Urban Writing on Disappearing Alleyways and Courtyard Houses, Beijing, 1950-2008

Yanfei Li

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto

Urban Writing on Disappearing Alleyways and Courtyard Houses, Beijing, 1950-2008

Yanfei Li

Doctor of Philosophy

Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto

2018 Abstract

Beijing has transformed tremendously in the recent four decades, and the decline of the signature residential space, alleyways and courtyard houses, is at the center of social and cultural debates.

For some, it is an outcome of a profit-driven real estate market that favours international capital rather than local communities. For others, marketization and globalization have otherwise created a niche for the gentrified and commercialized vernacular space as a cultural selling point of Chineseness. This project poses the question differently: what is the role of the cultural intermediaries in this picture of decline with the market and capital on the one hand and the physical changes on the other? This project investigates the cultural intermediaries formed by the architectural trends, planning thoughts, policy tendencies, and heritage system that the capital and market depend on to concretely shape the cityscape. Focusing on multiple genres of texts in urban writing from the 1950s to the 2010s, this project examines them through metaphors. Urban amnesia reveals an architectural forgetting system that marginalizes alleyways and courtyard houses in the fifty years of architectural discourse. City tank provides a cautious approach to housing, land, and demolition and relocation policies that demonstrates how difficult it is for the vernacular space users to cultivate a long-lasting connection with their living environment. City as organism shed light on the alternative planning practice to preserve vernacular space. Its

ii adaptation into heritage policies in the context of cultural and historical city preservation ironically illuminates on the limitations of organic renewal. The meanings of these metaphors collectively present a complicated picture of how cultural intermediaries promote, oppose to, and negotiate with the erasure of vernacular space in urban redevelopment. To trace these meanings opens up new space to test ideas and practices that emphasize both architectural preservation and social preservation.

iii

Acknowledgments

During the research and writing of this thesis, I have received great assistance and support from many individuals and institutions. Without them, this project would not be possible.

At the University of Toronto, I have access to excellent academic mentors. For this project particularly, they are Professors Janet Poole, Hsiao-wei Rupprecht, Johanna Liu, and Vincent Shen. My gratitude to my supervisor Professor Yue Meng and committee members Professors Tong Lam and Jesook Song. They have given me carefully-thought directions, inspirational suggestions, and an incredible amount of encouragement throughout the planning, conducting, and writing of the project. I am also thankful to our lovely office administrators Natasja Vanderberg, Norma Escobar, and Mary MacDonell. They make the graduate life on campus easy to navigate.

My research has been generously supported by the scholarships that are available through the department. For instance, the Milena Doleželová-Velingerová Memorial Scholarship, the Ting Fang Chung Scholarship, and the Reverend Doctor James Scarth Gale Scholarship in East Asian Studies. Without the financial support, many of my research travel and conference presentations would be impossible.

On the journey of producing and sharing knowledge, I am indebted to many interlocutors at various workshops and conferences. The Critical China Studies Group initiated by Professor Joan Judge and currently managed by Professor Yiching Wu provided a friendly environment to share some ideas in this thesis at their preliminary stages. The Advanced Method Workshop organized by the Center for the Study of Korea at the Asian Institute, Munk School of Global Affairs, offered me a platform to present some finalized chapters to an interdisciplinary audience. I would also like to thank Professors Yi Ren, Yishi Liu, Qi Xiao, and Plácido González Martínez, Dr. Donia Zhang, and my comrades Kan Li, Jing Xu, and Yu Wang. Their interest in and patience to my works at different writing sessions and conference panels are priceless.

I am sincerely grateful to my friends and family. My dear friends in Toronto: Yvonne, Sunny, Sam, Steph, Shasha, and Lucy, and my parents and grandma in Shanghai. Their encouragement and support give me strength. My deepest gratitude to Hsin. I owe her much for her unconditional love and companionship.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgments...... iv

Table of Contents ...... v

List of Tables ...... vii

List of Figures ...... viii

Introduction ...... 1

• Vernacular space: The inquiry ...... 1

• Urban writing: The research ...... 13

• Literature review ...... 19

• Methodology ...... 26

• Structure of the thesis...... 27

Urban Amnesia: The Architectural Forgetting Mechanism ...... 29

• The national form and vernacular space ...... 32

• Dwellings of the proletarian...... 40

• Traditional or modern? ...... 45

• Rethinking tradition ...... 51

• Conclusion ...... 59

City Tank: Residents and the Urban System ...... 64

• City tank: The metaphor ...... 65

• State-owned land, leasable land use right, and the residents in the land system ...... 70

• Welfare housing, commodity housing, and the residents in the housing system ...... 82

• Local state, urban residents, and diversified actors in the demolition system ...... 88

• Conclusion ...... 116

Urban Organism: Organic Renewal and the Alternative Politics ...... 120

• Formalist organic renewal and the planner-architect model ...... 121

• Complex organic renewal and the user-oriented model ...... 135

• Interpretative organic renewal and the technical turn ...... 144

• The divergence and the alternative politics ...... 158

• Conclusion ...... 169

Heritage Development: Beyond Organic Renewal ...... 172

• The initiation ...... 173

• The municipal moves ...... 180

• Expanded programs ...... 187

• An established heritage system ...... 196

• Conclusion ...... 203

Epilogue ...... 208

Bibliography ...... 222

List of Tables

Table 1-1 Beijing population 1978–2010 ...... 8

Table 1-2 Beijing fixed asset investment 1981–2005 ...... 9

Table 1-3 Beijing spending on infrastructure 1981–2004 ...... 10

Table 1-4 Newly constructed houses in Beijing 1981–2005 ...... 11

Table 4-1 The comparison of pre-project survey between Ju Er Hutong and Xi Si Bei project 153

Table 4-2 Index of organic renewal models ...... 155

Table 5-1 Temporal parallel of the policy writing on historical and cultural city preservation and the planning writing on organic renewal ...... 206

vii

List of Figures

Figure 1-1 Typical courtyard houses ...... 2

Figure 1-2 The hutong system in the north-west part of Beijing, 1740 ...... 3

Figure 1-3 The location of the Old City of Beijing ...... 4

Figure 1-4 Capital/Market to cityscape via intermediaries ...... 6

Figure 2-1 The elevation of Di’anmen dormitory ...... 35

Figure 2-2 Designs of the inner courtyard mid-rises ...... 45

Figure 2-3 The North and East façade of the Fragrant Hill Hotel ...... 49

Figure 2-4 Bird view model of Xiao Tao Yuan planning ...... 55

Figure 2-5 Dong Hua Shi residence ...... 56

Figure 3-1 Demolition procedures in the 1980s ...... 91

Figure 3-2 Demolition procedures in the 2000s ...... 108

Figure 4-1 Six levels of Chinese urban forms ...... 126

Figure 4-2 Si he lou ...... 130

Figure 4-3 Illustration of the pattern of the mid-lane and courtyards ...... 132

Figure 4-4 The planner-architect centered working model ...... 133

Figure 4-5 The community centered working model ...... 143

Figure 4-6 The number of publications on organic renewal ...... 145

Figure 4-7 Provincial distribution of case studies...... 146

Figure 4-8 A revised design of Si he lou...... 150

Figure 5-1 The first historical and cultural cities in China ...... 176 viii

Figure 5-2 25 Neighborhoods of focused preservation...... 181

Figure 5-3 Beijing urban heritage preservation area ...... 190

Introduction • Vernacular space: The inquiry

This project examines the cultural mechanism behind the decline of vernacular space in Chinese cities. In this project, vernacular space refers to the space and places created by the vernacular architecture.1 In the Chinese context, vernacular architecture, for example, are the Hakka earth building complex (tu lou), the stilt houses (ganlan jianzhu) in Yunnan, and the house cave (yao dong) in Shaanxi.2 These buildings share the commonality that they are designed based on the local needs, built with available local materials, and reflect the local cultural customs. According to Chinese architectural historians Bingjian Ma, Jun Jia, and others,3 Beijing alleyways and courtyard houses are representative of vernacular space in the northern part of China. The alleyways and courtyard houses, however, are not static architectural styles. They are produced and de-produced in discourses as well as spaces as history unfolds. This project studies the disappearance of them in the past four decades.

The courtyard house (siheyuan) is said to have 3000 years of history from the late imperial to the modern times. In most cases, a courtyard house unit contains single-story houses, and occasionally two-story houses. The houses are located in four directions, preferably east, west, south, and north to form a closed quadrangle compound embracing one or more yards (Figure 1- 1). One courtyard was either occupied by one extended family or by several families. Alleyways (hutong) comprise the roads within the neighborhood of the courtyard houses. Two or more courtyard houses laid out in a chessboard pattern produce alleyways. The orientation of most alleyways in Beijing is north-south or west-east, corresponding to the preferred orientation of the courtyard houses themselves. The width of an alleyway seldom exceeds 10 meters. Numerous

1 Paul Oliver, Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World, 3 vols. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 2 Qijun 王其钧 Wang, Zhongguo Minjian Zhuzhai Jianzhu 中国民间住宅建筑 (Jixie gongye chubanshe 机械工业出版社, 2003). 3 Bingjian 马炳坚 Ma, Beijing Si He Yuan Jian Zhu 北京四合院建筑 (Tianjin Shi: Tianjin da xue chu ban she, 1999). Jun 贾珺 Jia, Beijing Siheyuan 北京四合院, Di 1 ban 第 1 版 ed. (Beijing: Qinghua da xue chu ban she 清华大学出版社, 2009). Jun 贾珺 Jia, Deyin 罗德胤 Luo, and Qiuxiang 李秋香 Li, Bei Fang Min Ju 北方民居, Di 1 ban 第 1 版 ed. (Beijing: Qinghua da xue chu ban she 清华大学出版社, 2010).

1 2 alleyways connect and dissect a vast area of courtyard houses, forming the road system. Alleyways were often the location of various shops, food-stands, and restaurants (Figure 1-2).

Figure 1-1 Typical courtyard houses4

4 Liangyong Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong, Di 1 ban. ed. (Beijing: Zhongguo jian zhu gong ye chu ban she, 1994). 87

Figure 1-2 The hutong system in the north-west part of Beijing, 17405

Alleyways and courtyard houses defined the residential space in Beijing for hundreds of years. They were concentrated in the Old City; nowadays, this area lies within the second ring road (Figure 1-3). They defined the characteristics of Beijing residential housing in the Yuan (1271– 1368), Ming (1368–1644), and Qing (1644–1911) dynasties. Even in the Republican (1911– 1949) and the early People’s Republic years, they still served as a major locus for the everyday activities of Beijing residents.

5 Léon Hoa, Reconstruire La Chine : Trente Ans D'urbanisme, 1949-1979 (Paris: Éditions du Moniteur, 1981). 21

Figure 1-3 The location of the Old City of Beijing

The red square shape marks the contemporary second ring road. Source: Google Maps

However, courtyards and alleyways have become a problem during China’s recent urban transformation. The unprecedented urban expansion in China in the past four decades brought about works of star architects, mushrooming skyscrapers, and even overdeveloped ghost cities— these spectacles have largely formed the image of urban China in the media. In Beijing, a number of these spectacle urban developments were erected directly from the ashes and ruins of vernacular architectures and communities that had stood for hundreds of years. The tension between the rapid disappearance of the long-standing vernacular spaces and the fast-forwarding

5 of new urban development is filled with social, cultural, and political conflicts. Beijing, the capital with continued importance at the center of China’s politics, culture, international relations, and technological innovation,6 best showcases these conflicts of urban expansion. The city’s continued importance in China’s politics, economy, and culture also makes the rapid disappearance of its vernacular spaces a representative case of inquiry and investigation and thus, the topic of this dissertation.

The disappearance of vernacular space in Beijing took place in the beginning of the 1990s and lasted into the concurrence of China’s postsocialist transition and the arrival of the global capitalism. The interaction and relationship of these two historical trends call for further theorization on various fronts. It is in this context that the disappearance of vernacular spaces has attracted public and scholarly attention from the perspective of architectural, social, and urban studies. Some scholars, such as Anne-Marie Broudehoux and Hyun Bang Shin, have argued that the disappearance of vernacular space is the outcome of an emerging profit-driven real estate market that favors international capital rather than local communities.7 Others, like Xuefei Ren and Jianfei Zhu, have pointed out that marketization and globalization have created a niche for the gentrified and commercialized vernacular space as a cultural selling point of Chinese-ness.8 In one way or another, they have brought forward the complex connections among the postsocialist marketization, global capital, and the rise of real estate economy. The change of the vernacular space is one of the focal points among these larger changes.

Based on the previous scholarship in this area of interest, this project seeks to take a closer look at the possible intermediary agents linking the arrival of the capital to the changes in vernacular space. This project poses a different question: what is the cultural mechanism behind the disappearance of Beijing alleyways and courtyard houses? Specifically, what is the role of the

6 Bureau Beijing Investment Promotion, "Beijing Gai Kuang 北京概况," http://www.investbeijing.gov.cn/gb/manageArticle.do?method=list&catalogCode=100098#. 7 Anne-Marie Broudehoux, The Making and Selling of Post-Mao Beijing, ed. Inc ebrary (New York: Routledge, 2004). Hyun Bang Shin, "Empowerment or Marginalisation: Land, Housing and Property Rights in Poor Neighbourhoods," in Marginalization in Urban China: Comparative Perspectives, ed. Christopher J. Webster and Fulong Wu (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010). 8 Xuefei Ren, Building Globalization: Transnational Architecture Production in Urban China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011); Jianfei Zhu, Architecture of Modern China : A Historical Critique (New York: Routledge, 2009).

6 architectural trends, planning thoughts, policy tendencies, and heritage system in the decline of vernacular space? Architectural trends, planning thoughts, policy tendencies, and heritage system are the indispensable intermediaries that the capital and market depend on to concretely shape the cityscape. My research leads me to see a cultural mechanism at function to translate the global capital and the postsocialist initiative of marketization into various kinds of discourses, official documents, and public texts. The discourses and documents discussed in this dissertation include four categories: architectural, planning, policy, and heritage (Figure 1-4). Since they are all in written form, I also call these documents urban writing. As illustrated in the figure below, the urban writing occupies an intermediary position between, on the one hand, the capital, market, and globalization, and on the other, the concrete cityscape. In other words, the financial capital, the market system, and the global market players, even though they are powerful factors that shape the cityscape, the specifics and details of the cityscape are co-determined by a cultural mechanism operated on architectural, planning, demolition, and heritage thoughts and ideas. Elaborating on these intermediaries, this project demonstrates the cultural and historical contingencies with the capital and market that together shape the disappearance of the vernacular space.

Figure 1-4 Capital/Market to cityscape via intermediaries

Investigating architectural, planning, policy, and heritage writing in the contemporary four decades as well as back in the early days of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the temporal scope of the project spans across the socialist and the post-socialist era. The project

7 emphasizes that the discontinuity between the socialist and post-socialist era bear many internal continuities over the topic of the fate of alleyways and courtyard houses. For instance, a modernist criticism of the vernacular space that originated in the socialist era continued into the 1980s, 1990s and even to the present. It constantly devalues the aesthetics of vernacular architecture, welcoming the disappearance of alleyways and courtyard houses. On the contrary, the idea of preserving vernacular space as heritage sites emerged in the early 1980s with the reestablishment of the operations of national and global capital in P.R. China. However, the subject of preservation has survived the times because of a laisse-faire attitude toward the existence of alleyways and courtyard houses in the 1960s and 1970s at the height of Maoist socialism.

This project reveals the complexity of the discontinuity and the continuity by discovering the factors in the cultural mechanism that erase vernacular space and the factors that postpone their disappearance. I would like to emphasize that it was the cultural mechanism—an institutionalized or even ritualistic metaphoric writing/documenting practices—that erased or reduced the possible politically meaningful contradictions when the socialist imagination met capitalism (marketization of space) and globalization. I argue that architectural trends, planning thoughts, policy tendencies, and heritage system all participate to determine, or even delay, the decline of vernacular space.

Let me first put the disappearance of vernacular space in more concrete terms. The speed and the scale of Beijing’s expansion has set a world record. The population of the city increased more than five times from 1949’s 4.2 million residents to 21.7 million in 2015.9 In the past four decades, the population of Beijing has more than doubled. According to the population survey in 1982, 9.35 million people lived in Beijing. The 2010 survey shows that an additional 10 million people lived in Beijing. The population increased most rapidly (by six million people) between 2000 and 2010. According to the 2010 survey, the total population of 19.619 million, includes an urban population of 16.864 million. That is, almost 86 percent of the total population lived in urban settings (Table 1-1).

