Of Being RSS Chief K.S

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Of Being RSS Chief K.S OVER STORIES CBRAJESH MISHRA PRAMOD PUSHKARNA The Sangh, key ministers and NDA allies hold the principal secretary responsible for the crisis in the Government. Yet, he enjoys Vajpayee’s trust. The inside story. ■ by Prabhu CHAWLA RAJESH MISHRA LOVES PRESS CONFER- ences and there was more than a trace of the usual imperiousness on his face as he strutted into Delhi’s Shastri Bhavan last week. The rele- vant and irrelevant sections of the Prime Minis- ter’s Office (PMO) in tow,the 72-year-old principal Bsecretarytotheprimeministerwasn’tinanexplainingmood. His bulbous eyes gleaming defiantly, jaw jutting out and lips curled in a half sneer, Mishra was not just addressing the press, he was taking them on. Furious at the accusations lev- elledathimaftertheTehelka.comtapesshooktheGovernment, he wasn’t protesting his innocence, he was asserting it. Few politicians would have got away with such pugnacity. ButMishradid.Notmerelybecausehewassureof hisfactsbut because he had the full backing of the prime minister.His mes- sage was simple and forthright: I will stay as long as the prime ministertellsmeto;Iwillgoif itstrengthenshishands.Theun- statedtheme—IremainindispensabletoAtal BihariVajpayee. Then,beforethestunnedhackscouldrecovertheircomposure, Mishra walked off, in triumph. Itcouldwellbethebravadoof amaneffectinghislaststand. But Mishra, frankly,couldn’t give a damn. At the best of times he is cocky and adversity doesn’t change him much. If Vajpa- yee represents the benign face of the Government, Mishra epitomises its raw abrasiveness. For a man who has been a dip- lomat for 34 years, there is nothing diplomatic about Mishra. Asprincipalsecretary,nationalsecurityadviser,thespecial envoy to France for strategic dialogue and member of count- less committees established by the prime minister, Mishra is arguably one of three most powerful individuals in the NDA The Importance Government. Some would say the most powerful. No other principal secretary—not even the redoubtable P.N. Haksar who served Indira Gandhi—has acquired such an awesome profile or been at the centre of such controversy. Last week, Mishra was not only targeted by the Opposition but also by sections of the Government and the Sangh Parivar. of Being RSS chief K.S. Sudarshan called for “competent” people to be appointed to the PMO; two Samata Party MPs tried to link the party’s return to the Government with Mishra’s removal; and Shiv Sena mouthpiece Saamna wanted both Mishra and Offi- ceronSpecialDuty(OSD)N.K.Singhsacked.Manycabinetmin- isters met Vajpayee and, without specifically seeking Mishra’s removal, urged him to take a serious look at his office. The disorientation in the ranks was understandable. Since he joined the PMO on March 19, 1998 as Vajpayee’s personal nominee,Mishrahassethisownrules: thathewon’tbeyetan- BRAJESH other faceless bureaucrat. He is the voice of a prime minister who, despite his legendary communication skills, has inex- plicably lost his voice. Mishra doesn’t merely speak for the PMO, he speaks for the prime minister. Somewhere along the line, Vajpayee allowed the two to become indistinguishable. Mishra first made it so on May 11, 1998, by being the only manintheGovernmenttoaddressthemediaafterthePokhran blasts. According to the PMO, he did it on Vajpayee’s instruc- ALTER EGO: Mishra virtually makes up tions. It set the tone of an uninterrupted innings that has di- MISHRA Vajpayee’s mind for him on major issues vided the Government, strained Vajpayee’s relations with his partyandtheSanghParivar,andcreatedanimageproblemfor INDIA TODAY ♦ APRIL 2, 2001 OVER STORIES CBRAJESH MISHRA COURTESY HT ON AND OFF AGAINST FOR L.K. ADVANI RAM VILAS PASWAN THE RECORD Home Minister Communications Minister Resents Mishra’s open inter- Mishra has backed him on BRAJESH MISHRA’S CV ference in security matters. policy shifts like telecom. Age: 72 JASWANT SINGH PRAMOD MAHAJAN 1951: Joins the IFS. Is sent to Cambridge University as a trainee. Foreign Minister Parliamentary Affairs Minister Believes Mishra torpedoed Had Mishra’s backing on all 1951: Returns to India and joins the his foreign policy initiatives. administrative matters. Pakistan desk in the MEA. 1957-60: Works in Indian missions K.S. SUDARSHAN R. BHATTACHARYA in Rangoon and Brussels. RSS chief PM’s foster son-in-law Thinks Mishra Is totally depen- 1960-64: Deputy secretary, HQ. represents MNCs. dent on “uncle”. 