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The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(S): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No
The Past and Present Society The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(s): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No. 179 (May, 2003), pp. 197-234 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3600827 . Accessed: 05/01/2014 17:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press and The Past and Present Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Past &Present. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.110.33.183 on Sun, 5 Jan 2014 17:29:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAUSES OF UKRAINIAN-POLISH ETHNIC CLEANSING 1943* Ethniccleansing hides in the shadow of the Holocaust. Even as horrorof Hitler'sFinal Solution motivates the study of other massatrocities, the totality of its exterminatory intention limits thevalue of the comparisons it elicits.Other policies of mass nationalviolence - the Turkish'massacre' of Armenians beginningin 1915, the Greco-Turkish'exchanges' of 1923, Stalin'sdeportation of nine Soviet nations beginning in 1935, Hitler'sexpulsion of Poles and Jewsfrom his enlargedReich after1939, and the forcedflight of Germans fromeastern Europein 1945 - havebeen retrievedfrom the margins of mili- tary and diplomatichistory. -
12 the Return of the Ukrainian Far Right the Case of VO Svoboda
12 The Return of the Ukrainian Far Right The Case of VO Svoboda Per Anders Rudling Ukraine, one of the youngest states in Europe, received its current borders between 1939 and 1954. The country remains divided between east and west, a division that is discernible in language, culture, religion and, not the least, historical memory. Whereas Ukrainian nationalism in the 1990s was described in terms of “a minority faith,” over the past half-decade there has been a signifi cant upswing in far-right activity (Wilson, 1997: 117–146). The far-right tradition is particularly strong in western Ukraine. Today a signifi cant ultra-nationalist party, the All-Ukrainian Association ( Vseukrains’ke Ob ’’ iednanne , VO) Svoboda, appears to be on the verge of a political breakthrough at the national level. This article is a survey, not only of its ideology and the political tradition to which it belongs but also of the political climate which facilitated its growth. It contextualizes the current turn to the right in western Ukraine against the backdrop of instrumental- ization of history and the offi cial rehabilitation of the ultra-nationalists of the 1930s and 1940s. MEMORIES OF A VIOLENT 20TH CENTURY Swept to power by the Orange Revolution, the third president of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010), put in substantial efforts into the pro- duction of historical myths. He tasked a set of nationalistically minded historians to produce and disseminate an edifying national history as well as a new set of national heroes. Given Yushchenko’s aim to unify the country around a new set of historical myths, his legitimizing historians ironically sought their heroes in the interwar period, during which the Ukrainian-speaking lands were divided, and had very different historical experiences. -
Contours and Consequences of the Lexical Divide in Ukrainian
Geoffrey Hull and Halyna Koscharsky1 Contours and Consequences of the Lexical Divide in Ukrainian When compared with its two large neighbours, Russian and Polish, the Ukrainian language presents a picture of striking internal variation. Not only are Ukrainian dialects more mutually divergent than those of Polish or of territorially more widespread Russian,2 but on the literary level the language has long been characterized by the existence of two variants of the standard which have never been perfectly harmonized, in spite of the efforts of nationalist writers for a century and a half. While Ukraine’s modern standard language is based on the eastern dialect of the Kyiv-Poltava-Kharkiv triangle, the literary Ukrainian cultivated by most of the diaspora communities continues to follow to a greater or lesser degree the norms of the Lviv koiné in 1 The authors would like to thank Dr Lance Eccles of Macquarie University for technical assistance in producing this paper. 2 De Bray (1969: 30-35) identifies three main groups of Russian dialects, but the differences are the result of internal evolutionary divergence rather than of external influences. The popular perception is that Russian has minimal dialectal variation compared with other major European languages. Maximilian Fourman (1943: viii), for instance, told students of Russian that the language ‘is amazingly uniform; the same language is spoken over the vast extent of the globe where the flag of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics flies; and you will be understood whether you are speaking to a peasant or a university professor. There are no dialects to bother you, although, of course, there are parts of the Soviet Union where Russian may be spoken rather differently, as, for instance, English is spoken differently by a Londoner, a Scot, a Welshman, an Irishman, or natives of Yorkshire or Cornwall. -
Reconceptualizing the Alien: Jews in Modern Ukrainian Thought*