9 Beijing Municipal Bureau of Statistics, "Population," http://www.bjstats.gov.cn/tjsj/cysj/201511/t20151109_311727.html.

Table 1-1 Beijing population 1978–201010

Year* Population (million) Urban population Rural population

1978 8.715 4.79 3.925

1982 9.35 5.44 3.91

1990 10.86 7.98 2.88

2000 13.636 10.574 3.062

2010 19.619 16.864 2.755

*The years shown in the table are all national population survey years.

Such unprecedented expansion was obviously well-funded. Investment in fixed assets has been increasing to continuously boost the city’s transformation. Between 1981 and 1985, fixed assets’ investment was 23.44 billion renminbi (RMB) including both state and private contributions. Between 2001 and 2005, the investment increased to approximately one trillion. The momentum of the increase was continual from 1981 to 2005. In these years, when the investment was increasing the most rapidly, it jumped from 63.49 billion, the five-year total for 1986–1990, to 218.15 billion as the five-year total for the next five years (1991–1995). In other words, the investment had increased over two times more than the previous five years. What is also significant is that between 2001 and 2005, the investment in real estate amounted to almost 60 percent of the total fixed asset investment (Table 1-2).

10 Ibid.

Table 1-2 Beijing fixed asset investment 1981–200511

Year Urban Investment Real estate investment (billion RMB)

1981–1985 23.44

1986–1990 63.49

1991–1995 218.15 56.84

1996–2000 506.38 197.95

2001–2005 1003.36 597.4

The spending on infrastructure in both the public and private sectors repeats the pattern of the continuous increase in investment. The investment in infrastructure was 4.06 billion RMB in the first half of the 1980s. In the first four years of the 2000s, this number increased to 164.93 billion RMB. Between the 1980s and the 2000s, the most significant increase occurred in the 1990s. In the first half of this decade, the spending on infrastructure was 49.49 billion, but in the second half, it reached 138.21 billion, which is nearly three times the previous amount of the investment (Table 1-3).

11 Beijing 60 Yearbook 北京六十年 (Zhongguo tong ji chu ban she 中国统计出版社, 2009). 114

Table 1-3 Beijing spending on infrastructure 1981–200412

Year (Billion RMB)

1981–1985 4.06

1986–1990 11.79

1991–1995 49.49

1996–2000 138.21

2001–2004 164.93

Linked to the increased investment in fixed assets, the city has witnessed an increasing number of newly-constructed housing. In the first half of the 1980s, the constructed housing was 39.416 million square meters. By the first half of the 2000s, the number was three times more at 177.816 million square meters. Constructed housing increased steadily from year to year with a significant jump between the second half of the 1990s and the first half of the 2000s. The increase at this time was nearly 85 percent compared to 20–50 percent in the previous five-year period (Table 1-4).

12 Ibid. 118

Table 1-4 Newly constructed houses in Beijing 1981–200513

Year Housing (million square meters)

1981–1985 39.416

1986–1990 51.424

1991–1995 62.067

1996–2000 96.443

2001–2005 177.816

The expanding urban population, growing investment in fixed assets, rising spending on infrastructure, and newly constructed housing have swept away the spatial history of Beijing. The urban area has lost its original “look” completely. Day after day, images of rising skylines, clusters of office towers, enormous shopping malls, luxurious condominiums, ring roads and expressways fill the news and Beijing’s webpages. Vernacular architecture, narrow lanes, pre- modeled workers’ dormitories, and semi-open market places became Beijing’s past and are now nowhere to be seen except within a few deliberately preserved city blocks.

Demolition of courtyards and alleyways took place sporadically before the late 1980s, but in the past forty years the abrupt, precarious removal of Beijing’s vernacular space reached the extreme in terms of both the scale and the rate. Large-scale demolition of courtyard houses and the disappearance of alleyways started en masse in the late 1980s, and has accelerated rapidly since the 1990s. According to a 2004 statistical report, from 1949 to 1990 about 800 alleyways were removed; from 1990 to 2003, another 650 alleyways ceased to exist.14 According to another

13 Ibid. 117 14 "Hutong Shi Jingmai Siheyuan Shi Xibao: Wenwu Zhuanjia Tan Beijing Hutong Baohu 胡同是静脉,四合院是细胞——文物专家谈北京胡同保护," Beijing Gui Hua Jian She, no. 6 (2004).

12 statistical report in 2001, between 1996 and 2000, the houses that were demolished reached 2.15 million square meters, and the number of households affected by the demolition was about 83 thousand.15 A significant majority of these demolished houses were courtyard houses, and the number shows the massive scale of the disappearance of the past cityscape and the size of the population that is impacted. In other words, where alleyways and courtyard houses used to be is now largely occupied by shopping malls, office towers, condominiums, and freeways. Moreover, the original communities in the vernacular space have been conveniently displaced to the less developed suburbs. This process has been going at full speed, and the population density in all areas within the Six Ring Road is relatively saturated.

The scale and rate of the removal of the vernacular space calls for further examination. Beijing boasts of its long history, but why would the city leaders, planners and architects chose to “blanket demolish” the most historic and culturally valuable, most lively and most densely populated vernacular spaces and not leave them to be the pride of the city? Many scholars have investigated Beijing’s transformation, but few seem to have asked what provided the legitimacy to remove vernacular spaces at such a rate and scale. The scholarship by Anne-Marie Broudehoux and Hyun Bang Shin as well as works by Xuefei Ren and Jianfei Zhu mentioned earlier have revealed much about the political economy of the life and death or even rebirth of vernacular space in China. Still, beside bare capital, was there possibly city planning and architectural reasoning behind the precarious yet full-scale removal of Beijing’s vernacular spaces? To put it another way, for such a sudden, large-scale “blanket demolishing” to take place, it is very likely that urban planners, architectural thinkers, and policymakers have all agreed, at a certain point in time, upon the possible removability of vernacular spaces. What was the basis of their consensus on this removability? When did they reach such consensus on vernacular spaces removability? These are the questions that prompted me to think of the cultural mechanism that is at work during the disappearance of the vernacular space of Beijing, thus the project for this dissertation.

15 Beijing Tong Ji Nian Jian 北京统计年鉴 (Zhongguo tong ji chu ban she 中国统计出版社, 2001). 279

• Urban writing: The research

To answer the question of how and when the removability of vernacular spaces of Beijing was constructed, research into the history of urban ideology and an exploration of the cultural and theoretical logic that supports the demolition of vernacular spaces is required. A few specific enquiries led me to the beginning of my research. Was there any architectural trend that could allow the vernacular space to be forgotten in the minds of the citizens? Is there a planning idea or practice that attempts to preserve and revitalize the vernacular space? As a heritage system rises to preserve the urban heritage, does it change the meanings and values of the vernacular space? In what way has the relationship between the vernacular space and the space users become subject of regulation in policies? As I read and researched along these and other lines, I found myself submerged in a large quantity of writing by architectural theorists, urban planners, and policymakers. Courtyards and alleyways are not only the subjects of their studies and final products of their work, but also the topic of their writing in the professional world and to the public. Vernacular space has not only been produced and reproduced physically, but also through the pages in the minds of the public, politicians, practitioners, and policymakers. Putting them together with the literary texts, I call this vast body of texts “urban writings.”

This thesis searches for urban writing from various primary sources. It looks into professional writing in the architectural and planning journals (for example, the Architectural Journal (jianzhu xuebao), the official publication of the Architectural Society of China or the Beijing Planning Review (Beijing guihua jianshe), the official journal of the Beijing Municipal Institute of City Planning and Design, the research institute affiliated with the government body in charge of Beijing’s planning—Beijing municipal Planning Committee). Authors of this category of urban writing range from celebrity practitioner, for instance, Sicheng Liang, Leon Hoa, Kaijing Zhang, and Fu Zhang, to emerging architects and planners including Ke Fang, Shu Wang, and Jie Zhang.

This thesis also probes policy writing, especially heritage and demolition policies. In terms of heritage policies, the writing usually takes the form of five-year plans on both national and municipal levels, for instance, “Beijing Historical and Cultural City Protection Plan in the Tenth Five-Year Plan” (2001) and “Beijing Historical and Cultural City Protection Plan in the Eleventh Five-Year Plan” (2007). From the 1980s to the 2000s, as the municipal heritage system matured

14 to preserve Beijing integratedly as a cultural historical city, an increasing amount of policy writing emerged in the form of detailed control and preservation plans specially designed for alleyways and courtyard house areas. For example, “Beijing Urban Center Control Plan” (1999) and “Beijing Historical and Cultural City Protection Plan” (2004). For demolition policies, the writing develops along the changing regulations of urban housing demolition and relocation. For example, “Beijing Interim Regulations on Demolition and Relocation for Infrastructure Construction” (1980), “Beijing Municipal Regulations on Demolition and Relocation for Construction” (1982), and “Beijing Municipal Regulations on Urban Housing Demolition and Relocation” (1998). Since the local regulations for demolition should align with the legal framework of urban land, housing, and property rights, the legal writing, for example, the People’s Republic of China Land Administration Law (1986) and its subsequent amendments, also becomes relevant to the urban writing.

Finally, literary writing, both fiction and non-fiction, plays its part in urban writing, although not necessarily following the legacy of the Beijing School of writing that was debated during the 1930s. Contemporary native Beijing writers—Danian Zhao, Zhicheng Mao, Shaotang Liu, and Yida Liu—interwove the historical changes of the city into the aspiration and disappointment of their protagonists’ lives. At some points in their writing, migrant writers such as Youmei Deng, Xinwu Liu, Jinlan Lin, and Huadong Qiu, who put down their roots in Beijing, all treated alleyways and courtyard houses as an important character in their works. Journalists and amateur writers have also contributed reflective essays on the social cultural transformations in alleyways and courtyard houses. Not addressing the themes, motifs, and poetics of the literary writing per se, the research for this thesis is not uninformed of these works of writing and was actually inspired by them at every step.

Urban writing is not a fixed literary genre. Instead, it refers to a synergic corpus of multiple genres of writing, including fiction, newspaper columns, architectural criticism, and government documents, that share a common concern of the city and the urban life and participate in the material transformation of cities, the negotiation of the meanings of urban changes, and the adjustment of urban living. Because of the large variety of works included, urban writing is penned by a diverse group of authors. Some of them are renowned writers such as award- winning novelists, some are veteran writers (for example, journalists, scholars, or policy makers) who are accustomed to publishing in their respective professional fields. Others are amateur

15 writers or one-time explorers who are passionate about sharing their thoughts and stories in written forms, or who feel a strong urge to express their opinions about urban issues. The varied writing experience of these authors ensures that urban writing has a full spectrum of styles in language and narrative. Story-telling, reflective, argumentative, investigative, sentimental, explanatory, and prescriptive, are a few common impressions that a reader would have from reading urban writing.

Despite the multiplicity of genres and diversity of authors and styles, what links the texts in urban writing is the thematic matters that are directly or indirectly related to the urban spatial forms, the life experience in the cities, and the culture as a product of a population living concentratedly in urban settings. Some representative thematic matters of urban writing in the context of the Chinese contemporary urban history include demolition, relocation, migration, old city centers, urban villages, and officially designated special zones. These special zones could be in the forms of heritage districts, postindustrial sites, tech parks, creativity parks, and many other emerging forms.

Henri Lefebvre’s concept of space helps demonstrate the possible critical depth of urban writing. Lefebvre sees spatiality as a trialectics comprised of perceived space, conceived space, and lived space. Perceived space refers to the physical and material aspect of spatial practice; conceived space designates images, concepts, codes, and knowledge, all the signs and signification that allow perceived space to be discussed and understood; and lived space is where inhabitants and users directly interact with the space using coded or uncoded symbolisms. These interactions would generate possibilities of new space that are unnoticed in the conceived space.16 Collectively, the trialectics provide a scheme to analyze the dynamics of the social production of space, be it a medieval town, a capitalist metropolis, or a socialist city.17 The concept of urban writing further assumes that writing as both a production process and a product plays an active part in the production of cities and urban changes.

16 Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991)., 33, 36-46; David Harvey, The Urban Experience (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989)., 261; Edward Soja, "Thirdspace: Expanding the Scope of the Geographical Imaginiation," in Human Geography Today, ed. Doreen Massey, Johan Allen, and Philip Sarre (Polity Press, 1999). 264-267 17 Lefebvre, The Production of Space. 53

To be specific, urban writing occupies a space corresponding to the perceived space and lived space in the Lefebvrian spatiality. On the one hand, urban writing—regulatory documents, architectural criticism, and development plans—directly addresses spatial issues such as what a city should be, how to maintain an urban mechanism, and what the future is for cities. Therefore, urban writing not only provides language to describe urban phenomena but also forms a discourse that distinguishes the “good” from the “bad” in urban practices. In this sense, urban writing is the perceived space that gives meanings to and generates values of urban spatiality. On the other hand, urban writing such as fiction, personal memoirs, and magazine editorials, approaches urban phenomena in an informal way. This informal approach can be differentiated through its personal, empirical, descriptive, and often imaginative perspective. Urban writing is also lived space reflected in letters: an intimate feeling towards one’s childhood home, an unexpected encounter in the urban labyrinth, or disenchantment due to the prospects that the city promises. It narrates the particular urban experiences, reflects upon them, and interweaves them into individual and community lives. More importantly, urban writing itself, in this sense, is an integral part of how a city is lived through its residents, sojourners, and passersby. Covering both perceived and lived space, urban writing gains a vantage point to reveal the dynamics between the two spaces. In his theorization of spatiality, Lefebvre suggested that it is a question of how the two spaces relate to each other and how one changes along with the other.18 In this project on vernacular space in China, a diverse body of urban writing can provide rich material to further explore these questions.

The sense of spatiality in urban writing can be understood from a Lefebvrian perspective. The potential of writing that the concept of urban writing dwells on is rooted in French philosopher Jacques Derrida’s ideas about writing. Writing, as defined by Derrida, refers to “not only the physical gestures of literal pictographic or ideographic inscription, but also the totality of what makes it possible.”19 This definition expands the conventional concept of writing from written forms of language to cinematography, choreography, drawing, music, sculpture, and even

18 Ibid., 27 19 Jacques Derrida and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Of Grammatology, 1st American ed. ed., Frye Annotated ; No. 1709 (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976). 10

17 military and political “writing.”20 With this new and wide range of inscription that was not conventionally regarded as writing, the Derridean concept of writing, as some speculate, may also suggest that writing free from its alphabetic and linguistic framework is not necessarily particular to human beings.21 Although urban writing in the context of this project does not cover the full range of writing as defined by Derrida, urban writing outlines a specific collective of inscription, literary, architectural, regulatory, legal, and political writing, all connected to the node of urban and urbanity.

Letters, texts, and writing, for Derrida, are critical paths toward how human beings understand what things truly are. Derrida elaborates writing’s direct relation to things in comparison to speech. First, writing can directly point to the presence of things. Like a gesture, a particular type of sign that could directly point to an object without uttering speech, writing as a system of signs is similarly expressive and immediate to the presence of things. 22 Second, the inferiority of writing to speech reveals the lack that has already existed in the origin of meaning itself.23 The logic goes that if “something can be added to what is initially thought of as in and of itself complete, and is presented as an origin,” it “reveals that the lack in sense precedes the origin and contaminates it.”24 In the quote, “something” refers to writing, and “what is initially thought of as in and of itself complete” can be interpreted as the presence of meaning in things and speeches. This is to say that writing points to, even creates, the incompleteness of the meaning in things and supplements it by its own existence. A quick extension of Derrida’s writing in the context of urban writing is to say that no city makes any sense unless one understands the way writing creates the “lack” in meaning in the particular urban space it points to, and meanwhile, the very exercise of urban writing supplements the “lacked” meaning.

