Maimonides' Thirteen Principles: the Last Word in Jewish Theology?
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Dogma, Heresy, and Classical Debates: Creating Jewish Unity in an Age of Confusion
Dogma, Heresy, and Classical Debates: Creating Jewish Unity in an Age of Confusion Byline: Rabbi Hayyim Angel Judaism includes the basic tenets of belief in one God, divine revelation of the Torah including an Oral Law, divine providence, reward-punishment, and a messianic redemption. Although there have been debates over the precise definitions and boundaries of Jewish belief, these core beliefs have been universally accepted as part of our tradition.[1] The question for believing Jews today is, how should we relate to the overwhelming majority of contemporary Jews, who likely do not fully believe in classical Jewish beliefs? Two medieval models shed light on this question. Rambam: Dogmatic Approach Rambam insists that proper belief is essential. Whether one intentionally rejects Jewish beliefs, or is simply mistaken or uninformed, non-belief leads to one’s exclusion from the Jewish community and from the World to Come: When a person affirms all these Principles, and clarifies his faith in them, he becomes part of the Jewish People. It is a mitzvah to love him, have mercy on him, and show him all the love and brotherhood that God has instructed us to show our fellow Jews. Even if he has transgressed out of desire and the overpowering influence of his base nature, he will be punished accordingly but he will have a share in the World to Come. But one who denies any of these Principles has excluded himself from the Jewish People and denied the essence [of Judaism]. He is called a heretic, an epikoros, and “one who has cut off the seedlings.” It is a mitzvah to hate and destroy such a person, as it says (Psalms 139:21), “Those who hate You, God, I shall hate.” (Rambam, Introduction to Perek Helek) Scholars of Rambam generally explain that Rambam did not think of afterlife as a reward. -
J Ewish Community and Civic Commune In
Jewish community and civic commune in the high Middle Ages'' CHRISTOPH CLUSE 1. The following observations do not aim to provide a comprehensive phe nomenology of the J ewish community during the high and late medieval periods. Rather 1 wish to present the outlines of a model which describes the status of the Jewish community within the medieval town or city, and to ask how the concepts of >inclusion< and >exclusion< can serve to de scribe that status. Using a number of selected examples, almost exclusively drawn from the western regions of the medieval German empire, 1 will concentrate, first, on a comparison betweenJewish communities and other corporate bodies (>universitates<) during the high medieval period, and, secondly, on the means by which Jews and Jewish communities were included in the urban civic corporations of the later Middle Ages. To begin with, 1 should point out that the study of the medieval Jewish community and its various historical settings cannot draw on an overly rich tradition in German historical research. 1 The >general <historiography of towns and cities that originated in the nineteenth century accorded only sporadic attention to the J ews. Still, as early as 1866 the legal historian Otto Stobbe had paid attention to the relationship between the Jewish ::- The present article first appeared in a slightly longer German version entitled Die mittelalterliche jüdische Gemeinde als »Sondergemeinde« - eine Skizze. In: J OHANEK, Peter (ed. ): Sondergemeinden und Sonderbezirke in der Stadt der Vormoderne (Städteforschung, ser. A, vol. 52). Köln [et al.] 2005, pp. 29-51. Translations from the German research literature cited are my own. -
Rome's Arraignment of Sabbath-Breakers