1964-69: Deputy permanent represen- tative in Indian mission to the UN. Y. SINHA M.M. JOSHI 1969-73: Charge d’Affaires, Indian Finance Minister HRD Minister Embassy, Beijing. Mishra posted key He inducted 1973-77: Permanent representative officers in ministry. Mishra into BJP. to the UN, Geneva. G. FERNANDES S. YADAV 1977-79: Indira Gandhi shunts him Ex-defence minister Aviation Minister out as ambassador to Jakarta. Dislikes Mishra’s Took Mishra’s help 1979-81: Foreign minister A.B. Vaj- parallel HQ. to fight Fernandes. payee appoints him permanent representative to the UN. 1987: Retires from service. Principal secretary National PM’s special 1991: Joins BJP, appointed convener of the party’s foreign affairs cell. coordinates with security envoy on foreign 1998: Becomes principal secretary to all ministries adviser affairs Prime Minister Vajpayee. Graphic by YOGESH CHAUDHARY ishra hasn’t made the PMO WOESOME TWOSOME: Mishra (left) is the one-man super-MEA with Ranjan Bhattacharya, Vajpayee’s foster son-in-law. PAST PRINCIPAL SECRETARIES M and with Singh’s induction economic policy too is under the PMO Mishra is the principal secretary but in an act of Brahmanical the expert body it should be. bonding,hehasalsobecomeapartof theVajpayeehousehold. P.C. ALEXANDER 1981-1985 He has brought in largely middling taken full advantage of Vajpayee’s introvert and laidback per- No one questions Mishra’s loyalty to Vajpayee or his in- Served both Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi as sonality and has gradually usurped his public role. He has be- tegrity.NoristhereanydoubtthatbyfreeingVajpayeefromde- principal secretary.In mid-1985, he was forced to officials who play second fiddle. come the public face of the Government. Since Vajpayee rarely tails, he leaves him free to focus on the big picture. But there is resign after it was discovered that two members speaks his mind in official meetings, it is Mishra who makes up a perception he also exploits Vajpayee’s trust to ram through of his personal staff were involved in a spy ring. the prime minister’s mind on crucial issues. Says a senior cab- an agenda that is at variance with the collective wisdom of the the Government. Powerful Union ministers, including Home inet minister: “Sometimes we get the impression it is Brajesh, Government.Seniorministersaremiffedthathekeepsthemin B.G. DESHMUKH 1985-1990 Minister L.K. Advani, Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha, Ex- not the prime minister who has the final say.” the dark even on subjects relating to their own ministries. Among the most durable of senior bureaucrats, ternal Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh and NDA convener and That’s not an inaccurate assessment. If Vajpayee doesn’t Jaswant has been most affected by this unilateralism. He he served under three prime ministers—Rajiv, former defence minister George Fernandes have at various knowhowtosayno,Mishraisincapableof takingnoforanan- and Mishra have strong disagreements on key issues involving V.P. Singh and Chandra Shekhar. Resigned in times let their displeasure with Mishra be known to Vajpayee. swer.He has definite views that he insists others must endorse. India’s relationship with the US and China. Officials have wit- 1990, a month before he was due to retire. It hasn’t made an iota of difference. An unmoved prime If there is resistance, he does the next best thing—take charge nessed verbal exchanges between the two in Vajpayee’s pres- minister has let it be known he would rather quit than suc- himself by riding roughshod over departmental niceties. ence. During the prime minister’s visit to the US last year, A.N. VERMA 1991-1996 cumbtopressuresforMishra’sremoval.Hehasharpedonhis Jaswant wasn’t shown the texts of his speeches. It was only af- Wielded awesome power during