20 Ibid. 21 Nicholas Royle, Jacques Derrida (New York: Routledge, 2003). 22 Robert Bernasconi, "Supplement," in Jacques Derrida: Key Concept, ed. Claire Colebrook (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2015). 20 23 Derrida and Spivak, Of Grammatology. 24 Bernasconi, "Supplement." 20

Urban writing, by its subject matter, points to the spatiality of the urban, the transformation of the cityscape, and the dynamics of urban culture. Reading a piece of urban writing means making sense of the way it renders the lack of meaning of the urban space it writes about and supplements a (new) meaning for that space. The vernacular space of courtyards and alleyways is one such urban space. Repeatedly, vernacular space is rendered to be short of meaning by the writings about it; meanwhile, each time the writing is exercised, (new) meanings and values, whether positive or negative, are attached to the space. In a sense, the writing of the vernacular spaces of courtyards and alleyways demonstrates how writing makes up an indispensable part of the urban subject that it points to. In this sense, the disappearance of alleyways and courtyard houses is in part, if not completely, anticipated by the writings about the vernacular spaces I am talking about. Urban writing documents the fate of vernacular space, reflects upon the human- urban interaction within these places and, more importantly, urban writing, as a supplement, creates part of the disappearance of the vernacular space.

This dissertation covers the architectural thinking, planning preferences, policy choices, and heritage discourse as the main areas of research as it was in these areas that the possible indispensability or removability of Beijing’s vernacular spaces was constructed. With regard to architectural writing, I elaborate the changing references behind a widely-circulated metaphor, amnesia, used by the professional architects and planners to capture the impact of disappearing alleyways and courtyard houses. Tracing the metaphor, I provide a historical account of the architectural perception of vernacular space that marginalizes certain features of these architectural forms. The marginalization ultimately creates the forgetfulness of the vernacular space.

Focusing on the policy writing, this project borrows the city tank metaphor from fictional writing to frame the disadvantageous role of a vernacular space owner or user in the land, housing, and property regime. In other words, the city tank metaphor offers a fresh lens to observe a courtyard house owner or user’s limited connection with his or her land, housing, and property. Through such lens, the image of a vernacular space user is rather powerless, facing the decline of vernacular space.

Discussing planning writing, this project locates the idea and practice of organic renewal as a possible way to preserve and revitalize the vernacular space. Organic renewal is primarily based

19 on a metaphoric view that a city is a living organism. The tensions and politics in the diversified interpretations of the metaphor during the development of organic renewal pose further questions for the regeneration of vernacular space.

Lastly, with regard to heritage writing, by tracing the establishment of a heritage system of historical and cultural city preservation, especially the role of the vernacular space in it, this project reveals the preservation principles suggested by the writing bear direct connections with the discourse of urban organism. In the system, some vernacular space is lucky to have the official inscription of urban heritage, while others are evaluated in the system as valueless to demolish.

• Literature review

Previous studies on the changes in Beijing focusing on regeneration, redevelopment and vernacular space in the post-socialist or post-Mao era, as viewed in this research, fall into two categories according to their theoretical and disciplinary backgrounds. One category is the critical political economy analysis of the urban changes, and the other covers a variety of perspectives in cultural and literary studies on the representations of urban transformation in artistic forms, along with their impact on the reality of the transformation. Far from a comprehensive overview of each trend in the research under the two categories, this literature review showcases a few representative works that are directly relevant to the disappearance of alleyways and courtyard houses in Beijing.25

Political economy has been one of the main approaches used by many scholars primarily in order to understand Beijing’s transformation. The critical political economy analysis of the disappearance of vernacular space is, in one way or another, connected to the geographer and Marxian theorist David Harvey’s explanation of the realization of capital in the urban built

25 Adjacent to the studies discussed below but providing a wider picture of regeneration policies, redevelopment, housing, and real estate market in China, more works can be found in the journals on urban issues in general, for example, the International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Urban Studies, and Cities. Similarly, besides the works on the cultural representations and interventions of the decline of vernacular spaces mentioned below, insights on the overall cultural politics and urban cultural changes in the post-Mao era can be found in monographs by Xudong Zhang, Xiaobing Tang, and Hui Wang, to name but a few. Exemplary case studies can also be found in journal articles in cultural literary journals, for example, China Information, Modern Chinese Literature and Culture, and Cross-Currents.

20 environment. According to Harvey, cities are built for the circulation of capital. The capital moves from one industry to another, from the industry to the finance sector, from finance to real estate, and then back again into the same circuits, in order to seek higher profits. To create opportunities for higher returns on the investment in the built environment, certain forms of construction or architecture are made obsolete to make room for a new round of capital circulation. In this sense, those “obsolete” built environments do not necessarily have insufficient use values. Their obsoleteness and demolition are the result of a mechanism that Harvey termed “accumulation by dispossession.”26

In her study of the urban changes in Beijing in the 1990s, Anne-Marie Broudehoux elaborated the interrelations among capital, the market, and the Chinese government through specific cases of urban development within Harvey’s general framework of how capital shapes cities. 27 Broudehoux pointed out that the post-Mao urban transformation has created a blurry area between the official ideology of socialism and the reality of the global capitalist economy. On the one hand, the Chinese state endeavors to construct and promote a free market image to attract capital investment while on the other, it strives to provide social welfare and services based on collectivity, equality, and other socialist concepts that have been passed down from Mao’s China. In this mixed political economic atmosphere, urban redevelopment and renewal projects are easily turned into contentions between the profit-driven developers and the rights-seeking property-users or owners and their respective communities. In the absence of updated inspection procedures and regulatory measures, the losers are always the affected residents and communities. In some cases, they lost their convenient living environment, and in other cases they even lost their livelihood. Severe dispossession and deprivation led to the residents’ resistance and sometimes violent clashes with the developers.

26 Harvey, The Urban Experience. The New Imperialism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). Sharon Zukin, "David Harvey on Cities," in David Harvey: A Critical Reader, ed. Noel Castree and Derek Gregory (Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub., 2006). Nancy Hartsock, "Globalization and Primitive Accumulation: The Contributions of David Harvey’s Dialectical Marxism," ibid. 27 Broudehoux, The Making and Selling of Post-Mao Beijing.

Adding the factor of the global circulation of capital and labor, in her studies of both Beijing and Shanghai in the late 1990s and the 2000s, Xuefei Ren 28 made the point that, in the global situation of freely moving transnational capital and rising entrepreneurship in municipal governance, transnational architectural firms are frequently sought for consultation and proposals to change the older Chinese urban neighborhoods. Transnational professionals play the part of important ally of the local governments and (transnational) developers in realizing the economic value of historical buildings and districts via turning them into globally marketable real estate properties. These transnational professionals also form an alliance with local intellectual groups to preserve the physical aspects of cultural historical buildings, regardless of the purpose of preservation. What is lacking in the coalition among transnational professionals, local government, developers, and intellectuals is a concern for social preservation, the conservation of not only the materiality of the buildings, but also the culture and lifestyle of the residents living in the historical buildings. This neglect of social preservation has resulted in an increasing amount of housing rights activism in urban China.

From the perspective of gentrification studies, Hyunbang Shin viewed the massive demolition of alleyways and courtyard houses in Beijing as an example of mega-gentrification that also happens in other parts of the world.29 Placing the redevelopment of the inner-city of Beijing together with the massive gentrification in South Korea and Latin America, he identified China as a neo-authoritarian socialist regime which, to a large degree, determines the features of the institution of gentrification in contemporary China. Shin demonstrated that, in the current global economy, a neo-authoritarian state in the global South or East is development and growth driven. In the Chinese context, a particularity of the regime is that it carries the residues of a socialist planned economy. The local government holds the power to plan the city centrally. It is thus a powerful initiator of the inner-city gentrification projects. Therefore, the regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses is often conducted in a top-down manner as a tool for the local state to increase the revenues from the lease of land use rights. As a result, the low-income families in the inner-city are relocated off-site. In the cases where families may be unhappy

28 Ren, Building Globalization. 29 Loretta Lees, Planetary Gentrification, ed. Hyun Bang Shin and Ernesto López Morales (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2016).

22 about the regeneration and relocation, the local state has the authority to directly or indirectly force the families to move out. For instance, the measures adopted by the local state include backroom negotiations, censorship petitions in the media, and cutting electricity and water supply.

The critical analyses of the political economy of the disappearance of Beijing alleyways and courtyard houses have revealed the capitalist and profit-driven core of the redevelopment system. They have also clearly outlined the roles and interactions of the state, developer, designer, and residents of the vernacular space carved out by the system. These roles and interactions, to some extent, echo what Harvey Molotch and John Logan named a “growth machine” in the urban American context. A growth machine is primarily an elite coalition with the local state that places the space’s exchange values before its use values.30 In other words, the alleyways and courtyard houses should be valued by how much the land under the building could be sold and how much more rent the buildings could make for different uses (for example, commercial, residential, and exhibition).

Based on this political economic understanding of the decline of the vernacular space, this dissertation intends to add a cultural historical dimension to the picture through investigation of the architectural, planning, heritage, and policy intermediaries. Focusing on the intermediaries should reveal that the culture of the disappearing alleyways and courtyard houses is not fully determined by the political and economic logic. A closer look at the intermediaries in this dissertation demonstrates how the epistemes in the respective cultural fields independently advocate, oppose, and rescue the decline of the vernacular space. Moreover, highlighting the intermediaries expands the room for resistance and the space for change for the users of the vernacular space. In other words, in the intermediaries lie the ideas, practice, and initiatives that could make changes to the mode of accumulation in contemporary Chinese cities.

Compared with the critical political economy approach, the cultural and literary studies of Beijing’s urban changes do not take a single path. The body of scholarship in this category is rooted in history, films, plays, literature, and arts. Accordingly, it is based on various types of

30 Harvey Molotch, "The City as a Growth Machine: Toward a Political Economy of Place," American Journal of Sociology 82, no. 2 (1976). "The Political Economy of Growth Machine," Journal of Urban Affairs 15, no. 1 (1993).

23 primary sources such as architects’ and planners’ biographies, state-sponsored or independent film productions, fiction, performances, installations, and other forms of contemporary arts.

In a historical investigation of how the city of Beijing abandoned its Ming-Qing forms, in the Beijing Record,31 Wang Jun demonstrated that there were many missed opportunities to preserve Beijing as the epitome of Chinese classical city building. For instance, the rejected Liang-Chan Plan in 1950 proposed to move the national and municipal administrative center to the Western suburb of Beijing. In another example, Leon Hoa suggested partially removing the enclosed city walls to allow the automobiles to easily drive into the city center. Charles Chan’s rival plan offered a vision to preserve the chessboard pattern of the narrow roads at the city center and locate the railway station and inter-city bus station outside the original city walls. Despite the existence of and debates over these plans, the Soviet vision of a socialist city prevailed, and Mao’s ambition of transforming Beijing into a production city guided the construction and planning in the 1950s and later. In the historical narrative, the decline of Beijing’s ancient city form intertwined with the failure of the individual effort of the architects, planners, and mayors to negotiate their preservationist vision with the Soviet and Maoist city vision. As Liang, Hoa, and Chan were isolated, marginalized, and publicly humiliated during political campaigns, the ancient city form of Beijing that they had envisioned was also declined.

Shifting from architects to filmmakers, Yomi Braester argued that films are not only a vehicle for forming individual and collective identities, they are not a mirror of a given reality, either. In those major urban transformations of Beijing, regardless of building a socialist city or marketizing urban redevelopment, films have forged the material city and the ideologies that gave rise to it. With regard to vernacular space specifically, Braester contended that plays and films facilitated the material changes of Beijing in at least two ways. One way is to use courtyard houses and alleyways as props and spatial context to elaborate the dilemma between preserving the cultural value of vernacular space and the need for modernization. Some plays, as Braester discovered, present a clear stance that evolves with the official discourse of regeneration to offer various justifications for demolition. For instance, these plays would celebrate relocation as

31 Jun Wang, Beijing Record: A Physical and Political History of Planning Modern Beijing (Singapore: World Scientific, 2011).

24 placing the residents in a better living environment.32 These plays conform to the governmental narrative of the disappearance of alleyways and courtyard houses, while other plays and films if not resist it, is representing dissatisfaction with the current government-endorsed changes of the vernacular space. Braester identified a group of films such as No Regret about Youth (1992) and Ning Ying’s Beijing Trilogy, which share a documentary impulse to make images of demolition and ruins into the new urban signs. In Braester’s words, “in recording the erased architectural placeholders of memory, films become monuments to that loss.”33 In this sense, those images also become critical strategies in the official discourse of regenerating vernacular space.

Braester’s argument on the capability of plays and films to be both creator and representation of the urban materiality is an extension of the earlier studies on a variety of representations of urban changes by the fifth generation of filmmakers in China, or as the film scholar Zhen Zhang has termed, “the urban generation.”34 For instance, Sheldon Lu has studied popular cinema and avant-garde videos on demolition and redevelopment in Chinese cities. She contends that although the majority of works take a realistic approach to represent the destructive impact of demolition on the urban social fabric, a number of works also present hopes brought by redevelopment in emerging public places, for example, hotels, bars, and galleries. The works of both themes, destruction and hope, collectively negotiate with the prevalent discourse of modernization and globalization in Chinese cities in the 1990s.35 Similarly, Augusta Palmer has teased out divergent cultural meanings of the skyscrapers in Shanghai. Palmer argues that in Shi Runjiu’s A Beautiful New World (1999), the image of skyscrapers refers to a mystic cosmopolitan past in the modern history of Shanghai, and it is also a reference to an idealized

32 Yomi Braester, Painting the City Red: Chinese Cinema and the Urban Contract, Asia-Pacific (Durham [NC]: Duke University Press, 2010). 97, 98. 33 Ibid., 227 34 Zhen Zhang, The Urban Generation: Chinese Cinema and Society at the Turn of the Twenty-First Century (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007). 35 Sheldon H. Lu, "Tear Down the City: Reconstructing Urban Space in Contemporary Chinese Popular Cinema and Avant-Garde Art," in The Urban Generation: Chinese Cinema and Society at the Turn of the Twenty-First Century, ed. Zhen Zhang (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007). 137-160

25 future of urban consumerism that promises freedom of choices and buying.36 These studies on urban films and videos exemplify the flexible role of cinema as both responses to and alternative practice in urban transformation on a variety of topics including demolition, redevelopment, juxtaposed temporalities, and nostalgia.

With a similar interest in cultural products and urban changes, Robin Visser’s study of the recent transformation of Chinese cities tends to characterize the urban aesthetics in planners’ opinions, art works, literary representations, and new city building projects. Her conclusion is that the post-socialist urban aesthetics have completely uprooted the morality built into the image of a revolutionary community of peasants and a prosperous countryside in the Maoist era. The urban aesthetics have become a critique of the official discourse of modern development of cities, manifesting the new Chinese concept of autonomy, ethics, and citizenry.37 With reference to the changes to the vernacular space in cities, Visser argues that a few planners are aware of the shocking impact of wholesale city building on the vernacular space. She criticizes the Chinese planners’ overemphasis on the physical planning but negligence of the tradition of city building and the socioeconomic factors.38 Regarding visual arts, Visser pointed out that the artists tried to contemplate the urban changes by juxtaposing a range of symbols—dollar signs, excavators, ruined walls, the marker of to-be-demolished houses “Chai,” migrant workers, and the new cityscape. This mixture of images has captured the chaotic scene of demolition and rebuilding. It represents the disorientation and helplessness of both the artists and the urban residents.

Dealing with multiple forms of primary sources, the cultural and literary studies of urban changes outline several independent fields (namely, architectural history, planning history, cinematic history, performance criticism, literary criticism, and art history and criticism) and their roles and impacts in the making of contemporary Beijing. The studies demonstrate how these fields interact with the physical space of Beijing and at the same time create their diverse representational spaces that overlap and layer the current urban transformation. What this

36 Augusta Palmer, "Scaling the Skyscraper: Images of Cosmopolitan Consumption in Street Angel (1937) and Beautiful New World (1998)," ibid. 181-204 37 Robin Visser, Cities Surround the Countryside: Urban Aesthetics in Post-Socialist China (Durham [NC]: Duke University Press, 2010). 289-290 38 Ibid. 57-63

26 dissertation would like to emphasize is that all these physical and representational spaces are actually one. By introducing the concept of urban writing through a pool of texts from multiple genres including architectural, literary, planning, heritage, and policy discourses, this thesis intends to place these independent fields back together to form a cultural mechanism that actually and actively participates in city changing and city making.