Ab Imperio, 4/2003 Yohanan PETROVSKY-SHTERN RECONCEPTUALIZING THE ALIEN: JEWS IN MODERN UKRAINIAN THOUGHT* To love ones motherland is no crime. From Zalyvakhas letter to Svitlychnyi, Chornovil, and Lukho. Whoever in hunger eats the grass of the motherland is no criminal. Andrei Platonov, The Sand Teacher Perhaps one of the most astounding phenomena in modern Ukrainian thought is the radical reassessment of the Jew. Though the revision of Jew- ish issues began earlier in the 20th century, if not in the late 19th, it became particularly salient as part of the new political narrative after the “velvet revolution” of 1991 that led to the demise of the USSR and the establish- * I gratefully acknowledge the help of two anonymous reviewers of Ab Imperio whose insightful comments helped me considerably to improve this paper. Ukrainian names in the body text are rendered in their Library of Congress Ukrainian transliteration. In cases where there is an established English (or Russian) form for a name, it is bracketed following the Ukrainian version. The spelling in the footnotes does not follow LC Ukrainian transliteration except in cases where the publishers provide their own spelling. 519 Y. Petrovsky-Shtern, Reconceptualizing the Alien... ment of an independent Ukraine. The new Ukrainian perception of the Jew boldly challenged the received bias and created a new social and political environment fostering the renaissance of Jewish culture in Ukraine, let alone Ukrainian-Jewish dialogue. There were a number of ways to explain what had happened. For some, the sudden Ukrainian-Jewish rapprochement was a by-product of the new western-oriented post-1991 Ukrainian foreign pol- icy. -
From Ukrainian People's Republic to the Hetmanate
The Perception of Germany in the Kyivan Press: From Ukrainian People’s Republic to the Hetmanate (November 1917 — December 1918) Author(s): Ivan Basenko Source: Kyiv-Mohyla Humanities Journal 4 (2017): 67–84 Published by: National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy http://kmhj.ukma.edu.ua/ The Perception of Germany in the Kyivan Press: From Ukrainian People’s Republic to the Hetmanate (November 1917 — December 1918) Ivan Basenko National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Department of History Abstract The 1917 February Revolution led to the reshaping of the war-era image of the German enemy. Focusing on the former imperial borderland province of the Southwestern Krai, this article unveils the national, political, and cultural considerations of the local Ukrainian and Russian- language media that affected their attitude towards the Germans. It argues that the developments of the 1917–1918 Ukrainian Revolution presented a unique case of constructing the image of the Germans due to the ongoing rivalry between the respective Ukrainian and Russian national projects. The study is based on the materials of prominent Kyivan daily newspapers, thus rendering the spectrum of the region’s political thought. Built upon the concept of imagology, the article apprehends the images of “otherness” in conjunction with the actor’s own identity. Key Words: image of the Germans, Kyivan press, Ukrainian Revolution, nationalism, First World War. 3 Introduction Throughout the First World War, the image of the ultimate German threat had served as a key instrument of the Russian Empire’s mass mobilization and war effort. However, by the time the 1917 February Revolution broke out, this propaganda construct had already been overshadowed by general war weariness.1 The downfall of the Romanov dynasty brought to an end the country’s rigid “war till victory” policy and thus shattered the uniform image of the enemy. -
Radical Nationalist Parties and Movements in Contemporary Ukraine Before and After Independence: the Right and Its Politics, 1989-1994
Nationalities Papers, Vol. 25, No. 2, 1997 RADICAL NATIONALIST PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS IN CONTEMPORARY UKRAINE BEFORE AND AFTER INDEPENDENCE: THE RIGHT AND ITS POLITICS, 1989-1994 Taras Kuzio Introduction The radical right in the Ukrainian political spectrum is dominated by three move- ments—the Nationalist Union Ukrainian State Independence (DSU), the Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA, formerly the Ukrainian Inter-Party Assembly, UMPA) and the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (KUN). The UNA is dominated by the highly secretive Ukrainian Nationalist Union (UNS) which grew out of the national- ist wing of the Association of Independent Ukrainian Youth (SNUM). The KUN was launched in 1992 in Ukraine as the overt arm of the emigre Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera faction (known commonly as OUN revolutionaries, or OUNr). Other organisations, such as SNUM and the more radical eastern Ukrainian-based Association of Ukrainian Youth (SUM), increasingly adopted "revolutionary nationalism" as their ideology in 1990-1991, with nationalists propagating a "youth cult" to attract the younger generation (both for members and intellectual support).1 It is also often pointed out that Ukrainian nationalism will have a large appeal among the youth of tomorrow.2 Other nationalist groups, though smaller, have also emerged, such as the Ukrainian National-Radical Party (UNRP) and the Organisation for the Liberation of Ukraine,3 but they have remained largely insignificant. The UNRP was established at the end of 1990 in L'viv, joined the Ukrainian Inter-Party Assembly (UMPA) but remained underground. Its leader, Mykhailo Stasiuk, launched the nationalist and widely read journal Derzhavnist in 1991, claiming the highly inflated membership figure of 500 members.4 The Ukrainian National Party (UNP) and the Ukrainian People's Democratic Party (UNDP), the founders of the UMPA, amalga- mated into the Ukrainian National Conservative Party (UNKP) in 1992. -