P.V. Narasimha unfettered right to choose his personal staff, a principle no T is this cockiness that is at the heart of an ongoing tus- ter Jaswant made an issue of it that Vajpayee asked Mishra to Rao’s tenure. Vetted his boss’ appointments and onecanfault.Unwillingtopresshomethepoint,Mishra’sde- sle between two parivars: the Sangh Parivar and the send the speeches to him before they were finalised. was known to keep even ministers waiting for tractors have effected a tactical retreat. But once the din of prime minister’s parivar. Mishra hasn’t been able to es- The problem is Mishra considers foreign affairs to be his days for a meeting with Rao. Economic czar. the Tehelka scandal recedes, the issue is certain to reappear. tablish a comfortable relationship with the majority of own turf. He has got Vajpayee to reverse diplomatic appoint- Why does Mishra invite such hostility? The answer lies in cabinet ministers. His former colleagues in the BJP have ments made by Jaswant. Recently, it was decided that SATISH CHANDRA 1996-1997 his overweening desire to grab the limelight, so far the prero- Istopped dealing with him because he has been insensitive to N.K. Singh would be sent to Canada as high commissioner. As chief secretary of Karnataka, he had a good gative of elected politicians. Mishra is the only principal secre- their compulsions and denied them access to their leader. But within 24 hours of Jaswant leaving on a foreign tour, rapport with chief minister H.D. Deve Gowda. tarywhocan’tresistmediaglare.Helovesappearingon TV talk Yet, his position remains secure. What is the reason? Mishraorderedthefiletobekeptinabeyance.Previously,there Known for his integrity and honesty, he shifted to shows and holding forth on subjects ranging from economic The uncharitable version is that Mishra has been able to weredifferencesbetweenthetwooverthechoiceof India’sam- South Block when Deve Gowda moved to Delhi. reforms to nuclear diplomacy.After becoming principal secre- feed on Vajpayee’s sense of vulnerability.
Recommended publications
  • In This Issue... Plus
    Volume 18 No. 2 February 2009 12 in this issue... 6 Vibrant Gujarat 8 India Inc. at Davos 12 15th Partnership Summit 22 3rd Sustainability Summit 8 31 Defence Industry Seminar plus... n India Rubber Expo 2009 n The Power of Cause & Effect n India’s Tryst with Corporate Governance 22 n India & the World n Regional Round Up n And all our regular features We welcome your feedback and suggestions. Do write to us at 31 [email protected] Edited, printed and published by Director General, CII on behalf of Confederation of Indian Industry from The Mantosh Sondhi Centre, 23, Institutional Area, Lodi Road, New Delhi-110003 Tel: 91-11-24629994-7 Fax: 91-11-24626149 Email: [email protected] Website: www.cii.in Printed at Aegean Offset Printers F-17 Mayapuri Industrial Area, Phase II, New Delhi-110064 Registration No. 34541/79 JOURNAL OF THE Confederation OF INDIAN INDUSTRY 2 | February 2009 Communiqué Padma Vibhushan award winner Ashok S Ganguly Member, Prime Minister’s Council on Trade & Industry, Member India USA CEO Council, Member, Investment Commission, and Member, National Knowledge Commission Padma Bhushan award winners Shekhar Gupta A M Naik Sam Pitroda C K Prahalad Editor-in-Chief, Indian Chairman and Chairman, National Paul and Ruth McCracken Express Newspapers Managing Director, Knowledge Commission Distinguished University (Mumbai) Ltd. Larsen & Toubro Professor of Strategy Padma Shri award winner R K Krishnakumar Director, Tata Sons, Chairman, Tata Coffee & Asian Coffee, and Vice-Chairman, Tata Tea & Indian Hotels Communiqué February 2009 | 5 newsmaker event 4th Biennial Global Narendra Modi, Chief Minister, Gujarat, Mukesh Ambani, Chairman, Investors’ Summit 2009 Reliance Industries, Ratan Tata, Chairman, Tata Group, K V Kamath, President, CII, and Raila Amolo Odinga, Prime Minister, Kenya ibrant Gujarat, the 4th biennial Global Investors’ and Mr Ajit Gulabchand, Chairman & Managing Director, Summit 2009 brought together business leaders, Hindustan Construction Company Ltd, among several investors, corporations, thought leaders, policy other dignitaries.
