Chapter 5 RETIREMENT AGE Before the Social Security Act Was Passed
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Age Discrimination in Employment: the Scope of Statutory Exceptions to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967, 8 Loy
Loyola University Chicago Law Journal Volume 8 Issue 4 Summer 1977, Fair Employment Practices Article 14 Symposium 1977 Age Discrimination in Employment: The copS e of Statutory Exceptions to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 Thomas S. Malciauskas Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/luclj Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Thomas S. Malciauskas, Age Discrimination in Employment: The Scope of Statutory Exceptions to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967, 8 Loy. U. Chi. L. J. 864 (1977). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/luclj/vol8/iss4/14 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago Law Journal by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Age Discrimination in Employment: The Scope of Statutory Exceptions to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 The Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 (ADEA)I was enacted to protect older workers from arbitrary employment prac- tices, such as the establishment of age requirements unrelated to the ability needed for a job, and to meet the problem of increasing numbers of older workers who are unable to retain employment after job displacement.2 The ADEA, in language similar to the employ- ment practices sections of the Civil Rights Act of 1964,1 prohibits an employer from discriminating against any employee or applicant for employment who is between forty and sixty-five years of age because of such person's age. -
Rethinking Normal Retirement Age for Pension Plans
American Academy of Actuaries MARCH 2009 MARCH 2013 Key Points Rethinking Normal Retirement Age for Pension Plans n Social Security normal retirement age has been raised to 67 for all he American Academy of Actuaries currently advocates that any individuals born after 1960. Tresolution to the long-term financing problems of the Social n ERISA currently does not allow a plan Security system should include an increase in the Social Security sponsor to raise the normal retirement normal retirement age. This issue brief investigates the effect of age for DB plans beyond age 65 to be similarly raising the normal retirement age in a qualified defined consistent with Social Security. benefit (DB) pension plan, and analyzes the merits of such a move. n Aligning the normal retirement Many of the issues identified in the Academy’s 2008 Social Se- age for DB plans with the Social curity position statement, Actuaries Advocate Raising Social Secu- Security normal retirement age would rity’s Retirement Age, and the Social Security Committee’s 2010 facilitate and encourage more workers issue brief, Raising the Retirement Age for Social Security, includ- to remain in the workforce longer. ing longevity and demographic concerns, apply equally to the n Changes to ERISA should allow, but idea of allowing employer-sponsored plans to raise their plan’s not require, employers to increase normal retirement age. Notably, that issue brief discusses impor- their normal retirement age. tant behavioral effects that a defined normal retirement age can n Transition rules should be considered have. Permitting employers to increase the normal retirement age carefully. -
Raising the Retirement Age for Social Security
American Academy of Actuaries MARCH 2009 OCTOBER 2010 Key Points Raising the Retirement Age When Social Security began paying for Social Security monthly benefits in 1940, workers could receive unreduced retired-worker benefits his issue brief examines in some detail the potential impact of beginning at age 65. This age is known as the Normal Retirement Age (NRA). Traising the retirement age. It is important to note that the Social Insurance Committee of the American Academy of Actuaries has To address an impending solvency crisis, changes legislated in 1983 included gradu- extensively reviewed different reform options for Social Security. ally increasing the NRA (from age 65 to For example, a recent issue brief on Social Security Reform fo- 67) beginning in 2000, recognizing that cuses on possible changes in the benefit formula or in the federal longevity had increased greatly since the income tax treatment of Social Security benefits. The Academy be- system began. lieves that raising the retirement age is one component, though a Social Security now faces another solvency necessary one, of restoring Social Security’s financial health. challenge, with long-term income pro- jected to be insufficient to pay promised Background benefits. Raising the NRA further would improve Social Security’s Board of Trustees projects that, under their best-esti- Social Security’s financial status. Depend- mate assumptions, income to the system will be insufficient to finance ing on the timing and magnitude, raising its benefits in the long run, absent corrective legislation. These finan- the NRA could make a significant contri- cial problems stem partly from the impact of individuals’ living longer bution toward restoring the Social Security and receiving Social Security benefits for a longer period of time, and program to long-range actuarial balance and sustainability. -
Do Mandatory Retirement Contributions Crowd out Voluntary Contributions?