• Methodology

This thesis approaches urban writing from three perspectives: historical, philological, and close- reading. For each group of writing—architectural, planning, heritage, and demolition policies— the thesis initially chooses one metaphor or key word. For example, dealing with architectural writing, the thesis focuses on the metaphor of urban amnesia and traces how its meaning could hold its ground in different historical times: the beginning of the People’s Republic of China, the turbulent 1960s and 1970s, and the more open era of global influences since the 1980s, to name a few stages in the periodization. Analyzing the planning writing, the thesis focuses on the concept of organic renewal and outlines not only how the interpretations of the concept transform from the 1980s to the present but also how influences from outside China carry the concept with itself and appropriates them. This line of investigation is quite similar to philological studies that trace the origin and dissemination of words across texts and boundaries. Discussing demolition and heritage writing, the thesis specifically emphasizes the changing expressions that shape the definition of heritage and that regulate the legal roles of demolition and relocation actors. Through close-reading of these changes, the thesis is able to situate the change of words back into the larger challenges of erasure and reconstruction of urban space.

The perspectives of historical, philological, and close-reading studies are not exclusive to the group of urban writing mentioned above. For example, the three perspectives co-exist in the analysis of every group of urban writing. Usually, the inquiry in each chapter is led by a metaphor or key word, a philological cue; the next discussions are largely based on close-reading and arranged in a loosely-defined historical way. In this sense, the three perspectives are often the three pillars of the analysis in this thesis used to structure the themes, development, and particular social cultural and, most importantly, the spatial impact of the urban writing.

• Structure of the thesis

This thesis has six chapters. After the introduction, the second chapter focuses on the metaphor of urban amnesia in the architectural writing. Architectural writing here refers to the publications by the professionals in the field of architectural design. This chapter specifically explores their writing, mainly published in the Architectural Journal, on vernacular space. The Architectural Journal (jianzhu xuebao) is the official publication of the Architectural Society of China. It was inaugurated in 1954. Since then, the journal has shared numerous works of architectural design and published high-quality academic research. Therefore, it has documented the development of architectural design in China and become a comprehensive and authoritative journal for the professionals. Investigating the meaning and origins of the metaphor of urban amnesia in the architectural writing, this chapter provides a history of the architectural perception of vernacular space that marginalizes certain features of these architectural forms. The marginalization ultimately creates the forgetfulness of the vernacular space.

The third chapter discusses how the relationship between residents and the city is imagined in fictional writing and in policy and legal writing. The chapter starts with a key metaphor, city tank, introduced by the journalist and novelist Huadong Qiu’s fiction, which uses the metaphor itself as the novel’s title. By interpreting the meaning of the metaphor in the fictional setting, the chapter tries to apply the structure that the metaphor has provided to reread the policy and legal writing of three urban systems, namely the land, housing, and demolition and relocation regulations. The temporal scope of such policy writing is primarily from the 1980s onward, and when it is necessary to clarify the historical context, the temporal scope extends to the earlier decades such as the 1950s. The land, housing, and demolition and relocation system (hereafter demolition system) largely regulated the redevelopment and regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses in the past four decades. In rereading the policies through the lens of the city tank metaphor, this chapter outlines a figure of the vernacular space user who has limited connections with his or her land, housing, and property. Therefore, the policy figure of the vernacular space user is powerless facing its decline.

The fourth chapter investigates how the regeneration of Beijing alleyways and courtyard houses is imagined in planning writing. Focusing on a specific planning idea, organic renewal, which is rooted in the metaphorical understanding of a city as a living organism, this chapter traces the

28 evolvement of the idea and its related practice. Moreover, this chapter analyzes the tensions implicit and explicit in the development of the idea and the changing practices along with it. The primary sources in this chapter are mostly planning writing on organic renewal published between 1989 and 2014. The planning writing was retrieved from the China National Knowledge Infrastructure, one of the largest online full-text academic databases of Chinese scholarship which, among many other subjects, indexes almost all pieces of writing on organic renewal from the early days of the emergence of the idea to the present. Studying planning writing on organic renewal, this chapter provides a brief history of the evolvement of organic renewal and a critical reflection on the role of ideas and practices in regenerating alleyways and courtyard houses.

Continuing the discussion of urban organism, the fifth chapter goes beyond the planning writing and measures the influence of the same metaphor, urban organism, in the policy writing on heritage preservation, especially preserving Beijing as a state-designated historical and cultural city. The primary sources for this chapter are various kinds of government documents, especially Beijing municipal government documents that are related to heritage preservation from the 1980s to the 2000s. By reading these documents in relation to the changing understandings of urban organism and the development of organic renewal, this chapter outlines the parallel between the policy writing and the planning writing. Revealing how organic renewal is limited to the designated heritage preservation districts, this chapter suggests that this preservation system may be a cause of the more common and massive disappearance of vernacular space in comparison to a few focused courtyard house preservation cases.

Collectively, this thesis offers an account of how the cultural mechanism formed by architecture, planning, demolition policy, and heritage preservation operates behind the disappearance of Beijing alleyways and courtyard houses. By seeking the meanings of the metaphors amnesia, organism, and city tank in the architectural, planning, policy, and preservation writing, this thesis reveals the historical and cultural connections underlying the decline of vernacular space.

Urban Amnesia: The Architectural Forgetting Mechanism

In an article questioning the ongoing urban transformation, Wei Ke, a member of Beijing Urban Planning Committee, West City Bureau (北京市西城区规划局), recalls an incident of losing his way in the fast-changing city. It was late 2002. Wei Ke was visiting a close friend whose neighborhood was newly incorporated into the Old and Dilapidated Zone (危改区). Obviously, Wei Ke was shocked by the type of renovation going on there.

I was surprised that I could not even find the street (hutong) where his house is located. I was quite sad hearing him saying “we, too, often couldn’t find our way home.” Imagine that an elder Beijing native lost his way home in the neighborhood where he has lived for over decades! Must our urban redevelopment take place this way? It would be unfortunate enough if a person lost his memory, not to mention that if a hutong, a street, or a city becomes memoryless! Today many places in the Old Beijing remind us of nothing about their history. If the demolition goes on like this, Beijing will very soon become an amnesiac city.39

Urban amnesia, in Wei’s context, refers to a number of things. It is the unamendable damage to the architecture, which functions as the medium to store a city’s memory. It also refers to a loss of the city’s past and the sense of losing one’s home in the fast transformation of cityscape during the rapid urban development and redevelopment. Up till the 2008 Beijing Olympics, thousands of hutong and siheyuan disappeared. It is due to the municipal government’s Old and Dilapidated Housing Redevelopment Program (hereafter, the Redevelopment Program), starting from the early 1990s. The Redevelopment Program covered much of the historical vernacular space. The official language in the program commonly uses the term “dangerous” and “dilapidated” to describe the demolished houses. The use of these adjectives adds an abstract devaluation to the vernacular space or a history of ideological depreciating of vernacular space.

39 Ke 魏科 Wei, "Bao Hu Beijing Jiu Cheng——Lu Zai He Fang 保护北京旧城——路在何方?," [Preserving Beijing Old City: Where is the Right Way.] Beijing Gui Hua Jian She 北京规划建设 no. 4 (2004).

In the Redevelopment Program, the vernacular space is demolished as an entire district or a large zone rather than individual architecture. Henry Lefevre would call such a zone abstract space since a designated demolition zone is regarded as valueless. The physical structures of hutong and courtyard houses in the demolition zone are especially worthless. However, Wei Ke and his friend find this vision of the Redevelopment Program problematic. For them, keeping the original physical structure and material façade of the vernacular space is to keep memory. In other words, the material shape of streets and houses are signs and metaphors or scripts of history and memory. A city is a physical text of a minor history. It plays a key role in the formation of amnesia; to be specific, the architectural conditions of forgetfulness.

This chapter contextualizes the urban amnesia in the textual production of vernacular space. It takes wording or naming of houses and spaces as important ways to produce and de-produce vernacular spaces and urban zones. I trace the long process of textual (scriptural and discursive) de-production of vernacular architecture as a cultural and political foundation for the physical disappearance of the vernacular urban zones. This chapter traces the discussion of vernacular space in a longer duree in the second half of the twentieth century. I demonstrate how the spatial forms and architectural concepts represented by hutong and siheyuan are defined and redefined, evaluated and re-evaluated. In addition, I also pose the question: to what extent these houses and districts really do not deserve to preserve?

Large areas of vernacular space disappear most visibly in the post 1990s era, but the vision that vernacular space is worthless is not completely new. Nearly 40 years ago, architecture theorist Wen Zisen wrote about how unworthy it is to keep a large area of hutong as part of the cityspace:

Too many hutong cut up the residential areas. The streets occupy much land, but are too narrow to have two cars pass through side by side. The surface of the streets are made of earth. Because of no sewage, rain accumulates on the surface. In terms of floor space distribution, there is inequality among households. A tiny minority live in spacious rooms, whereas the majority of working people are packed as close as herrings. In terms of public facilities, in a class society, the dominant class would not possibly care about the masses. In the community, no green space or public square was built for the masses’ leisure and entertainment. In the aspect of orientation and layout, due to the private economic basis, the

majority of the residential buildings face the streets with their backs and intend to enclose a single household in a siheyuan. This orientation does not suit the masses’ life after the liberation. In the aspect of architectural quality, most of the buildings in the community are small one-story houses. The low quality of construction makes it unsuitable for later installation of gas, heating, and other modern facilities.40

According to Wen, hutong and siheyuan are backward and inadequate particularly in the aspect of modernization and adaptation to socialist everyday life. Modern cities ought to have wide streets and sufficient sewage, and modern buildings should be equipped with gas and heating facilities. On the contrary, the hutong and siheyuan community surveyed does not have those designs because of “the backward productive forces of the old society”41 when the community was originally constructed. Besides, based on public ownership, socialist society ought to have housing equality, shared entertainment facilities, and collective activities in public space. Therefore, the inequality of floor space, lack of public space, and enclosed architectural layout are “limitations of the social institution”42 in the past. To correct these “fundamental defects”43, Beijing hutong and siheyuan cried for a complete transformation.

Wen’s view offers an interesting dialogue with Wen Ke’s opinion on hutong and siheyuan. Wen dismissed the value of hutong and siheyuan as a whole on the scale of districts, whereas Wei would be more likely to differentiate dilapidate (dangerous) house from dilapidate district. Here I’m not trying to pose Wen against Wei in terms of textual reading because they both read the city as text. However, Wen turned the structure of vernacular space into a hyper-political and hyper-progressive urban text. Only by this political reading of the siheyuan text, Wen was able to erase all the values of the vernacular space.

40 Zisen 温梓森 Wen, "Beijing Jiu Ju Zhu Qu Dian Xing Diao Cha 北京旧居住区典型调查 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 06 (1956). 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid.

As shown in the analysis before, in this chapter, I seek to layout a spectrum of urban texts in which the vernacular space was conceived, written about, and practiced. Bearing the big questions in mind, what kind of “texts” have to be forgotten to be able to reach the point of amnesia and what kind of “texts” have to be invented as the cherished memory, I intend to further contextualize the urban imagination of demolition.

• The national form and vernacular space

Wen Zisen’s lengthy description about the backwardness of the vernacular space of Xidan appeared as the criticism to Liang Sicheng’s discussion of national form of architecture, a supposedly overlapping area with vernacular space. Liang Sicheng had developed in the early 1950s a Chinese architectural grammar based on the ritual architecture. Liang had surveyed the extant ancient buildings and skimmed through architectural accounts in the historical archives. His frequent references included, to list but a few, Yin Xu of Shang, the Forbidden City of Qing, Longmen Grottoes of Northern Wei, Xuanmiao Daoist Temple of Western Jin, and the Great Wall of Qin.44 The first two references are sites of royal palaces, the next two religious places, and the last one world-wide-known defense walls. From these extant and archival examples, Liang concluded that the crucial features of Chinese architecture include: tripartite composition (stylobate—body—roof), symmetric layout, wooden frame structure, bracket, roof truss, magnificent roof design, brilliant color, exquisite decoration, and glazed tile (琉璃瓦). He thought that mastering these elements of Chinese architecture was like grasping the grammar and vocabulary of a language. By grasping these elements, one was equipped with the tools to form expressions that could convey varied meanings. Under the societal circumstances of socialism, these elements could also be applied to reflect the socialist reality.

According to Jun Wang’s research, Liang’s grammar of Chinese architecture was a product of at least three different sources of architectural writing. The first one is the architectural writing of modernism.45 In the 1930s, Liang came to be aware of the modernist movement in Europe. He

44 Sicheng 梁思成 Liang, "Zhongguo Jian Zhu De Te Zheng 中国建筑的特徵 " Architectural Journal 建筑学报, no. 01 (1954). Sicheng 梁思成 Liang, Huiyin 林徽因 Lin, and Zongjiang 莫宗江 Mo, "Zhongguo Jian Zhu Fa Zhan De Li Shi Jie Duan 中国建筑发展的历史阶段 " Architectural Journal 建筑学报 no. 02 (1954). 45 Jun 王军 Wang, Cheng Ji 城记 (Beijing: Sheng huo, du shu, xin zhi san lian shu dian, 2003). 132, 133

33 commented that the product of the movement, the international style, was pragmatic and truthful to the technology. Architecture of this style has both “scientific structure” and “suitable exterior.”46 From the perspective of the modernist movement and the international style, Liang went further to criticize the designs of foreign architects in China, for instance, Beijing Xihe Hospital and Yanjing University. He thought that these buildings imitated the flying eaves of the pattern of Chinese roof. However, except for the glazed tiles of the roofs that were Chinese, the flying eaves did not make their designs Chinese.47 In this sense, Liang seemed to be against applying Chinese roofs to represent the characteristics of Chinese architecture.

The second source of writing, as Jun Wang suggested, is Liang’s own studies of Ying Zao Fa Shi and field surveys of existing ancient architecture. Ying Zao Fa Shi, literally building patterns, is a Song dynasty publication on architectural forms, engineering methods, and project management procedures. Liang and other architects were involved in the studies of this specific publication. Their research acitivitites were based the Society for the Study of Chinese Architecture (Ying Zao Xue She, 1930-1946).48 The research results were also circulated through the publications by the society. Engaged with the ancient architectural writing and contemporary surveys, Liang obtained first-hand material to generalize his grammar of Chinese architecture.

Modernism and historical Chinese architecture appear to lead Liang to divergent or contradictory directions. The Soviet writing on national forms, as a third source, urged Liang to find a way to combine modernism and the Chinese architectural characteristics. As the Soviet experts arrived in Beijing to assist the urban construction, the Soviet advocacy on national forms and socialist content came to the foreground.49 Liang disagreed with the Soviet experts on many issues, for example, where to locate the urban center of China’s capital and how tall the new constructions within the old city walls should be. However, their shared the interest in the national forms, especially using Chinese roofs on modern building blocks to represent Chinese architectural culture. According to Jun Wang, some designs of the roofs were added on by the Soviet experts

46 Ibid. 132 47 Ibid. 133 48 Ibid. 137 49 Ibid. 138

34 and others were insisted by Liang. In Jun Wang’s interpretation, Liang preferred the roof pattern because he lost the battle on preserving Beijing city integrally and as what it was. The roof pattern became an expediency that he could agree to preserve the feature of the city.50

Inspired by Liang’s idea of Chinese architectural grammar, high-rises of tripartite composition were experimented in the middle of the 1950s as a possible national form. The results, for instance, consisted of Sanlihe office building, Beihai office building, and Di’anmen dormitory (Figure 2-1). In the main parts of these buildings, Chinese architectural grammatical points, such as glazed tiles, eaves, stylobates, and metopes, were employed to realize the Chineseness of the design.51 Given the use of these buildings, the design also seemed to suggest that reinvented Chinese architectural elements were capable of housing the party apparatuses and proletarians, the new subjects of an emerging socialist country.