    [Show full text]
  • The Creation of Indian Integrated Commands
    Draft for FLASCO-ISA Conference: NOT FOR CITATION Defense Reforms in a Rising India: An Organizational and Normative Shift towards Power Projection?1 Dr. Patrick Keo Clifton Bratton Hawai‘i Pacific University For the past decade, pundits and commentators have showcased India as another rising Asian power like China. India’s growing economy, larger international profile, and particularly its increased military spending, are seen as proof of India rising from being a regional power to perhaps a new Asian or even global power. Will India correspondingly move its military posture away from internal security and territorial defense, to emphasize power projection? Many commentators have pointed to India’s large military purchases as evidence that India is moving toward power projection and rivalry with China. Whether this is really happening is hotly debated in India. This paper will look at the debate over defense and security reform in India and the establishment of India’s first joint theatre command (for the Andaman and Nicobar Islands) as a test case. India took an unprecedented step ten years ago by setting up a joint regional command for the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. The establishment of the Andaman and Nicobar Command (ANC) was perceived as evidence that India is starting to balance against a larger China by reforming its defence organization (Posen, The Sources of Military Doctrine; Rynning, Changing Military Doctrine). Although the ANC is a strategic location, India has historically avoided building up forces there and it has resisted building up power projection capabilities. Moreover, India has been reluctant to build jointness and joint operational commands, even though India’s development of hard power capabilities are receiving increased attention.
    [Show full text]
  • Ten Years of Instability in a Nuclear South Asia Ten Years of S
    Ten Years of Instability in a Nuclear South Asia Ten Years of S. Paul Kapur Instability in a Nuclear South Asia India’s and Pakistan’s nuclear tests of May 1998 put to rest years of speculation as to whether the two countries, long suspected of developing covert weapons capabilities, would openly exercise their so-called nuclear option. The dust had hardly settled from the tests, however, when a ªrestorm of debate erupted over nuclear weapons’ regional security implications. Some observers argued that nucleari- zation would stabilize South Asia by making Indo-Pakistani conºict prohibi- tively risky. Others maintained that, given India and Pakistan’s bitter historical rivalry, as well as the possibility of accident and miscalculation, proliferation would make the subcontinent more dangerous.1 The tenth anniversary of the tests offers scholars an opportunity to revisit this issue with the beneªt of a decade of hindsight. What lessons do the intervening years hold regarding nu- clear weapons’ impact on South Asian security? Proliferation optimists claim that nuclear weapons had a beneªcial effect during this period, helping to stabilize India and Pakistan’s historically vola- tile relations. Sumit Ganguly and Devin Hagerty, for example, argue that in recent years “the Indian and Pakistani governments, despite compelling incen- tives to attack one another...weredissuaded from doing so by fear that war S. Paul Kapur is Associate Professor in the Department of National Security Affairs at the U.S. Naval Post- graduate School and a Faculty Afªliate at Stanford University’s Center for International Security and Co- operation. He is author of Dangerous Deterrent: Nuclear Weapons Proliferation and Conºict in South Asia (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2007).
    [Show full text]
  • Wie Indien Deutschland Sieht Indische Politiker Über Das Verhältnis Zur Bundesrepublik
    SWP-Studie Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit Klaus Julian Voll (ext.) Wie Indien Deutschland sieht Indische Politiker über das Verhältnis zur Bundesrepublik S 37 Oktober 2001 Berlin Nachweis in öffentlich zugänglichen Datenbanken nicht gestattet. Abdruck oder vergleichbare Verwendung von Arbeiten der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik ist auch in Aus- zügen nur mit vorheriger schriftlicher Genehmigung gestattet. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2001 SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit Ludwigkirchplatz 3−4 10719 Berlin Telefon +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] Gestaltungskonzept Gorbach Büro für Gestaltung und Realisierung Buchendorf Inhalt Problemstellung und Empfehlungen 5 Allgemeine Einschätzung 7 Deutschland als Wirtschaftspartner 9 Sicherheitspolitischer Dialog 11 Außenpolitische Gemeinsamkeiten? 13 Zukunftsperspektiven 15 Anhang 17 Politiker, die für Gespräche in Frage kommen 17 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) 17 Congress(I) 18 Kommunisten 19 Regionalparteien 19 Unabhängige 20 Abkürzungen 21 Der Autor, seit 1970 Lehrbeauftragter für Politikwissenschaft am Otto-Suhr-Institut der Freien Universität Berlin, war kontinuierlich in Indien als Landesvertreter der Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung (1983–1987), Sozialreferent an der Botschaft der Bundesrepublik Deutsch- land (1988–1993), FES-Auslandsmitarbeiter (1997 bis September 2001) und zwischen- zeitlich als Journalist und FES-Gutachter tätig. Dr. Voll ist zusammen mit Dr. Werner Pfennig Herausgeber der Schriftenreihen »Berliner Studien zur Internationalen Politik« und der »Critical Studies in Inter- national Development« zusammen mit Dr. H. C. F. Mansilla. Problemstellung und Empfehlungen Wie Indien Deutschland sieht. Indische Politiker über das Verhältnis zur Bundesrepublik Die Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und Indien sind – ohne nennenswerte Konflikte – traditionell gut, jedoch keineswegs außerordentlich.