International MAG Convention “The Image of the Self” PROGRAM
International MAG Convention “The Image of the Self” Andrey Sheptytsky Center Ukrainian Catholic University Lviv, Ukraine June 27-29, 2018 PROGRAM International Association for the Humanities (MAG) American Council of Learned Societies Ukrainian Catholic University Support for the convention was received from: Foundation to Promote Open Society Carnegie Corporation of New York International Renaissance Foundation Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies (ASEEES) Lviv City Council About MAG The International Association for the Humanities (MAG) was founded in 2007 by advisers of the Humanities Program in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine, which was organized by the American Council of Learned Societies with support from the Carnegie Corporation of New York. As a network of networks in Eastern Europe and Eurasia, MAG serves similar functions to those that ASEEES (Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies) does in North America. Both associations are international, interdisciplinary meeting places for scholars. In its brief history, MAG has conducted competitions for research and for travel grants, and has published the Internet magazine, TheBridge-MOCT (thebridge- moct.org). About UCU The Ukrainian Catholic University is an open academic community and a private institution for education and research, living the Eastern Christian tradition and forming leaders to serve with professional excellence in Ukraine and internationally. The University’s priorities are: a well-grounded humanities education, socially-aware orientation of the instructional process, and the spiritual dimension of education. CONVENTION SPONSORS The International Association for the Humanities (MAG) thanks all of the convention sponsors whose generous contribution and support help to promote the continued growth and visibility of our Association during our convention. -
The Struggle for Dominance in Eurasia: “The International Politics Of
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej ■ LII-SI(3) Marek Wojnar Department of Central and Eastern Europe, Institute of Political Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences The struggle for dominance in Eurasia: “The international politics of Ukrainian nationalism” by Bohdan Kordiuk in the context of geopolitical concepts of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists during the 1930s Zarys treści: Artykuł jest próbą przedstawienia rozwoju geopolitycznych koncepcji Organizacji Ukraińskich Nacjonalistów oraz roli, jaką w ich kształtowaniu odegrał pochodzący z 1934 r. tekst Polityka międzynarodowa ukraińskiego nacjonalizmu Bohdana Kordiuka. Źródło to publikuję w tłumaczeniu na język angielski w drugiej części tekstu. W artykule koncentruję się na omówieniu koncepcji geopolitycznych OUN w latach trzydziestych. W ograniczonym stopniu przywołuję również idee wysuwane przez organizację pod koniec lat dwudziestych, aby zilustrować różnicę, jaka zaszła po przybyciu na emigrację byłych działaczy Krajowej Egzekutywy OUN. Outline of content: The article is an attempt to present the development of geopolitical concepts of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists and the role of the 1934 text “The international politics of Ukrainian nationalism” by Bohdan Kordiuk played in shaping them. I include the source material, in an English translation, in the second part of this paper. In the article, I concentrate on the discussion of OUN’s geopolitical concepts in the 1930s. To a limited extent I also mention ideas put forward by the Organisation at -
Mapping the Ukrainian Poetry of New York
Introduction: Mapping the Ukrainian Poetry of New York In the midst of ever-increasing quantity, anthologies enable individual voices to be heard above the collective noise. —Czeslaw Milosz1 In the very city of New York literally every day poets read their work in dozens of different places: at museums, churches, universities, various institutions, libraries, theatres, galleries, cafes and private places. […] Every place that has a roof is a place for poetry. —Bohdan Boychuk2 This poetry is no hymn to the homeland; rather the gaze of the allegorist, as it falls on the city, is the gaze of alienated man. It is the gaze of the flaneur, whose way of life still conceals behind a mitigating nimbus the coming desolation of the big-city dweller. —Walter Benjamin3 The Encounter Legend has it that on a mid-fall day in 1966, while on an official trip to New York City as part of the Soviet-Ukrainian delegation to the annual convention of the United Nations, Ivan Drach—then a thirty-year-old aspiring poet and screenwriter—managed to escape the KGB personnel tailing the poet and headed into a district of the city totally unknown to him. After wandering around this strange neighborhood, the poet stopped before a cafeteria, entered it, and spotted a bearded, bespectacled man sitting in the corner as if waiting for someone. Drach approached him; the two men shook hands. The bearded man, believed to be the American poet Allen Ginsberg, lived nearby in an area known as the East Village. The Ukrainian poet did not know conversational English well, and Ginsberg did not know any Ukrainian. -