Despite initial welcomes to the projects like Sanlihe office building and Di’anmen dormitory, Liang’s national form had been challenged on many fronts since 1955. In terms of the development of Chinese architecture, some argued that Liang’s view that Chinese classic architecture was a gradual, continual, and self-sufficient system emphasized too much that architecture was a form of art independent from the development of the mode of production. The criticism further argued that this overemphasis of independence led Liang to generic architectural grammar and universal Chinese elements, which actually were not as essential as functionality and economy.52 Regarding the relation between technology and form, other criticisms pointed out that the design of Sanlihe office building, Beihai office building, and

50 Ibid. 143-151 51 Kaiji 张开济 Zhang, "San Li He Ban Gong Da Lou She Ji Jies Hao 三里河办公大楼设计介绍 " Architectural Journal 建筑学报 no. 02 (1954); Deng'ao 陈登鳌 Chen, "Zai Min Zu Xing Shi Gao Ceng Jian Zhu She Ji Guo Cheng Zhong De Ti Hui 在民族形式高层建筑设计过程中的体会," ibid. 52 Dunzhen 刘敦桢 Liu, "Pi Pan Liang Si Cheng Xian Sheng De Wei Xing Zhu Yi Jian Zhu Si Xiang 批判梁思成先生的唯心主义建筑思想 " Tong nan dai xue xue bao (zi ran ke xue ban) 东南大学学报(自然科学版) no. 01 (1955).，Sicheng 梁思成 Liang, "Cong "Shi Yong Jing Ji Zai Ke Neng Tiao Jian Xia Zhu Yi Mei Guan" Tan Dao Chuan Tong Yu Ge Xin 从“适用、经济、在可能条件下注意美观”谈到传统与革新 " Architectural Journal 建筑学报 no. 06 (1959).

Figure 2-1 The elevation of Di’anmen dormitory53

Di’anmen dormitory, were similarly uneconomic. It attempted to employ the reinforced concrete frame structure to imitate the outline and flexibility of a wooden frame structure. In the roof design particularly, the eaves and metopes increased the material cost. Moreover, the exquisite details created difficulties in construction. To realize this design, the project needs a higher budget, and the workers should be given extra working hours. Under the contemporary circumstances of limited fund and less qualified workers, Liang’s national form might be aesthetically sound but not economically practical.54 As for the sources of Liang’s national form, some critics suggested that tripartite composition, big roof, and exquisite decoration were primarily originated from palaces and temples that were intended to be magnificent and significant with ritual meanings. This was a grand tradition distinctive from Chinese vernacular architecture, which focused on local materials, adaptive technology, and functionality. Liang’s national form was voluntarily or involuntarily oblivious of the Chinese vernacular tradition.55

The criticism of Liang’s national form was part of a larger trend that rethought formalism, classicism, and economy in Chinese architectural designs in the middle and late 1950s. In the

53 Deng'ao 陈登鳌 Chen, "Zai Min Zu Xing Shi Gao Ceng Jian Zhu She Ji Guo Cheng Zhong De Ti Hui 在民族形式高层建筑设计过程中的体会," ibid., no. 02 (1954). 54Da 重达 Chong, "Cong Jie Yue Guan Dian Kan "Si Bu Yi Hui" De Ban Gong Da Lou 从节约观点看“四部一会”的办公大楼 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 01 (1955).四部一会大楼 1955，"Fan Dui Jian Zhu Zhong De Lang Fei Xien Xiang 反对建筑中的浪费现象 ", Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 01 (1955). 55Gan 陈干 Chen and Han 高汉 Gao, "Lun Liang Sicheng Xian Sheng Guan Yu Zu Guo Jian Zhu De Ji Ben Ren Shi 论梁思成先生关于祖国建筑的基本认识 " Architectural Journal 建筑学报 no. 01 (1955).

1950s, a collective goal for Chinese architects was to develop a national form that could reflect the socialist reality and a new national life. To support architectural practice toward this goal, a set of principles--functional, economical, and aesthetical (适用、经济、美观)—was first loosely phrased in 1952 after the establishment of the Department of Architecture and Engineering in the central government. A concise version of the principles came into shape around 1955 during the discussions at the department’s regular meetings. The principles were generally agreed by architectural professionals and applied to the whole architectural circle. In effect, the principles formed a specific articulation of the trialectics of architecture in the 1950s. It meant that the new designs of architecture were supposed to meet the daily needs of production, consumption, living, and entertainment of a people in the newly established Chinese socialist society. The principle’s economical concern advocated frugal thinking in architectural designs, an idea that was closely related to the stringent financial situation and underdeveloped heavy industry of China’s recovering economy after the war-stricken 1930s and 1940s. Implicitly, the principle of “economical” limited the choice of technology. For instance, insufficient fund and lack of material supplies would effectively limit the application of steel and concrete frame structure in a number of building projects. Lastly, aesthetics in the principles addressed the issue of form in the trialectics. Under the same difficult economic condition and with a high demand of functional floor space in housing, aesthetics was least prioritized. Generally, aesthetics in the 1950s meant plain and minimal formal details after the needs of function and frugality were possibly met. Therefore, the search for a national form started with rediscovering architectural classics, then developed out severe self-criticism of possible capitalistic tendencies, and finally turned to vernacular architecture.

Formalism at that time was considered by the architectural circle as an obsession with formalistic beauty that bore no relations to the actual proletarian life in a socialist society. Classicism, because of its immanent connection with the feudal past, was viewed as a thought that is reluctant to accept progressive and revolutionary change. In addition, due to the economic difficulty in a young socialist China, frugality in housing was associated with concentrating on production, whereas expenditure on forms and décor in both formalism and classicism was wasteful.

Under the influence of the abovementioned types of criticism, the architectural circle shifted the focus from design new buildings in Liang’s style of national form to design practical and

37 economical architecture. The source book of national forms became a combination of both ritual and vernacular architecture. What was specially emphasized is the “core values, typical lessons, practical skills, and structural methods”56 of Chinese architecture, rather than forms of detailed elements, such as big roofs or metopes.

The particular lessons in the design for practical and economical architecture included contextualization of individual buildings and shared aesthetics between ritual and vernacular architecture. For instance, the wooden pagoda in Ying County, Shanxi province, the extant earliest wooden architecture in China, was thoroughly studied for its relationship with the surrounding vernacular environment.57 Both vernacular and ritual buildings were researched for the common aesthetics that made the architectural Chineseness a consistent but diverse entity. A suggestive answer to the common aesthetics was comprised of contrastive use of bold colors, incorporation of small spaces into a large space, and parallel use of symmetric interiors with asymmetric exteriors.58 These experiments differed from Liang’s approach in that they not only search the Chinese style in ritual buildings or military constructions but also take vernacular architecture into consideration. The Chinesenese had to be something that was shared by both ritual and vernacular buildings.

Moreover, to design practical and economical architecture revealed the concern with vernacular buildings in the aspect of functionality, adaptive technology, and local materials. Functionality referred to functional usefulness; adaptive technology meant technology that was flexible to be applied to local conditions, and local materials denoted those materials that were locally abundant and easily accessible. It was discovered that along the mid-coastal area in Guangdong province, vernacular buildings reduced their architectural details over years of development to

56Buyi 周卜頣 Zhou, "Cong Beijing Ji Zuo Xin Jian Zhu De Fen Xi Tan Wo Guo De Jian Zhu Chuang Zuo 从北京幾座新建筑的分析谈我国的建筑创作," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 03 (1957). 57 Hongxun 杨鸿勋 Yang and Xinian 傅熹年 Fu, " You Xiu De Gu Dian Jian Zhu Zhi Yi- Ying Xian Fo Gong Si Shi Jia Ta 优秀的古典建筑之一--应县佛宫寺释迦塔," ibid., no. 01. 58 Xiongwen 哈雄文 Ha, "Dui Jian Zhu Chuang Zuo De Ji Dian Kan Fa 对建筑创作的几点看法 " ibid., no. 06 (1959).

38 pursue functionality.59 It was argued that there lied a concept of modular design for flexible employment of entrances and screen walls in Beijing vernacular architecture.60 In the aspect of local materials, because they were considered as practical means to reduce construction costs, a variety of local materials were discussed on their potentials of mass application. For example, reed partition walls and sunshades in Wuhan,61 loess walls in the North West,62 and clay-wood- bamboo structure in Jiangxi province.63

During the change from Liang’s style of national form to practical and economical design, vernacular architecture had certainly been appreciated more from the perspective of practical use of space and creative application of local materials. However, in a linear progressive view of function and technology, vernacular buildings were actually considered as backward and inadequate forms of residence. Take Beijing siheyuan for instance. These buildings were mostly one-story houses, concentrating at the urban center. Compared with low-rises or high-rises, one- story houses provided far less floor space, which made it not quite helpful to ease the housing shortage at an urban center of high density of population.64

The idea that the old residential areas of Beijing must be completely transformed became a general guide line in planning urban houses in the 1950s. For instance, in the plans of Baizhifang

59 Shuhuan 岑樹桓 Cen, "Guang Dong Zhong Bu Yan Hai Di Qu Dei Min Jian Jian Zhu 广东中部沿海地区的民间建筑," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 02 (1956). 60 Yuhuan 张馭寰 Zhang, "Beijing Zhu Zhai De Da Men He Ying Bi 北京住宅的大门和影壁 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 12 (1957). 61 "Lu Wei Zai Min Yong Jian Zhu Zhong De Shi Yong 蘆苇在民用建筑中的使用 ", Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 06 (1957). 62 Zhongshu 陈中樞 Chen and Futian 王福田 Wang, "Xi Bei Huang Tu Jian Zhu Diao Cha 西北黄土建筑调查 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 12 (1957). 63 Jiabao 丁家宝 Ding, "Yi Zhong Duo Kuai Hao Sheng De Tu Zhu Mu Jie Gou 一种多快好省的土竹木结构 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 12 (1958). 64 Hua 汪骅 Wang, "Di Ceng Zhu Zhai Jing Ji Shi Yong Xing De Fen Xi- Fu Shanghai 1958 Nian Zi Jian Gong Zhu She Ji Shi Li 低层住宅经济适用性的分析--附上海 1958 年自建公助设计实例 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 03 (1958). "Guan Yu Xideweile Hebeibolande Jiao Sho De Zhongguo Shi Zhu Zai Qu De Zuo Tan Tao Lun 关于西德威勒·赫贝柏蘭德教授的中国式住宅区设计方案的座谈讨论 ", ibid., no. 08.

39 and Xizhao Street, it was crystal clear that all one-story houses needed to be demolished, and in the ten-year plan, all one-story houses were to be replaced by low-rise and high-rises.65

Complete transformation of hutong and siheyuan was also made a basic criterion to evaluate urban development in the 1950s. Reviewing Beijing architectural development one decade after the establishment of the PRC, one of the major achievements celebrated was that “the dilapidated houses passed down from the old society are disappearing en masse; what replaces them gradually are new buildings with modern facilities.”66 To be more specific, the achievement was that in the first three years of the first five-year plan, dilapidated houses were renewed or demolished; from 1956 onward, new buildings were massively constructed; under the circumstances of the Great Leap Forward (GLF) in 1958 and 1959, more grand projects were completed on both sides of the Tian’anmen square and along the East and West Chang’an Street to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the establishment of the PRC.

To summarize, the exploration of a national form in the 1950s did not initially recognize vernacular buildings as representatives of Chinese architecture that deserved preservation and reinvention. It was till the middle 1950s that the value of vernacular architecture was discovered from the perspective of adaptive technology, flexible application of local materials, and its shared aesthetics with ritual architecture. In this discovery, what was deliberately avoided was a comprehensive evaluation of vernacular architectural elements (e.g. brackets, roof truss, and screen walls, etc.) because discussions over this issue may attract criticism that targets formalism and classicism, which was suspected to be associated with capitalism and feudalism and ideologically antagonistic toward the emerging socialism in China. Furthermore, as residential forms, the functionality of vernacular buildings was considered unsuitable for the socialist modern life. The ideological support for this negative evaluation was that hutong and siheyuan represented less developed productive forces and exploitative relations of production from the old society. Thus, they needed a complete transformation.

65Dongri 赵冬日 Zhao, Zhenghua 寿振华 Shao, and Ying 冯颖 Feng, "Beijing Shi Baizhi Fang Juzhu Xiao Qu Gai Jian Gui Hua Fang an 北京市白纸坊居住小区改建规划方案 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 01 (1958); Shouqian 傅守谦 Fu, Dong 羅栋 Luo, and Guoliang 张国良 Zhong, "Beijing Shi Xi Zhong Si Ju Zhu Xiao Qu Gui Hua Fang an Jie Shao 北京市夕照寺居住小区规划方案介绍," ibid. 66 Dongcen 王栋岑 Wang, "Beijing Jian Zhu Shi Nian 北京建筑十年 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 1 (1959).

• Dwellings of the proletarian

Seeking for existing architectural samples that could represent the socialist style, a number of surveys on varied forms of vernacular buildings were conducted in the 1960s. For instance, the Southern style,67 Zhejiang vernacular residence,68 Korean ethnic group residence,69 Uyghur architecture,70 Guangxi Dong ethnic group architecture,71 Qinghai residence,72 and Yunnan Dai ethnic group residence,73 all were surveyed and studied during this period.

According to the survey results, most of the vernacular architectures had the following common features. First, the floor plan and the layout were based on real everyday activities. They aimed at creating more practically usable space. Second, the relationship between the interior and exterior was determined by the local climate and construction conditions. Third, the local geography was taken into serious consideration to reduce cost and optimize land use. Fourth, making full use of local materials. Fifth, the interior and exterior decoration were simple, flexible, and diverse.74

Among the five features, flexible use of local materials to reduce cost was considered the most important advantage of vernacular architecture. Therefore, the idea of appropriating cheap vernacular technology was quite popular in design and engineering in the late 1960s. For

67 Keming 林克明 Lin, " Guan Yu Jian Zhu Feng Ge De Ji Ge Wen Ti- Zai "Nan Fang Jian Zhu Feng Ge Zuo Tan Hui" Shang Zong He Fa Yan 关于建筑风格的几个问题--在“南方建筑风格”座谈会上的综合发言," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 08 (1961). 68 Zhili 汪之力 Wang, " Zhe Jiang Min Ju Cai Feng 浙江民居采风," ibid., no. 07 (1962). 69 Fangyuan 张芳远 Zhang, Yi 卜毅 Bu, and Wanxiang 杜万香 Du, "Chaoxian Zu Zhu Zhai De Ping Mian Bu Zhi 朝鲜族住宅的平面布置 " ibid., no. 01 (1963). 70 Jiatong 韩嘉桐 Han and Bikun 袁必堃 Yuan, "Xinjiang Weiwuer Zu Chuan Tong Jian Zhu De Te Se 新疆维吾尔族传统建筑的特色," ibid. 71 Yitai 孙以泰 Sun, "Guangxi Zhuang Zu Ma Lan Jian Zhu Jian Jie 广西僮族麻栏建筑简介 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 01 (1963). 72 Shujia 崔树稼 Cui, "Qinghai Dong Bu Min Ju- Zhuang Ke 青海东部民居—庄窠 " ibid. 73 云南省建筑工程设计处少数民族建筑调查组 Yunnan sheng jian zhu gong cheng sheng ji chu shao shu min zhu diao cha zhu, "Yunnan Bian Jing Shang De Dai Zu Min Ju 云南边境上的傣族民居," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 11 (1963). 74 Zhili 汪之力 Wang, " Zhe Jiang Min Ju Cai Feng 浙江民居采风," ibid., no. 07 (1962).

41 instance, the five walls of Sichuan75 and the wall style of Daqing76 were both enthusiastically discussed for the possibility of wider application all over the country.

Besides adopting vernacular walls to reduce construction cost, the frugal thinking at the same time suggested that existing buildings for non-production uses could be made full use of through careful maintenance and smart reuse. This is what contemporary scholar Lu Duanfang argued as the scarcity that distorted Maoist China’s urban planning disproportionately towards production rather than daily life consumption.77 The frugal thinking suggests that the service time of existing buildings could be reasonably extended, and the fund, material, and labor allocated to the replacement of these buildings could be reallocated to the construction and expansion of buildings for production uses. Along this line, a number of vernacular architecture as non- existing buildings for non-production uses were kept as they were.