    [Show full text]
  • MANALI PETROCHEMICALS LIMITED CIN : L24294TN1986PLC013087 Regd Off: 'SPIC HOUSE', 88, Mount Road, Guindy, Chennai- 600 032
    MANALI PETROCHEMICALS LIMITED CIN : L24294TN1986PLC013087 Regd Off: 'SPIC HOUSE', 88, Mount Road, Guindy, Chennai- 600 032. Tele-Fax No.: 044-22351098 Email: [email protected], Website: www.manalipetro.com DETAILS OF SHARES TO BE TRANSFERRED TO INVESTOR EDUCATION & PROTECTION FUND ON WHICH NO DIVIDEND HAS BEEN CLAIMED FOR THE FY 2008-09 TO 2015-16 SL.NO FOLIO_DP_ID_CL_ID NAME OF THE SHAREHOLDER NO.OF.SHARES TOBE TRFD TO IEPF 1 A0000033 SITARAMAN G 450 2 A0000089 LAKSHMANAN CHELLADURAI 300 3 A0000093 MANI N V S 150 4 A0000101 KUNNATH NARAYANAN SUBRAMANIAN 300 5 A0000120 GOPAL THACHAT MURALIDHAR 300 6 A0000130 ROY FESTUS 150 7 A0000140 SATHYAMURTHY N 300 8 A0000142 MOHAN RAO V 150 9 A0000170 MURALIDHARAN M R 300 10 A0000171 CHANDRASEKAR V 150 11 A0000187 VISWANATH J 300 12 A0000191 JAGMOHAN SINGH BIST 300 13 A0000213 MURUGANANDAN RAMACHANDRAN 150 14 A0000219 SHANMUGAM E 600 15 A0000232 VENKATRAMAN N 150 16 A0000235 KHADER HUSSAINY S M 150 17 A0000325 PARAMJEET SINGH BINDRA 300 18 A0000332 SELVARAJU G 300 19 A0000334 RAJA VAIDYANATHAN R 300 20 A0000339 PONNUSWAMY SAMPANGIRAM 300 21 A0000356 GANESH MAHADHEVAN 150 22 A0000381 MEENAKSHI SUNDARAM K 150 23 A0000389 CHINNIAH A 150 24 A0000392 PERUMAL K 300 25 A0000423 CHANDRASEKARAN C 300 26 A0000450 RAMAMOORTHY NAIDU MADUPURI 150 27 A0000473 ZULFIKAR ALI SULTAN MOHAMMAD 300 28 A0000550 SRINIVASAN K 150 29 A0000556 KANAKAMUTHU A 300 30 A0000561 KODANDA PANI CHIVUKULA 300 31 A0000565 VARADHAN R 150 32 A0000566 KARTHIGEYAN S 150 33 A0000598 RAMASASTRULU TRIPIRNENI 150 34 A0000620
    [Show full text]
  • Swapan Dasgupta
    OPEN 25 JANUARY 2021 / 50 www.openthemagazine.com VOLUME 13 ISSUE 3 13 ISSUE VOLUME 25 JANUARY 2021 25 JANUARY CONTENTS 25 JANUARY 2021 5 6 12 14 16 20 LOCOMOTIF OPEN DIARY INDIAN ACCENTS WHISPERER OPEN ESSAY LETTER FROM WASHINGTON The American unravelling By Swapan Dasgupta The enigma of Krishna By Jayanta Ghosal BJP’s double helix After the insurrection By S Prasannarajan By Bibek Debroy By Swapan Dasgupta By James Astill 26 26 THE HEALING PROJECT India’s vaccine rollout is more than about protection from the pandemic. It is symbolic of economic rejuvenation and a return to normalcy By PR Ramesh 34 A SHOT OF HOPE India expects to pull off the unprecedented with its mass vaccination programme By Nikita Doval 20 46 40 THE JOURNEY OF A VACCINE Serum Institute will need all of its capacity and experience to ensure Covishield begins the end of the pandemic in India By Lhendup G Bhutia 44 THE OTHER VACCINE The biggest challenge is yet to come for Bharat Biotech and Covaxin By Amita Shah 46 A STAGE FOR TWO ONLY It is a straight contest in Tamil Nadu between MK Stalin and Edappadi K Palaniswami after Rajinikanth’s retreat By V Shoba 52 62 52 56 58 60 62 65 66 THE THE THE MAN PANDEMIC KOREGAON HOLLYWOOD STARGAZER MARATHON MAN HISTORIAN’S EYE AND THE IDEAL REFLECTIONS PARK CALLING REPORTER Oldest newcomer Anil Kapoor is in Romila Thapar provides a Arshia Sattar brings Vinay Lal gives A new gallery puts Sacha Baron Cohen By Kaveree Bamzai no mood to stop nonjudgmental cultural out the many historical context to our Pune on the on his latest film
    [Show full text]
  • Padma Vibhushan * * the Padma Vibhushan Is the Second-Highest Civilian Award of the Republic of India , Proceeded by Bharat Ratna and Followed by Padma Bhushan