Rome’s Arraignment of Sabbath-Breakers By J. O’Keefe The editors are pleased to share with you a centennial reprint of a sermon by a J. O’Keefe. This sermon was first printed in the July 3, 1897, issue of the Catholic Mirror and then reprinted that same month by the Seventh-day Adventist Church in a tract entitled Bible Student Library, No. 150, July 1897. We believe our readers will find this sermon to be significant in the light of the ongoing controversy regarding the Bible Sabbath. All emphasis reflects that which appeared in the "Bible Student Library" tract. Any additions made by the editors of Our Firm Foundation are indicated with [square brackets], though some were in the original. The original footnotes on page one of the "Bible Student Library" tract are as follows: The gentleman referred to [J. O’Keefe] is a priest of prominence in the Roman Catholic diocese of Baltimore, Md., and the paper that thus publishes the sermon is the leading Catholic paper of America, the organ of Cardinal Gibbons. The Scripture quotations are often [loosely quoted], sometimes from the Catholic Douay-Rheims version, and sometimes from the King James Version. The reader will find no essential difference. We leave them unchanged, merely correcting typographical errors, and punctuating in the ordinary way. --------------------------------- On last Sunday Rev. J. O’Keefe delivered a sermon at St. John’s Church, which will be of interest to our readers to reproduce in full. He spoke as follows: "But these men blaspheme whatever things they know not; and what things soever they naturally know, like dumb beasts, in these they are corrupted" See Jude 10. -
Courtesy of Theyood Family TABLE of CONTENTS
Courtesy of TheYood Family TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 3 MIGRATIONS 4 Daniel Soyer: Goldene Medine, Treyfene Medine: Judaism Survives Migration to America 5 Deborah Dash Moore: The Meanings of Migration: American Jews, Eldridge Street and Neighborhoods 9 PRACTICE 13 Riv-Ellen Prell: A Culture of Order: Decorum and the Eldridge Street Synagogue 14 Jeffrey Gurock: Closing the Americanization Gap between the Eldridge Street Synagogue’s Leaders 19 and Downtown’s Rabbis ENCOUNTERS 23 Jeffrey Shandler: A Tale of Two Cantors: Pinhas Minkowski and Yosele Rosenblatt 24 Tony Michels: The Jewish Ghetto Meets its Neighbors 29 PRESERVATION 34 Samuel Gruber: The Choices We Make: The Eldridge Street Synagogue and Historic Preservation 35 Marilyn Chiat: Saving and Praising the Past 40 MUSEUM AT ELDRIDGE STREET | ACADEMICANGLES 3 he Eldridge Street Synagogue is a National Historic Landmark, the first major house of worship built by East European Jews in America. When it opened in September of 1887 it was an experiment, a response to the immigrants’desire to practice Orthodox Judaism, and to do so in America, their new Promised Land. Today the Eldridge Street Synagogue is Tthe only building on the Lower East Side—once the largest Jewish city in the world—earmarked for broad and public exploration of the American Jewish experience. The Museum at Eldridge Street researches the history of the building, uncovering new ways and stories to bring the building and its history to life. Learning about the congregants and their history ties us to broader trends on the Lower East Side and in American history. To help explore these trends, the Museum at Eldridge Street asks leading scholars to lend their expertise. -
<Igh,E Atominrntntor
Winter ... Wear Is <iGh,e atominrntntor Woolen Here .. ·Tzltzis · Official Undergraduate Newspaper of Yeshiva College Vol. LVIII NEW YORK CITY, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER ,4, 1963 No .S Students'P~o.blems_Need Rabbi Soloveit-chi.k w-~nls Uni:ted Personal Religious Therapy Action Against.- Missiorraty 1Threat "Extend your experienced hand halachic roles as one proficient in . ·· , by Stewen_PtJ1to'lir1ky . f ·. · to our college students," was the active field , work:, counseling, and · appeal made by Dr. Menachem intellectual and spiritual attain- Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik the G-d~'of-Israel .