Entering the 1970s, the frugal thinking had its continuous influence in building industry, reflected by optimizing land use in residential designs. For instance, to insert as many buildings as possible on a lot of land. Meanwhile, industrializing housing construction had also gained its importance. It appeared as a major issue in the nationwide architectural professional conventions.78 Industrializing housing construction specifically referred to standardizing design, pre-manufacturing building parts, and mechanizing on-site operation. These three technical measures were viewed as the key to speed up the construction as well as to improve the building quality.79

75 The five types of walls refer to “bean residue wall” 胡豆渣墙, “sand wall” 统沙墙, “soil-based wall” 土坯墙, “soil structure wall” 土筑墙, and “three material soil wall” 三合土墙. "Sichuan Min Jian Wu Zhong Qian Ti Jian Zhu Ji Shu De Diao Cha He Ying Yong 四川民间五种墙体建筑技术的调查和应用 ", ibid., no. 01 (1966). 76 Another term for the wall style of Daqing is “干打垒 Gan Da Lei”, which is also a soil structure wall. "Min Yong Jian Zhu Shi Xing "Gan Da Lei" Shi She Ji Gong Zhuo Zhong De Yi Chang Ge Ming 民用建筑实行“干打垒”是设计工作中的一场革命 ", Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 02 (1966). ""Gan Da Lei" Fang Wu De She Ji Yu Shi Gong “干打垒”房屋的设计与施工," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. Z1 (1966). 77 Duanfang Lu, Remaking Chinese Urban Form: Modernity, Scarcity, and Space, 1949-2005 (London ; New York: Routledge, 2006). 78 "Quan Guo Zhu Zhai She Ji Jing Yian Jiao Liu Hui Zai Jing Zao Kai 全国住宅设计经验交流会在京召开," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 06 (1974). 79 Ming 柯明 Ke and Lin 许林 Xu, "Guan Yu Jia Su Shi Xian Jian Zhu Gong Ye Hua De Ji Dian Kan Fa 关于加速实现建筑工业化的几点看法," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 01 (1978).

Following the principle of optimizing land use, architects and engineers produced mid-rises as an appropriate form of residence in the 1970s. As shown in a 1977 urban housing survey, in large and medium size urban areas, the appropriate number of stories for newly-built residence was from four to six. These mid-rises were advantageous in many aspects.80 First, they were easy to be renewed to change the city image. Second, they reduced the expenditure on public facilities, especially in that they would not require much redevelopment of the road system. Third, compared with high-rises, mid-rises were not demanding on building materials, thus more budget-friendly. Fourth, small budget mid-rises were more economical. It can adapt to the tenants’ financial situation.

Based on these advantages, it was recommended that “by the end of this century, if large- and medium-sized cities would gradually demolish sixty to seventy percent of their one-story houses built before the liberation (or alternatively, demolish forty percent of the one-story and thirty percent of the two-story houses) and build five- and six-story residences, the total floor space of urban housing would increase by forty percent without changing the square footage of urban residential land.”81 It was also calculated that including the new mid-rises inserted on vacant land in old residential areas, the increase of total floor space would amount to fifty percent. In one word, the golden rule for optimizing land use was reducing distance among buildings and increasing the number of stories.82

In the 1970s, new designs of houses had combined the consideration of optimizing land use and industrialization. Take Beijing for instance, newly-designed houses in the late 1970s had an average of five to six stories with 2.7 meter-ceilings, and they were also adaptive to

80 "Guan Yu Cheng Shi Zhu Zai Ceng Shu Wen Ti De Diao Cha He Yi Jian 关于城市住宅层数问题的调查和意见 ", Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 03 (1977); Yadi 沈亚迪 Shen and Cang Xian 陆仓贤 Lu, "Beijing Zhu Zhai She Ji Jing Sai Ping Shu 北京住宅设计竞赛评述," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 04 (1979). 81 "Guan Yu Cheng Shi Zhu Zai Ceng Shu Wen Ti De Diao Cha He Yi Jian 关于城市住宅层数问题的调查和意见 "; "Beijing Zhu Zhai She Ji Jing Sai Ping Shu 北京住宅设计竞赛评述." 82 Zi 今兹 Jin, "Zai Zhu Zai Jian She Zhong Jing Yu Bu Jie Yue Yong Di De Tan Tao 在住宅建设中进一步节约用地的探讨," ibid., no. 03 (1975).

43 industrialized construction.83 To give an example, buildings of the Tuanjie Lake neighborhood were designed to use precast panels for interior and exterior walls, floor, and staircases. On the construction site, these panels were assembled with assistance of tower cranes. To facilitate the operation of tower cranes, the buildings were laid out in a North-South parallel pattern, while the public facilities in West-East orientation to increase the building density in the neighborhood. In addition, the total number of stories for each building was raised from five to six, whereas the building distance to eave height ratio was reduced from 1.8 to 1.6, thus to further optimize land use.84 Another example is the residential area at Qian San Men (前三门). Qian San Men is an area including the surroundings at the three Northern city gates of Beijing, i.e. Chongwen Gate, Qian Gate, and Xuanwu Gate. The original buildings in this area were described as “one-story dilapidated houses, populous, and facility-deficient”.85 The new design changed all one-story into high-rises of ten to twelve stories.

In the light of the bifurcated direction in the 1970s, vernacular buildings were at a very marginalized position. From the perspective of function, they were not land-efficient with their signature one-story form. In terms of technology, very few architects and engineers were anticipating to industrialize the construction of vernacular architecture as residential buildings.

However, the exploration of national style had continued in the 1970s, which kept the aesthetics of vernacular architecture relevant to some extent. A representative view of the new national style was that it should not be merely imitating the ancient and classic style. Instead, it should be a product of modern material and technology as well as a combination of contemporaneity and locality. The national style was not only about big roofs. On the contrary, it could be a new style

83 Yadi 沈亚迪 Shen and Cang Xian 陆仓贤 Lu, "Beijing Zhu Zhai She Ji Jing Sai Ping Shu 北京住宅设计竞赛评述," ibid., no. 04 (1979). 84 北京市规划局北京市建筑设计院团结湖规划组 Beijing shi gui hua ju Beijing shi jian zhu she ji yuan tuan jie hu gui hua zu, "Beijing Shi Tuan Jie Hu Ju Zhu Qu Gui Hua She Ji 北京市团结湖居住区规划设计 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 01 (1979). 85 Jinggan 张敬淦 Zhang, Chaojun 任朝钧 Ren, and Jiyuan 萧济元 Xiao, " Qian San Men Zhu Zhai Gong Cheng De Gui Hua Yu Jian She 前三门住宅工程的规划与建设," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 05 (1979).

44 sharing the essence rather than forms with the classics. (神似而非形似)86 To name a few well- received experiments in this regard, there were the courtyard mid-rises and Guangzhou Baiyun Hotel. The courtyard mid-rises were inspired by the Southern vernacular buildings. (Figure 2-2) These mid-rises were built around a central courtyard, and the open yard and corridors were utilized to achieve better ventilation. This design was adaptive to the humid and hot summer in the South.87 As for Guangzhou Baiyun Hotel, it experimented a national style in the aspect of courtyard design, interior and exterior relation, and interior decoration. In the courtyard design, Baiyuan Hotel separated the lobby and restaurants from the main building. This layout was borrowed from the classic courtyard design that different functional space was located separately in independent houses, but around a courtyard, these houses formed a continual and flexible building group.88 In terms of interior and exterior relation, classic architecture emphasized the interaction and interweaving between the inside and the outside. Baiyun Hotel employed atrium and luo di ming zao (落地明造)89 to bring the outside into the inside.90 Additionally, it also used vintage furniture in the interior design to foreground the Chineseness.91

In summary, vernacular architecture like hutong and siheyuan had quite different receptions in the 1960s and 1970s. In the 1960s, under the influence of the principle of austerity, the spending on buildings for non-production uses was stringent. Comprising a large part of this category of buildings, vernacular architecture was expediently recognized by its cost-saving and functional characteristics. Entering the 1970s, the goal of optimizing land use and industrialization helped to create mid-rises and high-rises as the dominant residential form in large and medium size

86 Bo 张镈 Zhang et al., "Guan Yu Jian Zhu Xian Dai Hua He Jian Zhu Feng Ge Wen Ti De Yi Xie Yi Jian 关于建筑现代化和建筑风格问题的一些意见," ibid., no. 01; Deshun 龚德顺 Gong, "Da Sui Jing Shen Jia Suo Ti Gao She Ji Shui Ping 打碎精神枷锁提高设计水平 " ibid., no. 06. 87 Xiaosi 左肖思 Zuo, "Nei Yuan Shi Zhu Zhai Fang an Tan Tao 内院式住宅方案探讨," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 02 (1979). 88 Bozhi 莫伯治 Mo and Zhaozhang 林兆璋 Lin, "Guang Zhou Xin Jian Zhu De Di Fang Feng Ge 广州新建筑的地方风格 " ibid., no. 04. 89 Luo di ming zao is a pattern of fretworks used as door and window panels in classic Chinese architecture. 90 Mo and Lin, "Guang Zhou Xin Jian Zhu De Di Fang Feng Ge 广州新建筑的地方风格 ". 91 Zhongping 冯钟平 Feng, " Huan Jing, Kong Jian Yu Jian Zhu Fong Ge De Xin Tan Qiu 环境、空间与建筑风格的新探求," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 04 (1979).

45 cities. Vernacular architecture, especially siheyuan, most of which had only one story, had lost their advantage facing mid- and high-rises in this sense. While vernacular buildings were regarded as the opposite of optimizing land use and industrialization, the concept of spatial arrangements and the techniques of detailed decoration embodied in vernacular architecture were experimented in modern forms for modern functions to create a contemporary national style.

Figure 2-2 Designs of the inner courtyard mid-rises92

• Traditional or modern?

As the state council issued the first regulation to preserve cultural historical cities in 1982, vernacular architecture, especially hutong and siheyuan in Beijing, was at the center of the debates over historical city preservation, old city redevelopment, and contextualization of new architectural designs. However, unlike in the planning discourse, in the 1980s architectural discourse, hutong and siheyuan did not gain a prominent position; on the contrary, they occupied a controversial position in the dichotomies between national forms and modern architecture, between tradition and modernity.

In the 1980s, the debate over national forms had reemerged. The side against national forms had reiterated the criticism that was already available in the 1950s. First, the magnificence and symmetry that national forms pursued were blind to functionality and economical considerations.

92 Zuo, "Nei Yuan Shi Zhu Zhai Fang an Tan Tao 内院式住宅方案探讨."

Designs of national forms would likely result in waste of materials and increase of costs.93 Second, the magnificence and symmetry largely represented by ritual architecture (palaces, temples, military monuments, etc.) were only one among many other sources of Chinese national culture and traditional techniques. Therefore, magnificence and symmetry could not represent all the Chinese national styles.94 Third, as a typical embodiment of formalism, national forms had gradually become a doctrine that obstructed further architectural creativity. Even the well- received national forms produced in the late 1950s, such as that of the Great Hall of the People, became the original of many derivative copies, which reduced the creativity in the original form and the derivative forms alike.95 Lastly, a more radical criticism argued that all pursuits of national forms resulted in classicism, which enforced conservatism in arts and the national character (if there is one). National forms were completely incompatible with the fast- progressing contemporary technology, industry, and society.96

On the other side of the debate, national forms were endorsed in the sense that they represented the continual aesthetic rules in the development of architecture. As a rich source of national forms, the ritual and vernacular buildings had contributed valuable lessons on partition, decoration, and adaptability.97 These lessons could be inherited and reinvented to create a living tradition.98 Based on the acknowledgement of national forms and traditional architecture, architects and researchers continued in-depth surveys of vernacular buildings and regional

93 Yongzhen 吴永箴 Wu, "Feng Jian Guan Nian He Jiu De Chuan Tong Xi Guan Zai Jian Zhu Zhong De Fan Ying 封建观念和旧的传统习惯在建筑中的反映 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 03 (1980); Wanli 程万里 Cheng, "Ye Tan "Da Wu Ding" 也谈“大屋顶” " ibid. (1981). 94 Qinghan 曹庆涵 Cao, " Jian Zhu Chuang Zuo Li Lun Zhong Bu Yi Yong "Min Zu Xing Shi" Yi Ci 建筑创作理论中不宜用“民族形式”一词," ibid., no. 05 (1980). 95 Shimin 陈世民 Chen, "Min Zu Xing Shi Yu Jian Zhu Feng Ge “民族形式”与建筑风格 " ibid., no. 02. 96Jiao 陈皎 Chen, "Ping Jian Zhu De Min Zu Xing Shi Jian Lun She Hui Zhu Yi Jian Zhu 评建筑的民族形式--兼论社会主义建筑," ibid., no. 01 (1981). 97 Shiren 王世仁 Wang, "Min Zu Xing Shi Zai Ren Shi 民族形式再认识," ibid., no. 03 (1980). 98 Shaogui 张绍桂 Zhang, "Ti Chang "Xing Shen Jian Bei" 提倡“形神兼备”," ibid., no. 04 (1981).

47 architecture. For instance, Sichuan,99 Tibet,100 Gansu,101 Guizhou,102 and the West of Hunan103 were all surveyed during this period.

Behind both sides’ arguments, the core issue was actually whether tradition was compatible with reforms,104 in other words, a question of the relation between tradition and modernity. From the perspective of progressivism, national forms were the synonyms of tradition. It was simply not compatible with modernity. Progressivists argued that tradition was a product of backward productive forces, undeveloped technologies, and inconvenient transportation. In these unfavorable conditions, tradition might have been the optimal option given the availability of local materials and the condition of local climate at its times. However, as construction materials were industrially produced and transportation became efficient, architecture no longer needed to be confined to the local, national, and regional boundaries. Progressivists further argued that new materials and frame structures would definitely eliminate the traditional architectural forms, and the international style would consequently become a dominant trend.105 Moreover, as the traditional forms were eliminated, the aesthetics of architecture would also inevitably change along the progression.106 However, aesthetics could be inertial. It could outlive the eliminated

99 Cheng 成诚 Cheng and Ganxin 何干新 He, "Min Ju Chuang Zuo De Quan Yuan 民居--创作的泉源 " ibid., no. 02; "Sichuan "Tian Jing" Min Ju 四川“天井”民居 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 01 (1983); Shouling 王寿龄 Wang, "Chengdu Chuan Tong Jian Zhu Tan Tao 成都传统建筑探讨 " ibid., no. 11 (1981); Zhongshu 黄忠恕 Huang, "Chengdu De Chuan Tong Zhu Zhai Ji Qi Ta 成都的传统住宅及其它 " ibid. 100 Chengpu 黄诚朴 Huang, "Zang Ju Fang Shi Chu Tan 藏居方室初探," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 03 (1981); Shungeng 屠舜耕 Tu, "Xizang Jian Zhu Yi Shu 西藏建筑艺术 " ibid., no. 08 (1985). 101 Zhiyuan 任致远 Ren, "Gansu Zang Ju 甘肃藏居," ibid., no. 07 (1983). 102 Xiankui 李先逵 Li, "Guizhou De Gan Lan Shi Miao Ju 贵州的干栏式苗居," ibid., no. 11; Deqi 罗德启 Luo, "Shi Tou, Jian Zhu, Ren- Cong Guizhou Shi Jian Zhu Tan Tao Shan Di Jian Zhu Feng Ge 石头·建筑·人——从贵州石建筑探讨山地建筑风格," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 11 (1983). 103 Tao 姚涛 Yao, "Xiang Xi Min Ju Shang Xi 湘西民居赏析 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 12 (1988). 104 Nianci 戴念慈 Dai, "Xian Dai Jian Zhu Hai Shi Shi Mao Jian Zhu 现代建筑还是时髦建筑 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 01 (1981). 105 Zhenliang 渠箴亮 Qu, "Shi Lun Xian Dai Jian Zhu Yu Min Zu Xing Shi 试论现代建筑与民族形式 " ibid.， Ruo 应若 Ying, "Tan Jian Zhu Zhong "She Hui Zhu Yi Nei Rong, Min Zu Xing Shi" De Kouhao 谈建筑中“社会主义内容,民族形式”的口号 " ibid., no. 02. 106 Dunchang 胡敦常 Hu, "Jian Zhu Chuang Zuo Yao Hou Jin Bo Gu 建筑创作要厚今薄古 " ibid., no. 08.