    TRY -- TRUE -- TRUST NUMBER ONE SITE FOR COMPETITIVE EXAM SELF LEARNING AT ANY TIME ANY WHERE * * Padma Vibhushan * * The Padma Vibhushan is the second-highest civilian award of the Republic of India , proceeded by Bharat Ratna and followed by Padma Bhushan . Instituted on 2 January 1954, the award is given for "exceptional and distinguished service", without distinction of race, occupation & position. Year Recipient Field State / Country Satyendra Nath Bose Literature & Education West Bengal Nandalal Bose Arts West Bengal Zakir Husain Public Affairs Andhra Pradesh 1954 Balasaheb Gangadhar Kher Public Affairs Maharashtra V. K. Krishna Menon Public Affairs Kerala Jigme Dorji Wangchuck Public Affairs Bhutan Dhondo Keshav Karve Literature & Education Maharashtra 1955 J. R. D. Tata Trade & Industry Maharashtra Fazal Ali Public Affairs Bihar 1956 Jankibai Bajaj Social Work Madhya Pradesh Chandulal Madhavlal Trivedi Public Affairs Madhya Pradesh Ghanshyam Das Birla Trade & Industry Rajashtan 1957 Sri Prakasa Public Affairs Andhra Pradesh M. C. Setalvad Public Affairs Maharashtra John Mathai Literature & Education Kerala 1959 Gaganvihari Lallubhai Mehta Social Work Maharashtra Radhabinod Pal Public Affairs West Bengal 1960 Naryana Raghvan Pillai Public Affairs Tamil Nadu H. V. R. Iyengar Civil Service Tamil Nadu 1962 Padmaja Naidu Public Affairs Andhra Pradesh Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit Civil Service Uttar Pradesh A. Lakshmanaswami Mudaliar Medicine Tamil Nadu 1963 Hari Vinayak Pataskar Public Affairs Maharashtra Suniti Kumar Chatterji Literature
    [Show full text]
  • Country Report India at a Glance: 2003-04
    Country Report March 2003 India India at a glance: 2003-04 OVERVIEW The current government is likely to remain in power into 2004, when the next general election is due. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, the lynchpin of the ruling coalition) has been bolstered by its success in the Gujarat state assembly election and has forced the main opposition party, Congress, on the defensive. Tensions between India and Pakistan remain high, and India’s relationship with Bangladesh has deteriorated. A number of economic reforms are under discussion. The Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts that the government’s fiscal deficit target of 5.3% of GDP will be overshot in 2002/03. Inflation is forecast to increase slightly in 2003 and GDP growth in 2003/04 is expected to rise to 5.9%. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The success of the BJP in the Gujarat state election has thrown Congress on the defensive, and has rendered the outcome of the 2004 general election more uncertain. Our assumption that a Congress-led coalition would triumph has been put on hold until the results of several state elections due to take place later this year are known. These will better indicate the balance of power between Congress and the BJP. Economic policy outlook • The 2003/04 budget is likely to implement several of the recommendations of two committees that examined direct and indirect taxation: this could place pressure on revenue as the system of taxation is reformed. Economic forecast • We have lowered our forecasts for consumer price inflation in 2003 and 2004 to 4.8% and 5.1% respectively owing to continued low levels of inflation at the end of 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • Idss Commentaries
