A Case Study of the Governance of Imo State from 2011-2019 Ebele
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Questionnaire State Budget Transparency Survey (Sbts) in Nigeria
F QUESTIONNAIRE I S C A L STATE BUDGET TRANSPARENCY P SURVEY (SBTS) IN NIGERIA O L I C Y P IMO STATE R O G R A M M JUNE 2020 E Civil Resource Development and Documentation Centre (CIRDDOC) No. 9 Second Avenue, Independence Layout, Box 1686, Enugu, Nigeria Tel: +234-803-3132-494; E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]: Website: www.cirddoc.org CIRDDOC-NIGERIA Research on Sub-National Transparency THIS QUESTIONNAIRE WAS COMPLETED BY RESEARCHER: OHAKA AMAUCHE C. STATE: IMO RESEARCH ORGANIZATION: CENTRE FOR PEACE ACROSS BORDERS (CePAB) ADDRESS: #10 MBONU OJIKE STREET, IKENEGBU LAYOUT, OWERRI, IMO STATE TELEPHONE NUMBER(S): 08037301840, 08169312217 ORGANIZATION'S WEBSITE: E-MAIL ADDRESS: ORGANIZATION EMAIL: [email protected] RESEARCHER’S EMAIL: [email protected] STATE SUPERVISOR: DR. BEN NWOSU INSTITUTE FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, ENUGU CAMPUS email: [email protected] ZONAL CONSULTANT: DR. COSMAS C. OHAKA - Nigeria SBTS Questionnaire 2020 - 2 CIRDDOC-NIGERIA Research on Sub-National Transparency SURVEY ON STATE BUDGET TRANSPARENCY IN NIGERIA Section One: Public Availability of Key Budget Documents Table 1: Budget Year of Documents Used in Completing the Questionnaire Table 2: Key Budget Documents Used: Full Titles, Release Dates and Internet Links 1. Pre-Budget Statement: State Budget Call Circular, MTEF/FSP 2. Executive Budget Proposal (EBP): State Budget Draft Estimates 3. State Citizens Budget 4. Approved Budget: State Budget Appropriation Law 5. In-Year Reports: State Quarterly Budget Implementation Reports, -
Obi Patience Igwara ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM and NATION
Obi Patience Igwara ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM AND NATION-BUILDING IN NIGERIA, 1970-1992 Submitted for examination for the degree of Ph.D. London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 1993 UMI Number: U615538 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615538 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 V - x \ - 1^0 r La 2 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the relationship between ethnicity and nation-building and nationalism in Nigeria. It is argued that ethnicity is not necessarily incompatible with nationalism and nation-building. Ethnicity and nationalism both play a role in nation-state formation. They are each functional to political stability and, therefore, to civil peace and to the ability of individual Nigerians to pursue their non-political goals. Ethnicity is functional to political stability because it provides the basis for political socialization and for popular allegiance to political actors. It provides the framework within which patronage is institutionalized and related to traditional forms of welfare within a state which is itself unable to provide such benefits to its subjects. -
Globalisation and the Nigerian State
GLOBALISATION AND THE NIGERIAN STATE BY Ariyo Andrew TOBI B.Sc. Pol.Science (Ogun), M.Sc. Pol.Science (Ibadan) Matric No: 73067 A Thesis in the Department of Political Science, submitted to the Faculty of the Social Sciences in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN June , 2013. i BIBLIOGRAPHY A: BOOKS Abegunrin, O.2006. Nigeria‟s foreign policy under Obasanjo administration, 1999- 2005 Nigeria in global politics: twentieth century and beyond. O.Abegunrin, and O.komolafe, Eds. New York : Nova Science Publisher, Inc. Adesina, O.2006.Development and the challenge of poverty:. Africa & development: challenges in the new millennium. the NEPAD debate. J.O Adesina Y.Graham & Olukoshi. Eds.Dakar CODESRIA in association with London:Zed Books and Pretoria:UNISA Press, Ake, C. 2000.The feasibility of democracy in Africa. Dakar: CODESRIA., ________ 1996.The political question. Governance and Development in Nigeria. O. Oyediran. Ed. Ibadan: Oyediran Consult International. __________.1996. The marginalisation of Africa :notes on a productive confusion. Lagos: Malthouse Press Ltd. __________1985. The Nigerian state: antimonies of a periphery formation. Political economy of Nigeria C Ake, Ed. .London and Lagos: Longman. Akinsanya, A. A.2005.Inevitability of instability in Nigeria. Readings in Nigerian Government and Politics .Ijebu-Ode :Gratia Associates. A.A. Akinsanya and J. A. A. Ayooade Eds. Ijebu-Ode: Gratia Associates International. ________.2002.Four years of presidential democracy in Nigeria. Nigerian Government and Politics 1979-1983. A.A Akinsanya and G.J Idang Eds.: .Calabar: WUSEN Publishers Akinterinwa,B.2004. Ed. Nigeria’s new foreign policy thrust. -
First Election Security Threat Assessment