48 traditional forms. Therefore, progressivists suggested that traditional forms and aesthetics should not be used in the modern times.107

In contrast to this progressivism, the theory of renewable tradition contended that tradition was the foundation of reforms. Within tradition, there were pearls as well as trash. One should not simply and conveniently label the respect for tradition “backward-looking”, and the craze for international architecture “forward-looking.”108 Architects and researchers on this side of the debate suggested that there were diversified ways to inherit and renew the tradition. If function permitted, for instance, one could use the traditional techniques to deal with layout, spatial arrangement, as well as the design of the façade; one could apply the traditional forms in a way of using symbolic signs in the details of an architecture; one could appropriate traditional forms and mobilize them as metonymies and metaphors; one could also experiment the procedure that craftsmen created space such as how they analyzed the space and finalized the solution.109 In one word, the tradition was multi-faced; there would probably be one face of it that could be adaptive to the modern times.

The idea of renewable tradition had inspired designs that attempted to combine national and modern style. Generally, these designs were built upon a fine balance among technology, regional style, and the concrete function of the building.110 In terms of public architecture, Fragrant Hill Hotel (香山饭店) was a case to the point. The hotel was located in the tourist site of the Fragrant Hill. Although it adopted a reinforced concrete frame structure, out of the respect of the surrounding sceneries, the hotel limited its number of stories to four. With the intention of

107 Pu 戚浦 Qi, "Yan Juan You Gan- Ye Tan Shi Mao, Shi Mao Jian Zhu Ji Qi Ta 掩卷有感——也谈时髦、时髦建筑及其它 " ibid. 108 Linhan 邓林翰 Deng, Shenyi 斯慎依 Si, and Juzhen 黄居祯 Huang, "Ye Tan Yi Chan, Chuan Tong Yu Ge Xin 也谈遗产、传统与革新," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 11 (1981); Nianci 戴念慈 Dai, " Lun Jian Zhu De Feng Ge, Xing Shi, Nei Rong Ji Qi Ta- Zai Fan Rong Jian Zhu Chuang Zuo Xue Shu Zuo Tan Hui Shang Jiang Hua 论建筑的风格、形式、内容及其他--在繁荣建筑创作学术座谈会上的讲话," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 02 (1986). 109 Enlun 薛恩伦 Xue, "Chuan Tong De Ji Cheng Yu Fa Zhan- Wo Guo Xian Dai Jian Zhu Chuang Zuo Tan Tao 传统的继承与发展--我国现代建筑创作探讨 " ibid., no. 09. 110 Shangji 徐尚志 Xu, "Wo Guo Jian Zhu Xian Dai Hua Yu Jian Zhu Chuang Zuo Wen Ti 我国建筑现代化与建筑创作问题 " ibid. (1984).

49 further connecting to the surroundings, the design of these mid-rises scattered them in the tourist site so that the hotel’s huge volume was broken down into small units. In the design of the facades, the hotel borrowed the combination of gray tiles and white walls from the Southern vernacular buildings and created an atmosphere of simplistic elegance of Tang and Song style. When dealing with the relation among buildings, the hotel utilized courtyards as the nodes and produced a mixture of open and enclosed space, like those in the Chinese classic gardens. To further blur the boundary between the open and the enclosed, galleries were also borrowed from classic garden designs.111 In this sense, Fragrant Hill Hotel was a very successful experiment bringing national forms and international style together. (Figure 2-3)

Figure 2-3 The North and East façade of the Fragrant Hill Hotel112

In residential designs, there was also a similar on-going trend of bringing nationalization and modernization together, especially in the attempts of designing low-rise and high density

111 Peigen 彭培根 Peng, "Cong Beiyuming De Beijing Xiang Shan Fan Dian She Ji Tan Xian Dai Zhongguo Jian Zhu Zhi Lu 从贝聿铭的北京“香山饭店”设计谈现代中国建筑之路 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 04 (1980); Tianxi 王天锡 Wang, "Xiang Shan Fan Dian She Ji Dui Zhongguo Jian Zhu Chuang Zuo Min Zu Hua De Tan Tao 香山饭店设计对中国建筑创作民族化的探讨 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 06 (1981). 112 "Xiang Shan Fan Dian She Ji Dui Zhongguo Jian Zhu Chuang Zuo Min Zu Hua De Tan Tao 香山饭店设计对中国建筑创作民族化的探讨 ".

50 residences (LHR). The LHR was intended to bring a solution to the problems created by high- rises, such as rising production costs, energy inefficiency, outdoor space deficiency, and isolated living area from the surrounding environment. The inspiration of LHR directly came from traditional courtyard houses, which had the advantage of adequate natural environment, tranquility, as well as sufficient outdoor space, but which also carries certain shortcomings. For instance, within one courtyard compound, a few houses would have less-satisfactory orientation, which caused insufficient natural lighting and ventilation; compared with mid-rises and high- rises, courtyard compounds would house a smaller population on the same area of land, thus less economical in high-density population areas. The LHR addressed these issues, suggesting that the building density could be increased by balancing the number of stories aboveground and underground, and that by modifying the design, each household would at least have one or several rooms that had satisfactory lighting and ventilation. The designers of the LHR were positive that if they developed a replicable model, it could be used on heritage sites and tourist sites, in suburbs as well as medium- and small-sized cities.113 With a hindsight, one could say that the idea of LHR was a very early suggestion of renewing and modernizing residence in the siheyuan style.

To be brief, in the 1980s, the view toward vernacular buildings diverged. The progressivists repeated and redeveloped the criticism of national forms and classicism in the 1950s to promote a departure from buildings like hutong and siheyuan, whereas different-minded practitioners argued for renewable tradition and designed to construct contemporary living forms of tradition. For the progressivists, the determinism of function and technology was dominant. A form that was not determined by the modern function and technology was dismissed as outdated and backward, thus to be wiped away from the cityscape. However, for the advocates and practitioners of renewal tradition, forms were more flexible and could take a leading role to shape the advanced function and technology in an innovative design.

113 Kuo 尚廓 Shang and Lingyu 杨玲玉 Yang, "Chuan Tong Ting Yuan Shi Zhu Zhai Yu Di Ceng Gao Mi Du 传统庭院式住宅与低层高密度 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 05 (1982).

• Rethinking tradition

Along the line of renewable traditions in the 1980s, in the 1990s, a more general concern of reevaluating the cultural values of architecture had emerged and led the rethinking about architectural tradition and traditional architecture. Although functionalists and progressivists were severely doubting the value of vernacular architecture, as had they always been since the 1950s, vernacular buildings, such as hutong and siheyuan, had in effect been recognized as an indispensable cultural source of inspirations for new designs. To some extent, vernacular buildings became a major motivation for creating contemporary vernacular architecture.

In the 1990s, the nature of architectural tradition and that of traditional architecture had been re- explored. It was suggested that differentiated from any concrete architectural forms, such as wooden frame structure, big roof, and lacquer painting, Chinese architectural tradition was the coherent cultural factor(s) that connected the past with the present, the present with the future.114 This tradition lied beyond the concrete forms in the architecture’s deep structure. It was stable and continual, similar to the genes of a species, which ensured the common features shared by all the individuals in one species but also expressed into individually diversified features that made every single individual within the species unique.115 To put it in another way, architectural tradition was the abstract concept and idea that defined the architectural Chineseness, whereas traditional architecture was the concrete forms that embodied the concept and idea. To embrace the architectural tradition, on the one hand, one had to adopt the theory and principles of traditional architecture, and on the other, one could also reinvent the most representative forms of the tradition. In other words, the essence (神) and forms (形) were of equal importance.116

114 Nianci 戴念慈 Dai, "Zai Zhongguo Chuan Tong Jian Zhu Ji Yuan Lin Xue Shu Hui Yi Shang De Jiang Hua Jian Zhu Chuan Tong Jing Shen Shi Zhi (Kai Mu Shi Shang) Zhongguo Jian Zhu Chuan Tong Sheng Ming Li He Zai (Tao Lun Hui Shang) 在中国传统建筑及园林学术会议上的讲话建筑传统的精神实质(开幕式上) 中国建筑传统的生命力何在(讨论会上) " ibid., no. 02 (1991). 115 Xue 梁雪 Liang, "Chuan Tong Jian Zhu Zhong Shen Ceng Jie Gou Tan Xun 传统建筑中深层结构探寻 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 08 (1995). 116 Liangyong 吴良镛 Wu, "Guan Yu Zhongguo Gu Jian Zhu Li Lun Yan Jiu De Ji Ge Wen Ti 关于中国古建筑理论研究的几个问题 " ibid., no. 04 (1999).

The differentiation between traditional essence and forms helped to clarify the relationship between architectural tradition and modern technology. Traditional forms were not quite compatible with modern technology, as exemplified by Sanlihe office building which used the reinforced concrete frame structure to imitate the effect of a big roof in wooden frame structure and consequently caused unnecessary increase of cost. However, the essence of architectural tradition was not necessarily incompatible with modern technology. In other words, modern technology might create new forms to embody the essence of tradition. In this aspect, Edward Durell Stone’s Hotel International in Karachi, Pakistan, 1956 was an acknowledged example among Chinese architects.117

Besides the nature of architectural tradition, in the 1990s, rethinking about tradition also included redefining it. A general consensus was that what made Chinese traditional architecture unique was its consciousness of space and landscape. This consciousness featured in the interaction between the inside and the outside, the overlapping of spatial and temporal elements, illusions of endless spaces, and the harmony between human behavior and natural surroundings.118 Landscape designed with these features would usually be a compound formed by simple individual buildings laid out in flexible and variable patterns. To further unify the individual buildings, a common technique was to create a rhythm by using public architecture of similar design features to link the rest of the buildings on the same compound.119 In a typical design of this sort, an individual building was given a character (势), and the compound formed a sense of place (场). In addition, the variation of individual buildings and the unification of public architecture produced a local atmosphere (境). 120

117 Nianci 戴念慈 Dai, "Xian Dai Hua Yu Chuan Tong Wen Hua- Ya Zhou Jian Zhu Shi Suo Mian Lin De Wen Ti Zhi Yi 现代化与传统文化——亚洲建筑师所面临的问题之一," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 03 (1990). 118 Dingzeng 艾定增 Ai, "Zhongguo Jianzhu De "Shen" Yu "Shen Si" 中国建筑的“神”与“神似” " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 02 (1990). 119 Xue 梁雪 Liang, "Chuan Tong Jian Zhu Zhong Shen Ceng Jie Gou Tan Xun 传统建筑中深层结构探寻 " ibid., no. 08 (1995); Zhugang 张祖刚 Zhang, "Zhongguo Wen Hua Shi Zhongguo Jian Zhu De Gen 中国文化是中国建筑的根 " ibid., no. 10 (1993). 120 Shunxun 南舜薰 Nan, " Gu Dian De Zun Yan Yu Xian Dai De Jin Bi- Jian Lun Chuan Tong Jian Zhu De "Shi", "Chang", "Jing" 古典的尊严与现代的近逼──兼论传统建筑的“势”、“场”、“境”," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 10 (1997).

The more the architectural tradition was explored, the more uses of traditional architectural forms were revealed, but the functionalists and progressivists insisted negative evaluation of traditional forms as anachronic classicism:121

Chinese traditional architectural forms and style are the products of thousands of years’ feudal society. They reflect the feudal living condition and aesthetic concepts: isolation, parochialness, hierarchy, inactivity, and lack of development. The time is forward-moving, and the society has had enormous changes. The past forms and styles can neither satisfy the needs of modern social life, nor the advance of modern architectural technology. Moreover, they cannot reflect the spirit of the age.122

In contrast to the criticism of traditional forms, another mild opinion was that not all traditional forms should be eliminated; some of them could actually be made into new uses. For instance, in Xi’an, a historical city, a number of archaized buildings had experimented with traditional forms. The Tang Arts Museum utilized modern materials to imitate traditional patterns; Shaanxi History Museum adopted the outline of an architecture in traditional form but used modern materials and technology for decoration in details; The Dynasty Hotel, in its façade design, reinvented the pattern of palace and watch towers from Han image brick. One more example was Epang Palace Hotel. It borrowed the outline of a combination of chui ji (垂脊), ou wei (鸥尾)123, and slopes from traditional roof forms.124

121Jiao 陈皎 Chen, ""She Hui Zhu Yi Xian Shi Zhu Yi" Shi She Hui Zhu Yi Jian Zhu De Wei Yi Ping Jia Biao Zhun “社会主义现实主义”是社会主义建筑的唯一评价标准 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 03 (1990). 122 Ming 熊明 Xiong, "Zou Xiang 2000 Nian De Beijing Jian Zhu 走向 2000 年的北京建筑 " ibid.5 (1993). 123 Both chui ji and ou wei are styles of roof and roof decoration in traditional Chinese wooden structure architecture. 124 Shaoping 黎少平 Li and Hongxing 和红星 He, ""Zhong Er Bu Gu, Xin Er Bu Yang" De Qiu Suo- Xiao Xi Xian Jin Nian Jian Zhu Fang Gu Shou Fa Zhong Zhong “中而不古,新而不洋”的求索--小析西安近年建筑仿古手法种种 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 07 (1992).

What lied behind Xi’an archaized architecture was the idea of a “Chinese but not ancient, new but not Western” style (中而不古，新而不洋).125 which was in effect the 1990s reincarnation of the idea, creating “new and Chinese” (新而中) national forms, proposed by Liang Sicheng in the 1950s.126 In the 1990s reincarnation, the “new and Chinese” maintained its core concept that modern technology and Chinese architectural tradition could be combined in new forms, but the emphasis was more on the possibility of modernization rather than Chineseness, as in the 1950s.127

Regarding the residential designs in Beijing, En Ji Li residence, Xing Tao Yuan residence, and Dong Hua Shi Bei Li were three examples of the “new and Chinese” style in the 1990s. The building clusters of En Ji Li residence were modeled after the pattern of traditional Beijing courtyard houses. In En Ji Li, the buildings were intended to surround courtyards, forming several enclosed outdoor spaces which served as social and public space of the neighborhood.128 Xing Tao Yuan residence adopted similar-patterned spatial formation. The courtyards were downsized, and the building clusters were symmetric.129(Figure 2-4) Besides the yard components in design, the traditional roof pattern was also reinvented. In the West section of Dong Hua Shi Bei Li, the mid-rise residence employed the gable-and-double-slope roof (硬山双坡顶), and it was dotted by flat roofs on the top of the staircases. All roofs were red, and the walls were white. On the gable walls, there opened bay windows. The mix of slope and flat roof created a rhythm of long and short roof lines. The paint colors applied followed the vernacular style.130 (Figure 2-5)

125 Ibid. 126 Liang, "Cong "Shi Yong Jing Ji Zai Ke Neng Tiao Jian Xia Zhu Yi Mei Guan" Tan Dao Chuan Tong Yu Ge Xin 从“适用、经济、在可能条件下注意美观”谈到传统与革新 ". 127 Moude 陈谋德 Chen, " "Zhong Er Xin", "Xin Er Zhong" Bian- Guan Yu Wo Guo Jian Zhu Chuang Zuo Fang Xiang De Tan Tao “中而新”、“新而中”辨──关于我国建筑创作方向的探讨," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 , no. 03 (1994). 128 "Wei Shi Xiang Xiao Kang Ju Zhu Shui Ping Er Nu Li- Beijing Enjili Xiao Qu Gui Hua She Ji Shi Jian 为实现小康居住水平而努力──北京恩济里小区规划设计实践," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 04 (1994). 129Xinggang 李兴钢 Li, "Beijing Xingtao Ju Zhu Xiao Qu Gui Hua 北京兴涛居住小区规划 " ibid., no. 10 (1996). 130 Yuzhi 沈聿之 Shen, "Zhongguo Chuan Tong Jian Zhu Yu Beijing Dang Dai Jian Zhu Feng Chao 中国传统建筑与北京当代建筑风潮 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 09 (1995).