    IDSS COMMENTARIES (20/2004) IDSS Commentaries are intended to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy relevant background and analysis of contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of IDSS. ___________________________________________________________________________ Outlook for India’s Foreign and Security Policy Under the Manmohan Singh Government Manjeet S Pardesi* 7 June 2004 The “shock and awe” at the results of the recently concluded Indian elections astonished all psephologists and seasoned political commentators. These elections saw the ouster of the Hindu nationalist government led by the BJP. The popular mandate resulted in a Congress- led alliance backed by a “Left Front” dominated by the Communists from the “outside”. The new government is being led by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the Oxford-Cambridge educated former finance minister and the “father” of India’s economic reforms in the midst of its worst balance-of-payments crisis in the early 1990s. The architect of his foreign and security policy shall be J N Dixit, India’s former High Commissioner to Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh, former Ambassador to Afghanistan, and former foreign secretary in the early 1990s. Dixit was appointed as India’s new National Security Advisor earlier this week. On the diplomatic front, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh shall be supported by External Affairs Minister K Natwar Singh, India’s former High Commissioner to Pakistan as well as a prolific writer who pursued his higher education at Cambridge and Peking Universities. What does this change of guard mean for the India’s foreign and security policy under the new Congress-led government? SOUTH ASIA As is evident from the past experiences of the new drivers of India’s foreign and security policy, India is likely to give an increased emphasis to its relations with its South Asian neighbors in general and Pakistan in particular.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Policy a La Modi
    4/4/2014 Foreign Policy À La Modi | Foreign Affairs Hom e In ter n a tion a l Edition s Digita l New ssta n d Job Boa r d A ccou n t Ma n a gem en t RSS New sletter s SEARCH Welcom e, M Miller (Logou t) My A ccou n t (0) My Ca r t Foreign Policy À La Modi India's Next Worldview By Manjari Chatterjee Miller A P R I L 3 , 2 0 1 4 A Modi supporter after a rally in Gurgaon on the outskirts of New Delhi, April 3, 2014. (Adnan Abidi / Courtesy Reuters) etween April 7 and May 12, some 814 million Indian voters will have a chance to exercise their fundamental democratic rights by selecting a new B government. In a country that has faced scrutiny for its chaotic administration, contentious politics, and vast inequity, the democratic process will unfold in routine and expected ways. Despite India’s massive corruption problems, the ballot will be mostly free and fair. Voter turnout from all classes, and particularly the poor, will be substantial. Following a more recent precedent, no single party will gain an absolute majority in parliament. And, in the aftermath of a relatively smooth transfer of power, the new government will take the reins and begin the task of forming a cabinet. Predictability also applies to foreign policy. Observers in the United States blanch at the prospect of a Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the candidate of the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), whom they believe may apply his Hindutva, or Hindu nationalist, beliefs to Indian foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Of Contemporary India