Research Dialogue | Issue no. 161 May 2020 Do mandatory retirement contributions crowd out voluntary contributions? Abstract Leora Friedberg, A high contribution rate to employer-provided defined contribution (DC) pension plans Department of Economics, is important for employees to maintain their standard of living during retirement. Yet, University of Virginia TIAA Institute Fellow plans differ in whether employee or employer contributions are mandated, leaving a critical role for voluntary contributions. We study how employees respond to a shift in Adam Leive, required contribution rates at a large public university. Starting in 2010, new employees Batten School of Leadership experienced two changes relative to employees hired earlier: (1) the employer and Public Policy, contribution rate fell by 1.5 percentage points (pp); and (2) a new mandatory employee University of Virginia contribution of 5% was established. Wenqiang Cai, PWC Economic theory predicts that required contributions will crowd out voluntary contributions by up to 5 pp. These predictions, however, may depend on whether required contributions are salient. Salience may take on particular importance in a complicated choice environment – as is the case for many pension plans. We find evidence of incomplete crowd-out. We estimate a small and often statistically insignificant reduction of 3-6 pp in the share who make any voluntary contributions to the DC plan. Among those who continue to make voluntary contributions, we estimate a reduction in voluntary contributions of about 2.25 pp. The resulting crowd-out is only about 45%, falling well short of predicted crowd-out of 5 pp. These responses suggest a lack of salience of required contributions and reinforce evidence in other settings of passive saving behavior in response to required contributions. -
Automatic Indexation of the Pension Age to Life Expectancy: When Policy Design Matters †
risks Article Automatic Indexation of the Pension Age to Life Expectancy: When Policy Design Matters † Mercedes Ayuso 1,*,‡ , Jorge M. Bravo 2,‡ , Robert Holzmann 3,‡ and Edward Palmer 4,‡ 1 Department of Econometrics, Statistics and Applied Economy, Riskcenter-UB, University of Barcelona, 08034 Barcelona, Spain 2 NOVA IMS Universidade Nova de Lisboa, MagIC, and Université Paris-Dauphine PSL, and CEFAGE-UE, 1070 Lisbon, Portugal; [email protected] 3 Austrian National Bank, and Austrian Academy of Sciences, and Australian Centre of Excellence in Population Ageing Research, CEPAR@UNSW, 1090 Vienna, Austria; [email protected] 4 Uppsala Center for Labor Studies and Department of Economics, SE-751 20 Uppsala, Sweden; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] † This paper is an extended and revised version of the conference paper presented at WorldCIST’21. ‡ These authors contributed equally to this work. Abstract: Increasing retirement ages in an automatic or scheduled way with increasing life expectancy at retirement is a popular pension policy response to continuous longevity improvements. The question addressed here is: to what extent is simply adopting this approach likely to fulfill the overall goals of policy? To shed some light on the answer, we examine the policies of four countries that have recently introduced automatic indexation of pension ages to life expectancy–The Netherlands, Denmark, Portugal and Slovakia. To this end, we forecast an alternative period and cohort life expectancy measures using a Bayesian Model Ensemble of heterogeneous stochastic mortality models Citation: Ayuso, Mercedes, Jorge M. comprised of parametric models, principal component methods, and smoothing approaches. -
65 Years Wage and Cost in Turkey
Kastamonu Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi- Cilt 18, Sayı 1, ICEBSS 2017 Özel Sayı Kastamonu Üniversity Journal of faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences- Volume 18, Issue 1, ICEBSS 2017 Special Issue 65 YEARS WAGE, COST AND FINANCE IN TURKEY1 Faruk DAYI* *Kastamonu University, Corresponding Author, [email protected] Zeynep ARABACI** **Kastamonu University, [email protected] Abstract: While World Health Organization took into account the age limit as 60 years in the 1970s, as today's retirement age is 65 years in industrialized countries. The number of elderly people, which is an important part of social life, is increasing every year. Furthermore, it is necessary to take measures to meet needs of the elderly population. Thus, a part of the needs of the elderly for the social state principle needs to be met by the state. It is taken for a measures that 65 years wage is paid for old people in our country for their life. Purpose of the study, is to compare the 65-year-old pension applied in our country with the similar practices in the world, but also to increase the share of the elderly in social life. In the research conducted, while the number of elderly people 65 years wage was 363.747 in 1977, it increased to 797.426 in 2011. Furthermore, while the 65 year wage was paid 76,47 TL in 2007, it increased to 212,30 TL in 2016. As a result of the work, it is seen that wages increase and care services increase in order to meet the needs of the elderly in our country. -
Nber Working Paper Series Why Was There Mandatory