HARVARD UKRAINIAN STUDIES EDITORS George G
HARVARD UKRAINIAN STUDIES EDITORS George G. Grabowicz and Edward L. Keenan, Harvard University ASSOCIATE EDITORS Michael S. Flier, Lubomyr Hajda, and Roman Szporluk, Harvard University; Frank E. Sysyn, University of Alberta FOUNDING EDITORS Omeljan Pritsak and Ihor Sevienko, Harvard University MANAGING EDITOR Andrew Sorokowski BOOK REVIEW EDITOR Larry Wolff BUSINESS MANAGER Olga К. Mayo EDITORIAL BOARD Zvi Ankori, Tel Aviv University—John A. Armstrong, University of Wisconsin—Yaroslav Bilinsky, University of Delaware—Bohdan R. Bociurkiw, Carleton University, Ottawa—Axinia Djurova, University of Sofia—Olexa Horbatsch, University of Frankfurt—Halil inalcık, University of Chi- cago—Jaroslav D. Isajevych, Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, L'viv— Edward Kasinec, New York Public Library—Magdalena László-Kutiuk, University of Bucharest— Walter Leitsch, University of Vienna—L. R. Lewitter, Cambridge University—G. Luciani, University of Bordeaux—George S. N. Luckyj, University of Toronto—M. Łesiów, Marie Curie-Sklodowska University, Lublin—Paul R. Magocsi, University of Toronto—Dimitri Obolensky, Oxford Univer- sity—Riccardo Picchio, Yale University—Marc Raeff, Columbia University—Hans Rothe, University of Bonn—Bohdan Rubchak, University of Illinois at Chicago Circle—Władysław A. Serczyk, University of Warsaw at Białystok—George Y. Shevelov, Columbia University—Günther Stökl, University of Cologne—A. de Vincenz, University of Göttingen—Vaclav Żidlicky, Charles Univer- sity, Prague. COMMITTEE ON UKRAINIAN STUDIES, Harvard University Stanisław Barańczak George G. Grabowicz (Chairman) Timothy Colton Edward L. Keenan Michael S. Flier Roman Szporluk Subscription rates per volume (two double issues) are $28.00 U.S. in the United States and Canada, $32.00 in other countries. The price of one double issue is $18.00 ($20.00 overseas). -
Memorialization of the Jewish Tragedy at Babi Yar Aleksandr Burakovskiy∗
Nationalities Papers Vol. 39, No. 3, May 2011, 371–389 Holocaust remembrance in Ukraine: memorialization of the Jewish tragedy at Babi Yar Aleksandr Burakovskiy∗ Independent Scholar, United States (Received 24 November 2009; final version received 26 January 2011) At the core of the debate in Ukraine about Babi Yar lies the Holocaust. Between 1941 and 1943 1.5 million Jews perished in Ukraine, yet a full understanding of that tragedy has been suppressed consistently by ideologies and interpretations of history that minimize or ignore this tragedy. For Soviet ideologues, admitting to the existence of the Holocaust would have been against the tenet of a “Soviet people” and the aggressive strategy of eliminating national and religious identities. A similar logic of oneness is being applied now in the ideological formation of an independent Ukraine. However, rather than one Soviet people, now there is one Ukrainian people under which numerous historical tragedies are being subsumed, and the unique national tragedies of other peoples on the territory of Ukraine, such as the massive destruction of Jews, is again being suppressed. According to this political idea assiduously advocated most recently during the Yushchenko presidency, the twentieth century in Ukraine was a battle for liberation. Within this new, exclusive history, the Holocaust, again, has found no real place. The author reviews the complicated history regarding the memorialization of the Jewish tragedy in Babi Yar through three broad chronological periods: 1943–1960, 1961–1991, and 1992–2009. Keywords: Babi Yar; Jews in Ukraine; anti-Semitism; Holocaust At the core of the decades-long debate in Ukraine about the memorialization of the Jewish tragedy at Babi Yar lies a lack of acknowledgement of the Holocaust. -
The Cossack Myth: History and Nationhood in the Age of Empires
THE COSSACK MYTH In the years following the Napoleonic Wars, a mysterious manuscript began to circulate among the dissatisfied noble elite of the Russian Empire. Entitled The History of the Rus′, it became one of the most influential historical texts of the modern era. Attributed to an eighteenth-century Orthodox archbishop, it described the heroic struggles of the Ukrainian Cossacks. Alexander Pushkin read the book as a manifestation of Russian national spirit, but Taras Shevchenko interpreted it as a quest for Ukrainian national liberation, and it would inspire thousands of Ukrainians to fight for the freedom of their homeland. Serhii Plokhy tells the fascinating story of the text’s discovery and dissemination, unravelling the mystery of its authorship and tracing its subsequent impact on Russian and Ukrainian historical and literary imagination. In so doing, he brilliantly illuminates the relationship between history, myth, empire, and nationhood, from Napoleonic times to the fall of the Soviet Union. serhii plokhy is the Mykhailo Hrushevsky Professor of Ukrainian History at Harvard University. His previous publications include Ukraine and Russia: Representations of the Past (2008)andThe Origins of the Slavic Nations: Premodern Identities in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus (2006). Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 210.212.129.125 on Sun Dec 23 05:35:34 WET 2012. http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ebook.jsf?bid=CBO9781139135399 Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2012 new studies in european history Edited by PETER