    OF CONTEMPORARY INDIA Catalogue No. 2 Of The Papers of Kuldip Nayar Plot # 2, Rajiv Gandhi Education City, P.O. Rai, Sonepat – 131029, Haryana (India) P a g e | 1 Kuldip Nayar (1923-2018) A respected diplomat, parliamentarian and newspaper editor, Kuldip Nayar was born on 14th August 1923 at Sialkot in undivided Punjab (now in Pakistan). Educated at Lahore and the Medill School of Journalism, Northwestern University, US. Kuldip Nayar took to journalism early in life and excelled as a political commentator, columnist, author and human rights activist. His career as a journalist spans over six decades, focusing extensively on national and international affairs, his writings often sprinkled with insightful personal anecdotes. Kuldip Nayar served as the editor of prominent national newspapers for more than 20 years. He was editor of United News of India (1964-1967), Statesman (1967- 1975) and Express News Service (1975-1981). He served as Government Information Officer to Govind Ballabh Pant and Lal Bahadur Shastri. He was arrested during the Emergency years (1975-77) for voicing his dissent at the suppression of press. Kuldip Nayar served as the High commissioner of India to the United Kingdom (March 1990-November 1990) and was a member of India's delegation to the United Nations in 1996. He was a nominated member of the Rajya Sabha (1997-2002). P a g e | 2 Kuldip Nayar was honoured with the Astor Award for Press Freedom (2003) and Shaheed Neoga Memorial Award (2007) for his outstanding contribution to the field of journalism. Kuldip Nayar contributed to the Deccan Herald, Daily Star, Sunday Guardian, News, Statesman, Express Tribune, (Pakistan) and Dawn, (Pakistan).
    [Show full text]
  • The High Court of Judicature at Allahabad Direct Recruitment to the Uttar Pradesh Higher Judicial Service-2009
    THE HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD DIRECT RECRUITMENT TO THE UTTAR PRADESH HIGHER JUDICIAL SERVICE-2009 Schedule of Preliminary Examination: 28th June 2009 [Time: 10:00 a.m. to 1 p.m.] Sl. Name of the Examination Centre Roll nos. No. from to 1. BISHOP JOHNSON SCHOOL AND COLLEGE 1 to 867 and 9/23, M.G.MARG, CIVIL LINES 5248 to 5988 NEAR PATTHAR GIRJA, ALLAHABAD 2. BISHOP JOHNSON SCHOOL & COLLEGE 868 to 2567 GIRLS WING) NEAR KUTCHERY, ALLAHABAD 3. MARRY LUCAS SCHOOL & COLLEGE 2568 to 3767 14, KUTCHERY ROAD, ALLAHABAD 4. C.M.P. DEGREE COLLEGE, LAW WING, 3768 to 4247 4, KAMLA NEHRU ROAD (NEAR POWER HOUSE), ALLAHABAD 5. ISHWAR SHARAN DEGREE COLLEGE 4248 to 5247 SALORI, NEAR PRAYAG STATION ALLAHABAD LIST OF ELIGIBLE CANDIDATES TO APPEAR IN THE EXAMINATION OF DIRECT RECRUITMENT TO THE UTTAR PRADESH HIGHER JUDICIAL SERVICE-2009 Roll Name of Candidate Father's/Husband's Name Form Forwarding Place No. 1 DESH RAJ SINGH SHRI RAM LAL SINGH HIGH COURT, ALLAHABAD 2 CHANDRA BHOOSHAN DWIVEDI SRI KAMALA PRASAD DWIVEDI HIGH COURT, ALLAHABAD 3 DUSHYANT KUMAR SHRI MAHI PAL SINGH HIGH COURT, ALLAHABAD 4 BRIJESH KUMAR MISHRA SHRI KAMLA KANT MISHRA HIGH COURT, ALLAHABAD 5 RAJU RATAN CHAUHAN DALJEET SIGNH HIGH COURT, ALLAHABAD 6 GOVIND NARAIN SRIVASTAVA SHRI JANG BAHADUR LAL SRIVASTAVA HIGH COURT, ALLAHABAD 7 ANIL KUMAR SRI SHANTI SWAROOP HIGH COURT, ALLAHABAD 8 CHANDRESH KUMAR SINGH SRI JAI PRAKASH SINGH HIGH COURT, ALLAHABAD 9 DHIRAJ PAL SINGH SHRI VIJAY PAL SINGH HIGH COURT, ALLAHABAD 10 YASHWANT KUMAR LATE DHANPAL RAM HIGH COURT, ALLAHABAD 11 AMIT
    [Show full text]