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES WHY WAS THERE MANDATORY RETIREMENT? OR THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF EFFICIENT BONDING CONTRACTS Kevin Lang Working Paper No. 2199 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 March 1987 This research was supported by an Olin Fellowship at the National Bureau of Economic Research. Many of the ideas in this paper were generated in the èourse of conversations with Shulamit Kahn concerning a related paper (Kahn and Lang, 1986). I am grateful fo Larry Katz for pointing out a significant oversight in the previous draft and to Bob Gibbons, Alan Krueger, Edward Lazear, and Larry Summers for helpful discussions. The research reported here is part of the NBER's research program in Labor Studies. Any opinions expressed are those of the author and not those of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER Working Paper #2199 March 1987 Why Was There Mandatory Retirement? or the Impossiblity of Efficient Bonding Contracts ABSTRACT Lazear has argued that hours constraints, in general, and mandatory retirement, in particular, form part of an efficient labor market contract designed to increase output by inhibiting worker shirking. Since the contract is efficient, legislative interference is welfare reducing. However, in any case where bonding is costly, the hours constraints will not be chosen optimally. Although it is theoretically possible that bonding is costless, in this case the earnings profile is indeterminate and we should never observe monitoring aimed at reducing shirking. It therefore appears that bonding should be modelled as costly. If so, the role of policy depends on the source of bonding costs, the set of feasible contracts and the policy options which are available to government. -
31.07 Retirement
31.07 Retirement Revised April 11, 2019 (MO -2019) Next Scheduled Review: April 11, 2024 Click to view Revision History. Policy Summary The Texas A&M University System (system) abides by the applicable laws in providing for voluntary and mandatory retirement under several situations. This policy addresses the situations under which retirement may or must be offered and taken through the system; specifically including mandatory retirement, disability retirement or retirement under the Teacher Retirement System (TRS) or the Optional Retirement Program (ORP), through a combination of age and years of service. Policy 1. Employment with any member is predicated at all times upon each individual's mental and physical abilities to perform satisfactory service in normal and expected assignments. Retirement from employment with the system will occur when an employee: (a) elects retirement under the provisions of the TRS or ORP; (b) reaches the mandatory retirement age as described below; or (c) meets the conditions for disability retirement. The chancellor or designee is authorized to establish regulations for the implementation of this policy. 2. Mandatory Retirement Age System employees may not be forced to retire except under the following conditions: 2.1 An employee who is in a bona fide executive or high policymaking position for the two-year period immediately before retirement and who is entitled to an immediate nonforfeitable annual retirement benefit which equals at least $44,000 may be retired at the end of the fiscal year in which that employee’s 65th birthday occurs or anytime thereafter at the option of the system Board of Regents (board). -
The Employment Equality (Age) Regulations 2006: a Legitimisation of Age Discrimination in Employment
Industrial Law Journal, Vol. 35, No. 3, September 2006 Industrial Law Society; all rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: [email protected] doi:10.1093/indlaw/dwl017 The Employment Equality (Age) Regulations 2006: A Legitimisation of Age Discrimination in Employment MALCOLM SARGEANT* ABSTRACT The Employment Equality (Age) Regulations, which implement the Framework Direc- tive on Equal Treatment and Occupation, take effect in October 2006. Tackling age dis- crimination is seen to be a means of achieving a more diverse workforce, yet in trying to achieve this objective there have been compromises with the principle of non-discrimination. During the consultation exercises preceding the Regulations there have been important differences of approach between employers and trade unions. The Government has, mostly, adopted the approach supported by employers. The result is a set of Regulations, which, although an important step forward in tackling age discrimination, have numbers of exceptions which effectively legitimise some aspects of age discrimination at work. 1. INTRODUCTION The Labour Government which came to power in 1997 had a commitment to taking some action on age discrimination in employment, although it was not clear what action would be taken. In the event it took a voluntarist route, which few thought would succeed. At the same time the European Commission had been developing its own approach to a forecast and significant ageing of the population of the EU. The result of which, amongst other measures, was the Framework Directive on Equal Treatment in Employment and Occupation,1 which included age discrimination in employment amongst its provisions. The Directive allowed Member States to apply for an extension of up to three years from the original implementation date of 2 December 2003 ‘in order to take account of particular conditions’. -