•• This is evangelize the whole Jewish corn- M. Brayer, speaking as consulting ments, is now obscured. ·. addressed the students and faculty,, . .. our only answer ;· .. No com- munity as.such;'' psychologist at Yeshiva College, in After classifying Yeshiva stu- of the three Hebrew divisions in promise and no retreat .. ·• We The· ris'e of· the. State of Israd an address before the YU Rab- dents into a host of psychological a special assembly convoked "to follow ·our destiny, we defy even is ' a'. prime reason for the new binical Alumni in Furst Hall, No- categories, Dr. Brayer called upon meet one ..f the most awesome our own common sense • .. we evangelical interests. The-.Church vember 27. ' the rabbis to use traditional re- challenges in the millenia of our have our commitment." has ;taught thai: Jews can never ligious values as the basis for ther- history." ' Rabbi Soloveitchik:'s address return to ,.Zion because :riiey rc- THE COMMENTATOR staff apy. "Judaism," he declared, "lives Rabbi Soloveitchilc discussed and ' ·.. ; . extends a hearty maze/ tor, in today and prepares for tomor- analyzed the evangelical missions to Mr. -
Melilah Agunah Sptib W Heads
Agunah and the Problem of Authority: Directions for Future Research Bernard S. Jackson Agunah Research Unit Centre for Jewish Studies, University of Manchester [email protected] 1.0 History and Authority 1 2.0 Conditions 7 2.1 Conditions in Practice Documents and Halakhic Restrictions 7 2.2 The Palestinian Tradition on Conditions 8 2.3 The French Proposals of 1907 10 2.4 Modern Proposals for Conditions 12 3.0 Coercion 19 3.1 The Mishnah 19 3.2 The Issues 19 3.3 The talmudic sources 21 3.4 The Gaonim 24 3.5 The Rishonim 28 3.6 Conclusions on coercion of the moredet 34 4.0 Annulment 36 4.1 The talmudic cases 36 4.2 Post-talmudic developments 39 4.3 Annulment in takkanot hakahal 41 4.4 Kiddushe Ta’ut 48 4.5 Takkanot in Israel 56 5.0 Conclusions 57 5.1 Consensus 57 5.2 Other issues regarding sources of law 61 5.3 Interaction of Remedies 65 5.4 Towards a Solution 68 Appendix A: Divorce Procedures in Biblical Times 71 Appendix B: Secular Laws Inhibiting Civil Divorce in the Absence of a Get 72 References (Secondary Literature) 73 1.0 History and Authority 1.1 Not infrequently, the problem of agunah1 (I refer throughout to the victim of a recalcitrant, not a 1 The verb from which the noun agunah derives occurs once in the Hebrew Bible, of the situations of Ruth and Orpah. In Ruth 1:12-13, Naomi tells her widowed daughters-in-law to go home. -
Final Draft Dissertation
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Arbiters of the Afterlife: Olam Haba, Torah and Rabbinic Authority A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Near Eastern Languages and Cultures by Candice Liliane Levy 2013 © Copyright by Candice Liliane Levy 2013 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Arbiters of the Afterlife: Olam Haba, Torah and Rabbinic Authority by Candice Liliane Levy Doctor of Philosophy in Near Eastern Languages and Cultures University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor Carol Bakhos, Chair As the primary stratum of the rabbinic corpus, the Mishna establishes a dynamic between rabbinic authority and olam haba that sets the course for all subsequent rabbinic discussions of the idea. The Mishna Sanhedrin presents the rabbis as arbiters of the afterlife, who regulate its access by excluding a set of individuals whose beliefs or practices undermine the nature of rabbinic authority and their tradition. In doing so, the Mishna evinces the foundational tenets of rabbinic Judaism and delineates the boundaries of ‘Israel’ according to the rabbis. Consequently, as arbiters of the afterlife, the rabbis constitute Israel and establish normative thought and practice in this world by means of the world to come. ii There have been surprisingly few studies on the afterlife in rabbinic literature. Many of the scholars who have undertaken to explore the afterlife in Judaism have themselves remarked upon the dearth of attention this subject has received. For the most part, scholars have sought to identify what the rabbis believed with regard to the afterlife and how they envisioned its experience, rather than why they held such beliefs or how the afterlife functioned within the rabbinic tradition. -
The Anti-Samaritan Attitude As Reflected in Rabbinic Midrashim