SECURITY THREAT ASSESSMENT: TOWARDS 2015 ELECTIONS January – June 2013 edition With Support from the MacArthur Foundation Table of Contents I. Executive Summary II. Security Threat Assessment for North Central III. Security Threat Assessment for North East IV. Security Threat Assessment for North West V. Security Threat Assessment for South East VI. Security Threat Assessment for South South VII. Security Threat Assessment for South West Executive Summary Political Context The merger between the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) and other smaller parties, has provided an opportunity for opposition parties to align and challenge the dominance of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This however will also provide the backdrop for a keenly contested election in 2015. The zoning arrangement for the presidency is also a key issue that will define the face of the 2015 elections and possible security consequences. Across the six geopolitical zones, other factors will define the elections. These include the persisting state of insecurity from the insurgency and activities of militants and vigilante groups, the high stakes of election as a result of the availability of derivation revenues, the ethnic heterogeneity that makes elite consensus more difficult to attain, as well as the difficult environmental terrain that makes policing of elections a herculean task. Preparations for the Elections The political temperature across the country is heating up in preparation for the 2015 elections. While some state governors are up for re-election, most others are serving out their second terms. The implication is that most of the states are open for grab by either of the major parties and will therefore make the electoral contest fiercer in 2015 both within the political parties and in the general election. -
Tukura & Tukura 72 ELECTION PETITION TRIBUNALS AND
Nigerian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 2 No. 2, 2020 (ISSN: 2734-3146) ELECTION PETITION TRIBUNALS AND CONSOLIDATION OF DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA: INTERROGATING THE 2019 POST ELECTION LITIGATIONS IN IMO STATE Tukura, Nashuka Tino Department of Political Science Federal University Wukari, Taraba State Email: [email protected] & Tukura, Daudu Fwaje Department of Political Science Federal University Wukari, Taraba State Email: [email protected] Abstract In Nigeria, decisions on election petitions by Election Petition Tribunals and courts of competent jurisdiction have often imparted on the polity and sometimes influences political parties and voters’ behaviour on the process of democratic consolidation. The judiciary is one of the important institutions of government that is expected to be neutral and independence of other arms of government to guarantee the principle of separation of powers and check and balances. Over time, the judiciary in Nigeria has made strides in its effort to ensure the deepening or consolidation of democracy especially in the Fourth Republic which started on 29th May, 1999. However, the 2019 governorship post-election litigations in Imo State by the Election Petition Tribunals and the Supreme Court generated a lot of arguments and counter-arguments from individuals, political analysts and lawyers alike as to the potency of the judgment. This paper therefore, takes a look at the critical issues from the 2019 governorship post- election litigations in Imo State and consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. The paper adopted the documentary method of data collection and utilizes secondary sources; and relays on content analysis as its method of data analysis. This paper observed that, the lack of judicial independent especially on the appointment of judges, impact negatively on post-election litigations in Nigeria which in turn undermine democratic consolidation. -
Conflict Bulletin: Imo State
The Fund for Peace Conflict Bulletin: Imo State Patterns and Trends, 2012-2014 with a transition committee. In a politically distribution of incidents between 2012 and risky move, Okorocha later switched from 2014. The bar chart shows the relative APGA to APC, but nevertheless emerged violence from one Niger Delta state to the victorious in the second round of the 2015 next. The trend-line on the next page shows elections, the first round of which were the number of incidents and fatalities over initially declared inconclusive. time. The second bar chart shows the trend of incidents of insecurity by LGA per capita. Violence per capita in Imo is among the The summaries draw on data collected by lowest in the region, as is the number of FFP’s UNLocK, the Council on Foreign fatalities per capita. Incidences of violence Relations’ NST, WANEP Nigeria, CSS/ETH largely occurred in the LGAs surrounding Zurich, NEEWS/TMG, Nigeria Watch, and the capital city of Owerri. Between January ACLED integrated on the P4P platform. They 2012 and December 2013, incidents also draw on data and information from reported included criminality, abductions “Violence in Nigeria: Patterns and Trends,” and vigilante/mob justice. There were also a by Patricia Taft and Nate Haken (Springer mo state has a population of number of fatalities associated with public Press, April 2015). approximately 3.9 million people, unrest and reports of ritual killings in the according to the 2006 census. The state. The first half of 2014 was the most population is predominantly Igbo violent of the two-year period with a Reported Violence (98%). -