The Case of Kazakhstan's 2013 Pension Reform
Elena Maltseva* and Saltanat Janenova** The Politics of Pension Reforms in Kazakhstan: Pressures for Change and Reform Strategies*** Abstract: Following the Soviet Union‘s disintegration, many post-Soviet states introduced liberal economic and social reforms. The reforms included the replacement of the Soviet-era ―pay-as-you-go‖ pension system with a new fully funded, defined contribution pension system that was based on individual accounts. Built on the example of the 1981 Chilean pension reform and the advice of international financial institutions, such as the World Bank and the IMF, the driving idea behind the post- Soviet pension reform was to reduce government‘s costs, to encourage personal savings, to avoid government mismanagement of pension funds and to contribute to the development of the financial sector. However, as time passed, the new pension systems displayed several shortcomings, including low coverage, especially of the poor population and women; high fiscal costs of transition from one pension system to another; high administrative costs; serious financial risks for the pensioners; and several other. As a result, in recent years, a number of governments in Latin America, Eastern Europe and CIS, including Kazakhstan, launched another round of pension reforms, this time rolling back the earlier privatization schemes, and reintroducing or strengthening the publicly managed components into/of their pension systems. This paper discusses the origins and outcomes of the liberal 1998 pension reform in Kazakhstan, and the rationale -
Pension Reform
No. 113 January 2020 Abkhazia South Ossetia caucasus Adjara analytical digest Nagorno- Karabakh www.laender-analysen.de/cad www.css.ethz.ch/en/publications/cad.html PENSION REFORM Special Editor: Martin Brand (CRC 1342 “Global Dynamics of Social Policy” and Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen) ■■Introduction by the Special Editor: The Rise of Pension Privatisation in the South Caucasus 2 ■■Economic and Political Aspects of the Pension Reform in Armenia 3 By Gayane Shakhmuradyan (American University of Armenia) ■■OPINION POLL The Attitude of the Armenian Population towards Pension Reform 8 ■■Pension Privatization in Georgia: Accumulation Against Solidarity 10 By Alexandra Aroshvili and Tornike Chivadze ■■The Current State of the Pension System in Azerbaijan: Challenges and Prospects 14 By Gubad Ibadoghlu (Economic Research Center, Baku) Research Centre Center Center for Eastern European German Association for for East European Studies for Security Studies CRRC-Georgia East European Studies Studies University of Bremen ETH Zurich University of Zurich CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 113, January 2020 2 Introduction by the Special Editor: The Rise of Pension Privatisation in the South Caucasus The privatisation of pension systems has spread worldwide, especially in the 1990s and 2000s, first mostly in Latin America, followed by numerous countries in Central and Eastern Europe. In recent years, South Caucasus countries have also reformed their pension systems. Armenia and Georgia have introduced a mandatory system of private, indi- vidual pension savings, while Azerbaijan has so far maintained its pay-as-you-go system with supplementary volun- tary private pension savings. The late rise of pension privatisation in the South Caucasus is surprising given that in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, many countries in Central and Eastern Europe scaled down mandatory private retirement accounts and restored the role of public provision. -
Borough of Shrewsbury Policies and Procedures Manual
BOROUGH OF SHREWSBURY POLICIES AND PROCEDURES MANUAL Revised: October 1, 2018 The Borough of Shrewsbury is an Equal Opportunity Employer CONTENTS General Personnel Policy 4 Specific Employment Policies and Procedure Section One: Policies relating to Employee Rights and Obligations Anti-Discrimination Policy 5 Americans with Disabilities Act Policy 5 Contagious or Life-Threatening Illnesses Policy 6 Safety Policy 6 Drug and Alcohol Policy 7 Workplace Violence Policy 7-8 General Anti-Harassment Policy 8 Anti-Sexual Harassment Policy 8-9 Whistle Blower Policy 10 Employee Complaint Policy 10-11 Grievance Policy 11 Access to Personnel Files Policy 12 Conflict of Interest Policy 12-13 Political Activity Policy 13 Employee Evaluation Policy 13-14 Employee Discipline/Termination Policy 14-15 Resignation Policy 15 Workforce Reduction Policy 16 Driver’s License Policy 16-17 Section Two: Workplace Policies Job Description Policy 18 Attendance Policy 18 Early Closing and Delayed Opening Policy 18 Breaks 18 Dress Code Policy 18-19 No Smoking Policy 19 Telephone Usage Policy 19 Communication Media Policy/Social Media 19-23 Use of Internet 23 Video Surveillance 24 Bulletin Board Policy 24 Employee Dating Policy 24-25 Other Documents pertaining to Dept. of Public Works Employees 25 Vehicle Policy 26 Statement of Policy & Procedure Use of Private Vehicle for Borough Business & 27-28 Department Vehicles for Personal Use Section Three: Paid and Unpaid Time Off Policies Paid Holiday Policy 29 Vacation Leave Policy 29-30 Personal Leave Policy 30 Longevity