religions Article The Anti‑Samaritan Attitude as Reflected in Rabbinic Midrashim Andreas Lehnardt Faculty of Protestant Theology, Johannes Gutenberg‑University Mainz, 55122 Mainz, Germany; lehnardt@uni‑mainz.de Abstract: Samaritans, as a group within the ranges of ancient ‘Judaisms’, are often mentioned in Talmud and Midrash. As comparable social–religious entities, they are regarded ambivalently by the rabbis. First, they were viewed as Jews, but from the end of the Tannaitic times, and especially after the Bar Kokhba revolt, they were perceived as non‑Jews, not reliable about different fields of Halakhic concern. Rabbinic writings reflect on this change in attitude and describe a long ongoing conflict and a growing anti‑Samaritan attitude. This article analyzes several dialogues betweenrab‑ bis and Samaritans transmitted in the Midrash on the book of Genesis, Bereshit Rabbah. In four larger sections, the famous Rabbi Me’ir is depicted as the counterpart of certain Samaritans. The analyses of these discussions try to show how rabbinic texts avoid any direct exegetical dispute over particular verses of the Torah, but point to other hermeneutical levels of discourse and the rejection of Samari‑ tan claims. These texts thus reflect a remarkable understanding of some Samaritan convictions, and they demonstrate how rabbis denounced Samaritanism and refuted their counterparts. The Rabbi Me’ir dialogues thus are an impressive literary witness to the final stages of the parting of ways of these diverging religious streams. Keywords: Samaritans; ancient Judaism; rabbinic literature; Talmud; Midrash Citation: Lehnardt, Andreas. 2021. The Anti‑Samaritan Attitude as 1 Reflected in Rabbinic Midrashim. The attitudes towards the Samaritans (or Kutim ) documented in rabbinical literature 2 Religions 12: 584. -
The Identity of the First Masoretes
SEFARAD (Sef ) Vol. 67:1, enero-junio 2007 págs. 37-50 ISSN 0037-0894 The Identity of the First Masoretes ∗ Lea HIMMELFARB Bar-Ilan University Only a few studies have been written concerning the evolution of the Masorah. 1 Elijah ha-Levi Ashkenazi (Bahur) (1468-1529) wrote in the third introduction to his book Masoret ha-Masoret: “There were hundreds and thousands of Masoretes, generation after generation, for many years, and we do not know when they began and when they ended.” 2 He surmises that the Masoretes lived after the Talmudic period. According to Israel Yeivin, “The Masorah had its beginnings in the ha-- lakhot of the writing of the Torah scroll… The early ones who engaged in the Masorah were most likely the scribes in the early Second Temple period.” 3 He observes that “the activity of the Masoretes began after the Talmudic period, and continued until the beginning of the time of the grammarians, that is, ca. 550-950 CE.” 4 Both apparently refer to the written work of the Masoretes. Aron Dotan, however, writes: “The activity of the Masoretes begins in an earlier period, and accompanied the process of the transmission of the text, from * [email protected] 1 Determining the identity of the early Masoretes is an extremely suitable topic with which to honor my teacher, Prof. Aron Dotan, the acknowledged authority of the Masorah. This article was written following my lecture “On the Identity of the First Masoretes” delivered at the 16th Congress of the International Organization for Masoretic Studies (Cambridge, July 20, 2003). -
Is There an Authentic Triennial Cycle of Torah Readings? RABBI LIONEL E
Is there an Authentic Triennial Cycle of Torah Readings? RABBI LIONEL E. MOSES This paper is an appendix to the paper "Annual and Triennial Systems For Reading The Torah" by Rabbi Elliot Dorff, and was approved together with it on April 29, 1987 by a vote of seven in favor, four opposed, and two abstaining. Members voting in favor: Rabbis Isidoro Aizenberg, Ben Zion Bergman, Elliot N. Dorff, Richard L. Eisenberg, Mayer E. Rabinowitz, Seymour Siegel and Gordon Tucker. Members voting in opposition: Rabbis David H. Lincoln, Lionel E. Moses, Joel Roth and Steven Saltzman. Members abstaining: Rabbis David M. Feldman and George Pollak. Abstract In light of questions addressed to the Committee on Jewish Law and Standards from as early as 1961 and the preliminary answers given to these queries by the committee (Section I), this paper endeavors to review the sources (Section II), both talmudic and post-talmudic (Section Ila) and manuscript lists of sedarim (Section lib) to set the triennial cycle in its historical perspective. Section