne to such a debased creature and commented that ‘the monstrous vices of the son have cast a shade on the purity of the father’s virtues’.2 More re cently, the latest edition of the Oxford Classical Dictionary summarises Earlier versions of this paper were delivered at the ‘Bristol Myth Colloquium’ (14-16 July 1998) and the seminar Stadtkultur in der römischen Kaiserzeit at the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut in Rome (24-1-2000). My gratitude to the organisers for inviting me, and to all participants for their comments. Spe cial thanks go to Professors Fergus Millar, Thomas Wiedemann and Wolf Lie- beschuetz, who have kindly read earlier drafts of this article, and to Professor Luuk de Blois and Dr Stephan Mols for their help during the research upon which much of this article is based. Their comments have been of great help, as was the criticism of the editors and readers of SCI. This paper will appear, in alternative form, as part of Ο. -
University of Cincinnati
UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI Date: 11-09-2006 I, Mark Andrew Atwood, hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Arts in: The Department of Classics It is entitled: Trajan’s Column: The Construction of Trajan’s Sepulcher in Urbe This work and its defense approved by: Chair: Peter van Minnen William Johnson Trajan’s Column: The Construction of Trajan’s Sepulcher in Urbe A thesis submitted to the Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati In partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Classics of the College of Arts and Sciences 2006 By MARK ANDREW ATWOOD B.A., University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN 2004 Committee Chair: Dr. Peter van Minnen Abstract Eutropius (8.5.2) and Dio (69.2.3) record that after Trajan’s death in A.D. 117, his cremated remains were deposited in the pedestal of his column, a fact supported by archeological evidence. The Column of Trajan was located in urbe. Burial in urbe was prohibited except in certain circumstances. Therefore, scholars will not accept the notion that Trajan overtly built his column as his sepulcher. Contrary to this opinion, I argue that Trajan did in fact build his column to serve as his sepulcher. Chapter 1 examines the extensive scholarship on Trajan’s Column. Chapter 2 provides a critical discussion of the relevant Roman laws prohibiting urban burial. Chapter 3 discusses the ritual of burial in urbe as it relates to Trajan. Chapter 4 identifies the architectural precedent for Trajan’s Column and precedent for imperial burials in urbe.