Journal of African Elections
VOLUME 7 NO 2 i Journal of African Elections ARTICLES BY Francesca Marzatico Roukaya Kasenally Eva Palmans R D Russon Emmanuel O Ojo David U Enweremadu Christopher Isike Sakiemi Idoniboye-Obu Dhikru AdewaleYagboyaju J Shola Omotola Volume 10 Number 1 June 2011 i ii JOUR na L OF AFRIC an ELECTIO N S Published by EISA 14 Park Road, Richmond Johannesburg South Africa P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: +27 (0) 11 381 6000 Fax: +27 (0) 11 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] ©EISA 2011 ISSN: 1609-4700 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher Copy editor: Pat Tucker Printed by: Global Print, Johannesburg Cover photograph: Reproduced with the permission of the HAMILL GALLERY OF AFRICAN ART, BOSTON, MA, USA www.eisa.org.za VOLUME 7 NO 2 iii Editor Denis Kadima, EISA, Johannesburg Editorial BOARD Jørgen Elklit, Department of Political Science, University of Aarhus, Denmark Amanda Gouws, Department of Political Science, University of Stellenbosch Abdul Rahman Lamin, UNESCO, Accra Tom Lodge, Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Limerick Khabele Matlosa, UNDP/ECA Joint Governance Initiatives, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Lloyd Sachikonye, Institute of Development Studies, University of Zimbabwe, Harare Gloria Somolekae, National Representative of the W K Kellogg Programme in Botswana and EISA Board member Roger Southall, Department of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg The Journal of African Elections is an interdisciplinary biannual publication of research and writing in the human sciences, which seeks to promote a scholarly understanding of developments and change in Africa. -
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets File:///C:/Documents and Settings/Brendelt/Desktop/Temp Rir/Country Fact
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Country Fact Sheet NIGERIA August 2007 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name The Federal Republic of Nigeria. Geography Nigeria is located in Western Africa . Bordering the Gulf of Guinea, its neighbouring countries are Cameroon to the east and southeast, Benin to the west, Niger to the north, and Chad to the northeast. The Niger, West Africa's largest river, passes through Nigeria and empties into the Gulf of Guinea. Nigeria has a total area of 923,768 km². The country's topography is diverse with swampy coastlands 1 of 18 9/17/2013 9:03 AM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... and tropical forests in the south, hills and plateaus in the centre, grassy plains and semi-desert in the north, and mountains in the east. -
CHRISTIANITY of CHRISTIANS: an Exegetical Interpretation of Matt
CHRISTIANITY OF CHRISTIANS: An Exegetical Interpretation of Matt. 5:13-16 And its Challenges to Christians in Nigerian Context. ANTHONY I. EZEOGAMBA Copyright © Anthony I. Ezeogamba Published September 2019 All Rights Reserved: No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior written permission from the copyright owner. ISBN: 978 – 978 – 978 – 115 – 7 Printed and Published by FIDES MEDIA LTD. 27 Archbishop A.K. Obiefuna Retreat/Pastoral Centre Road, Nodu Okpuno, Awka South L.G.A., Anambra State, Nigeria (+234) 817 020 4414, (+234) 803 879 4472, (+234) 909 320 9690 Email: [email protected] Website: www.fidesnigeria.com, www.fidesnigeria.org ii DEDICATION This Book is dedicated to my dearest mother, MADAM JUSTINA NKENYERE EZEOGAMBA in commemoration of what she did in my life and that of my siblings. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I wish to acknowledge the handiwork of God in my life who is the author of my being. I am grateful to Most Rev. Dr. S.A. Okafor, late Bishop of Awka diocese who gave me the opportunity to study in Catholic Institute of West Africa (CIWA) where I was armed to write this type of book. I appreciate the fatherly role of Bishop Paulinus C. Ezeokafor, the incumbent Bishop of Awka diocese together with his Auxiliary, Most Rev. Dr. Jonas Benson Okoye. My heartfelt gratitude goes also to Bishop Peter Ebele Okpalaeke for his positive influence in my spiritual life. I am greatly indebted to my chief mentor when I was a student priest in CIWA and even now, Most Rev. -
Lagos State Poctket Factfinder