III of the paper establishes a list of seven halakhic parameters, based on Mishnah and Tosefta,for the reading of the Torah. The parameters are limited to these two authentically Palestinian sources because all data for a triennial cycle is Palestinian in origin and predates even the earliest post-Geonic law codices. It would thus be unfair, to say nothing of impossible, to try to fit a Palestinian triennial reading cycle to halakhic parameters which were both later in origin and developed outside its geographical sphere of influence. Finally in Section IV, six questions are asked regarding the institution of a triennial cycle in our day and in a short postscript, several desiderata are listed in order to put such a cycle into practice today. -
The Adjudication of Fines in Ashkenaz During the Medieval and Early Modern Periods and the Preservation of Communal Decorum
The Adjudication of Fines in Ashkenaz during the Medieval and Early Modern Periods and the Preservation of Communal Decorum Ephraim Kanarfogel* The Babylonian Talmud (Bava Qamma 84a–b) rules that fines and other assigned payments in situations where no direct monetary loss was incurred--or where the damages involved are not given to precise evaluation or compensation--can be adjudicated only in the Land of Israel, at a time when rabbinic judges were certified competent to do so by the unbroken authority of ordination (semikhah). In addition to the implications for the internal workings of the rabbinic courts during the medieval period and beyond, this ruling seriously impacted the maintaining of civility and discipline within the communities. Most if not all of the payments that a person who struck another is required to make according to Torah law fall into the category of fines or forms of compensation that are difficult to assess and thus could not be collected in the post-exilic Diaspora (ein danin dinei qenasot be-Bavel).1 * Bernard Revel Graduate School of Jewish Studies, Yeshiva University. 1 See Arba’ah Turim, Ḥoshen Mishpat, sec. 1, and Beit Yosef, ad loc. In his no longer extant Sefer Avi’asaf, Eli’ezer b. Joel ha-Levi of Bonn (Rabiah, d. c. 1225) concludes that the victim of an assault can be awarded payments by a rabbinic court for the cost of his healing (rippui) and for money lost if he is unable to work (shevet), since these are more common types of monetary law, with more precisely assessed forms of compensation. -
A Brief History of Chapter and Verse Divisions
HISTORY OF CHAPTER AND VERSE DIVISIONS • Pre-Babylonian Captivity (586 BCE): Bible divided into sections, with Pentateuch divided into 154 sections used in a 3-year reading cycle. • Pre-Dead Sea Scrolls (before 300 BCE—100 CE): Bible divided into sections now called parashoth. Larger sections were indicated by beginning a new line in the scroll, smaller sections by a space within the line. This practice is continued in Masoretic texts1 (oldest known Hebrew Bibles, from 7th-10th centuries CE). Samech (Hebrew <s>) between sentences = small paragraph; pe (Hebrew <p>) between sentences indicates a large paragraph. • Mishnaic period (ca. 200 CE): Verse divisions made within the parashoth when Aramaic translations were introduced into the Hebrew text; the amount of Hebrew that preceded the Aramaic translation became the verse division. After about 500 CE these were indicated by the soph pasuq, a cantillation mark resembling a colon used after the last word of every verse and indicated a full stop, or a period. (Mishnah is a kind of commentary in Judaism.) • Pre-Council of Nicea (325 CE): New Testament divided into kephalia (lit. headings, i.e., paragraphs) for reference; this system no longer survives. • Ca. 1205: Stephen Langton, an Englishman teaching at the University of Paris, later Archbishop of Canterbury, divides Vulgate Bible into modern chapters. In 1244-48, Hugh of St. Cher, a professor of theology at the University of Paris, produces the first Biblical concordance because chapter divisions now make it possible to search for passages in the Bible. In the 1205-1500’s, manuscript and printed bibles (after 1455, Gutenberg Bible) often use a system of letters A-G to further divide chapters into sections.