HISTORY Before the creation of the States in 1967, the identity of Lagos was restricted to the Lagos Island of Eko (Bini word for war camp). The first settlers in Eko were the Aworis, who were mostly hunters and fishermen. They had migrated from Ile-Ife by stages to the coast at Ebute- Metta. The Aworis were later reinforced by a band of Benin warriors and joined by other Yoruba elements who settled on the mainland for a while till the danger of an attack by the warring tribes plaguing Yorubaland drove them to seek the security of the nearest island, Iddo, from where they spread to Eko. By 1851 after the abolition of the slave trade, there was a great attraction to Lagos by the repatriates. First were the Saro, mainly freed Yoruba captives and their descendants who, having been set ashore in Sierra Leone, responded to the pull of their homeland, and returned in successive waves to Lagos. Having had the privilege of Western education and christianity, they made remarkable contributions to education and the rapid modernisation of Lagos. They were granted land to settle in the Olowogbowo and Breadfruit areas of the island. The Brazilian returnees, the Aguda, also started arriving in Lagos in the mid-19th century and brought with them the skills they had acquired in Brazil. Most of them were master-builders, carpenters and masons, and gave the distinct charaterisitics of Brazilian architecture to their residential buildings at Bamgbose and Campos Square areas which form a large proportion of architectural richness of the city. -
Page 1 of 27 Nigeria and the Politics of Unreason 7/21/2008
Nigeria and the Politics of Unreason Page 1 of 27 Nigeria and the Politics of Unreason: Political Assassinations, Decampments, Moneybags, and Public Protests By Victor E. Dike Introduction The problems facing Nigeria emanate from many fronts, which include irrational behavior (actions) of the political elite, politics of division, and politics devoid of political ideology. Others factors are corruption and poverty, lack of distributive justice, regional, and religious cleavages. All these combine to create crises (riots and conflicts) in the polity, culminating in public desperation and insecurity, politics of assassinations, decampments (carpet crossing), moneybags, and public protests. All this reached its climax during the 2003 elections. When the nation thinks it is shifting away from these forces, they would somersault and clash again creating another political thunderstorm. It looks that the society would hardly outgrow ‘the politics of unreason’ (Lipset and Raab, 1970), which is often politics of extremism, because the political class is always going beyond the limits of what are reasonable to secure or retain political power. During the 2003 elections moneybags (instead of political ideology) directed political actions in political parties; and it also influenced the activities of many politicians. As a result, the presidential candidates of the two major political parties (PDP and ANPP) cliched their party tickets by stuffing the car boots, so to say, of their party delegates with Ghana-Must- Go bags. This frustrated and intimidated their political opponents within (and those in the other minor political parties). Since after his defeat by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo in the 2003 PDP primary in Abuja, Dr. -
The Making of Sani Abacha There
To the memory of Bashorun M.K.O Abiola (August 24, 1937 to July 7, 1998); and the numerous other Nigerians who died in the hands of the military authorities during the struggle to enthrone democracy in Nigeria. ‘The cause endures, the HOPE still lives, the dream shall never die…’ onderful: It is amazing how Nigerians hardly learn frWom history, how the history of our politics is that of oppor - tunism, and violations of the people’s sovereignty. After the exit of British colonialism, a new set of local imperi - alists in military uniform and civilian garb assumed power and have consistently proven to be worse than those they suc - ceeded. These new vetoists are not driven by any love of coun - try, but rather by the love of self, and the preservation of the narrow interests of the power-class that they represent. They do not see leadership as an opportunity to serve, but as an av - enue to loot the public treasury; they do not see politics as a platform for development, but as something to be captured by any means possible. One after the other, these hunters of fortune in public life have ended up as victims of their own ambitions; they are either eliminated by other forces also seeking power, or they run into a dead-end. In the face of this leadership deficit, it is the people of Nigeria that have suffered; it is society itself that pays the price for the imposition of deranged values on the public space; much ten - sion is created, the country is polarized, growth is truncated.