Figure 2-4 Bird view model of Xiao Tao Yuan planning131

131 Li, "Beijing Xingtao Ju Zhu Xiao Qu Gui Hua 北京兴涛居住小区规划 ".

Figure 2-5 Dong Hua Shi residence132

132 Shen, "Zhongguo Chuan Tong Jian Zhu Yu Beijing Dang Dai Jian Zhu Feng Chao 中国传统建筑与北京当代建筑风潮 ".

However, not all the experiments on the “new and Chinese” style were successful. A successful design of this style was based on a comprehensive understanding of both Chinese architectural tradition and traditional architectural forms. If a design could not effectively combine these two aspects, it would become a random collage of bits and pieces of traditional architectural elements. For instance, overuse and misuse of pediment, big roof, and decorative pagoda resulted in identical and gaudy designs in many cities.133

Deepened understanding of architectural tradition and traditional forms motivated the experiments on the “new and Chinese” style, and it also motivated further research on vernacular buildings. Research on vernacular and regional architecture produced more reports and analyses in the 1990s. For instance, the regional architectures in Yiwu,134 Huizhou,135 and Wuyi136 were surveyed, and ethnic architectures of Hakka137 and Dong138 were analyzed. Based on these researches, encyclopedic works on vernacular buildings within the national boundaries became possible. For instance, Chinese Traditional Vernacular Architecture sponsored by the Architectural Society of China (ASC) was published in 1994.139

133 Mengchao 顾孟潮 Gu, "Hou Xin Shi Qi Zhong Guo Jian Zhu Wen Hua De Te Zheng 后新时期中国建筑文化的特征 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 05 (1994); Zhengwei 布正伟 Bu, "Gao Su Yu Ya Ya- Zi Zai Sheng Cheng De Liang Zhong Wen Hua Zou Xiang 高俗与亚雅──自在生成的两种文化走向," in Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 (1994); Zuyao 潘祖尧 Pan, "Jian Zhu Feng Ge Yu Gu Cheng Feng Mao 建筑风格与古城风貌," ibid., no. 02 (1995). 134 Baoheng 唐葆亨 Tang, "Yiwu Chuan Tong Min Ju Jian Zhu Wen Hua Chu Yi 义乌传统民居建筑文化初议 " ibid., no. 05 (1990); Mingfa 蒋明法 Jiang et al., "Yiwu Shi Chuan Tong Min Ju Jian Zhu 义乌市传统民居建筑 " ibid., no. 11. 135 Deqi 单德启 Shan, "Chong Tu Yu Zhuan Hua- Wen Hua Bian Qian, Wen Hua Quan Yu Hui Zhou Chuan Tong Min Ju Shi Xi 冲突与转化——文化变迁·文化圈与徽州传统民居试析 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 01 (1991); Xiaohong 邓晓红 Deng and Xiaofeng 李晓峰 Li, "Cong Sheng Tai Shi Ying Xing Kan Huizhou Chuan Tong Ju Luo 从生态适应性看徽州传统聚落 " ibid., no. 11 (1999). 136 Lazhi 汤腊芝 Tang and Xiaoqiang 汤小樯 Tang, "Xi Wu Yi Qiao Xiang Chuan Tong Jian Zhu Feng Mao Yu Te Se 析五邑侨乡传统建筑风貌与特色," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 07 (1998). 137 Changjie 李长杰 Li, Yuli 鲁愚力 Lu, and Kejian 张克俭 Zhang, "Dong Zu Min Jian Jian Zhu Wen Hua Tan Suo 侗族民间建筑文化探索 " ibid., no. 12 (1990). 138 Qijun 王其钧 Wang, "Min Ju Yan Jiu De Xin Fa Xian 民居研究的新发现 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 06 (1991). 139 1994 年在中国建筑学会组织下编纂的《中国传统民居建筑》，经过 10 年的筹备终于出版了。Oubu 金瓯卜 Jin, "Dui Chuan Tong Min Ju Jian Zhu Yan Jiu De Hui Gu He Jian Yi 对传统民居建筑研究的回顾和建议 " ibid., no. 04 (1998).

The studies of vernacular architecture acknowledged the cultural value of vernacular buildings as embodiment of Chinese architectural tradition. Simultaneously, they revealed that vernacular buildings were hugely impacted by the housing industrialization. Vernacular space suffered losses in terms of forms, aesthetics, and local identities. In other words, industrialized housing generally bore fewer traces of vernacular features, and oftentimes industrialized house design itself could not compensate for the losses.140 However, through further studies, it was also realized that as carriers of traditional forms, vernacular buildings did have incompatibility with contemporary life styles. For instance, vernacular buildings had no sewage and water supply; the standard of building distance was outdated, and the roads were too narrow. More seriously, vernacular buildings lacked modern fire systems.141 Therefore, it was suggested that “as social cultural heritage, vernacular buildings should be protected, but as outdated housing commodities, it should be replaced by modern residences.”142

In the process of rediscovering vernacular buildings in the 1990s, the localness and diversity of these buildings reminded more and more architects of the identity crisis of contemporary Chinese architecture. The crisis was represented by identical designs from the North to the South, all lacking characters, and the solution suggested by vernacular buildings was to regionalize, localize, and diversify designs to explore the contemporary spirit of place.143 In Beijing residential designs, a more specific lesson was taken home that the high-rises, although gaining popularity since the late 1990s, were not regarded as a necessary symbol of industrialization and modernity. On the contrary, they were severely criticized for their flaws in

140 Lansheng 聂兰生 Nie, "Xin Ju Yu Jiu She- Xiang Tu Jian Zhu De Xian Zai Yu Wei Lai 新居与旧舍——乡土建筑的现在与未来 " ibid., no. 02 (1991). 141 Wenqing 王文卿 Wang, "Min Ju Diao Cha De Qi Di 民居调查的启迪 " ibid., no. 04 (1990). 142 Lansheng 聂兰生 Nie, "Xin Ju Yu Jiu She- Xiang Tu Jian Zhu De Xian Zai Yu Wei Lai 新居与旧舍——乡土建筑的现在与未来 " ibid., no. 02 (1991). 143 Xuehai 石学海 Shi, "Zhu Zhai Duo Yang Hua De Tu Jing 住宅多样化的途径 " Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 08 (1990); Hanmin 黄汉民 Huang, "Xin Jian Zhu Di Fang Te Se De Biao Xian 新建筑地方特色的表现," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 08 (1990).

59 cultural adaptability.144 Under the influence of vernacular buildings, a new consciousness of design was emerging that design should pursue a unique response to the locality and climate, and the response needed to be predicated on a continual tradition that inspires architectural forms that are adaptable to the present life styles and values.145

In summary, vernacular buildings such as hutong and siheyuan were reevaluated in many aspects in the 1990s. They were recognized as the carrier of traditional architectural forms, thus the concrete embodiment of Chinese architectural tradition. In this sense, vernacular buildings were appropriate subjects for cultural heritage preservation, and their forms and essence were further relied upon to create the contemporary “new and Chinese” vernacular architecture. However, it was also quite clear in the 1990s that the downside of vernacular buildings was that their function and technology in sewage, water supply, road system, and especially fire prevention were not up to the contemporary standards. In brief, the reevaluation of vernacular buildings in the 1990s further the understanding of the forms and aesthetics of vernacular architecture, and at the same time explored its functional and technological drawbacks.

• Conclusion

Cities memorize through the architecture.146 The disappearance of older buildings not only transforms the cityscape but also erases the co-ordinates that urban residents use to locate places, resulting in loss of urban memories.147 In Beijing, the urban amnesia that Wei Ke and his fellow planners experienced is exactly the anxiety of this memory loss. When Beijing vernacular buildings, hutong and siheyuan, disappeared en masse, it causes damage to the media of a city’s memory, results in forgetfulness of a city’s past, and triggers the uncanniness of losing one’s home in a familiar yet strange cityscape.

144 Kaiji 张开济 Zhang, ""Xianggang Moshi" Shi Beijing Zhu Zhai Jian She De Fa Zhan Fang Xiang Ma? “香港模式”是北京住宅建设的发展方向吗?," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报, no. 09 (1998); Zixuan 朱自煊 Zhu, "Ye Tan Beijing Zhu Zhai Jian She Bu Neng Tao Yong Xianggang Moshi 也谈北京住宅建设不能套用香港模式," ibid. 145 Hungmei 姚红梅 Yao, "Guan Yu Dang Dai Xiang Tu De Ji Dian Si Kao 关于“当代乡土”的几点思考," Jian zhu xue bao 建筑学报 no. 11 (1999). 146 Aldo Rossi, The Architecture of the City, ed. Peter Eisenman (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1982). 147 Urban Memory : History and Amnesia in the Modern City, ed. Mark Crinson (New York, NY: Routledge, 2005), xiii.

For Wei and his fellow planners, Beijing’s amnesia directly connects with the physical disappearance of hutong and siheyuan, affected by the Redevelopment Program initiated in the 1980s and ripe in the 1990s. However, this chapter reveals that the operating memory disruption mechanism had been established far earlier in the 1950s, and the traces of the mechanism scatter around in the architectural discourses about national forms, vernacular architecture studies, and urban housing designs. This chapter tracks down the traces of the mechanism in these discursive fields, and by doing so, it also outlines the versatility of the mechanism itself.

In the discourse of national forms, vernacular buildings represented by hutong and siheyuan had experienced first neglect, then recognition, and last appropriation in new designs. In the early 1950s, when architects like Liang Sicheng were searching for a national form in magnificent palaces, temples, and military monuments, vernacular buildings such as siheyuan with their practical and quotidian expressions were not considered as a possible source of the grand theme of national form. It was until the middle 1950s, when Liang’s national form was caught in the criticism of formalism, classicism, and waste of materials and funds, that vernacular buildings were reconsidered as one of the vehicles of national architectural tradition. In the following decades, the ways of spatial arrangements in vernacular buildings, for example, the interaction between the interior and the exterior space as well as the layout of individual buildings in a building group, were noticed, studied, and experimented, especially in public building designs. For instance, Guangzhou Baiyun Hotel constructed in the 1970s, Beijing Fragrant Hill Hotel designed by I. M. Pei in the 1980s, and museums and hotels in archaized forms rising in Xi’an in the 1990s.

Paralleled to this journey from neglect to appropriation is continual skepticism about the traditional forms that vernacular buildings carry. In the 1950s, a typical criticism of vernacular buildings was that these architectures represented the backward force of production and obsolete relations of production, which should be eliminated as the times and society progressed into socialism. In the 1980s, a radical view went further to totally dismiss the value of tradition in vernacular buildings and national forms. It maintained that national forms were not compatible with the contemporary material and structural technology. They preserved the conservativism of arts and did not even satisfy the needs of the modern life. This view also suggested that national forms and vernacular architecture should eventually be replaced by the up-to-date international style. In the following decade, despite that contemporary vernacular architecture had emerged

61 based on rethinking the vernacular traditions in the past, such skepticism or criticism of hutong and siheyuan from a progressivist point of view continued, unchanged, as it did in the 1950s and 1980s.

In the discourse of vernacular architecture studies, a number of research surveyed a variety of regional and ethnic architecture from the 1950s to the 1990s. In these studies, a progressivist programmatic purpose persisted that regional or ethnic architecture was subject to reform and improvement for the benefit of advanced social life and progressed force of production. Toward this purpose, the research emphasized the architecture’s residential functions and utilization of local materials. For instance, in the 1960s, under the principle of austerity, vernacular buildings’ residential function was maximized, and cheap local-material walls were put into wide application. Although the aesthetics of vernacular buildings were also recorded in the researches in the form of roof, structure, floor plan, façade, and décor, the sheer emphasis on the material and functionality actually rendered the discussion of aesthetics disproportionately insignificant. The undertone of this insignificance is actually that the vernacular aesthetics are remote from the contemporary architectural function and technology, and that the aesthetics with their obsolete function and technology need to be fossilized in the past. For Beijing hutong and siheyuan, this means that regardless of their carefully planned orientation, partition, and exquisite design of doors and screen walls and so on so forth, they could never be the samples of massively- produced modern residence.

In the discourse of urban housing design, hutong and siheyuan had been the subject of transformation since the 1950s. Narrow alleyways were not compatible with automobile transportation. Dilapidated courtyard houses lacked sewage, water supply, and heating facilities. Moreover, under the circumstances of limited construction land and high demands of urban housing, the low-density plans of alleyways and courtyard houses were even more uneconomical. Since as early as the 1950s, the mainstream of urban housing design has never been vernacular style such as hutong and siheyuan. Instead, they were determined to be substituted by low-rises and high-rises to provide more floor space. Even though the trend of design began to change in the late 1980s and 1990s under the influence of rediscovering the cultural value of vernacular style, for instance, Beijing Xing Tao Yuan residence adopted the courtyard layout in a high-rise community, the attempt of experiment and exploration the

62 vernacular style was far less than the effort of clearing up the land for projects of standardized residential units.148

In the discursive fields of national forms, vernacular architecture studies, and urban housing designs, the consistent cross-field concerns are about function, technology, and form, a trialectics established in the 1950s to define the nature of architecture in general and evaluate the character of an architecture in particular. From the 1950s onward, a dynamic process of appropriating and reappropriating the trialectics around the issues of functionality, economy, and aesthetics determines the value and destination of vernacular buildings such as hutong and siheyua. In the dominance of economic pragmatism and progressivism, the perception of vernacular buildings favors their usability and adaptive technology but neglects their aesthetics. In this sense, although hutong and siheyuan fit the local climate and make good use of local materials, their forms and styles will finally be substituted by modern high-rises and road systems. With the rise of culturalistic understandings of the trialectics in the 1980s, the cultural value and formalistic aesthetics of vernacular buildings were rediscovered and reappreciated, for example, in the designs of archaized buildings and regionalistic styles. However, the function/technology- determinism persists and generates repetitive criticism toward vernacular architectures over their functionality and economy.

Through the lens of the trialectics of function, technology, and form, urban amnesia over vernacular buildings is a result of the disruption among the factors forming the trialectics. Emphasing certain factors sometimes risks of biased evaluation of an architecture, which may cause the physical demolition of this architectural form, thus to create voids of memories carried by it. To be specific, the persistence of function/technology-determinism over the years changed the trialetics into a mechanism that forgets vernacular aesthetics and consequently neglects the memory associated with the aesthetic forms. This is the architectural forgetting mechanism behind Beijing’s amnesia exemplified by the disappearance of hutong and siheyuan. Will this mechanism continue to operate with a rising momentum of culturalism? Will hutong and siheyuan survive and return in the 2000s in the emerging debates over regionalism,

148 Junhua Lü, Peter G. Rowe, and Jie Zhang, Modern Urban Housing in China, 1840-2000 (Prestel, 2001).

63 sustainability, and heritage conservation? Though the answers are not certain, the change of the dynamics within the trialectics of function, technology, and form could certainly be anticipated.

City Tank: Residents and the Urban System

This chapter discusses how the relationship between the residents and the city is imagined in fictional writing as well as in policy and legal writing. The chapter starts with a key metaphor, city tank, in the journalist and novelist Huadong Qiu’s fiction that uses the metaphor itself as the fiction’s title. By interpreting the meaning of the metaphor in the fictional settings, the chapter tries to apply the structure that the metaphor has provided to reread the policy and legal writing of three urban systems, namely the land, housing, and demolition and relocation regulations. The temporal scope of such policy writing is primarily from the 1980s onward, and when it is necessary to clarify the historical context, the temporal scope extends to the earlier decades such as the 1950s. The land, housing, and demolition and relocation system (hereafter demolition system for brevity) largely regulate the redevelopment and regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses in the past four decades. In rereading them through the lens of the metaphor city tank, this chapter raises the questions: what is the resident-urban relation in the disappearance of alleyways and courtyard houses? what is the role of residents in the land, housing, and demolition systems? Are the residents able to make meaningful connections with land, housing, and the declining vernacular space as the institutions are changing? In one word, this chapter questions if the policy and legal writing also imagines a conflicting and confrontational relationship between the urban residents and their residential space as revealed by the antagonistic and destructive image of a lethal weapon in the metaphor of city tank in the fictional writing.

This chapter contains mainly four sections. The first section interprets the metaphor of city tank in Huadong Qiu’s novel City Tank. Through the stories of the migrant artists in Beijing, the novel pictures the resident-urban relationship as antagonistic and conflicting. On the one hand, there is the overwhelming urban machine that is as powerful and aggressive as an armed tank. On the other hand, there are the helpless artists with limited resources but trying to grapple with the unfriendly urban machine. This imagination of the resident-urban relation sets the tone for the following discussions in this chapter, but the following sections situate the issue in the context of the disappearance of Beijing alleyways and courtyard houses. In the changed context, the residents do not refer to individual artists but refer to the residents affected by the decline of the vernacular space, especially the users of alleyways and courtyard houses, whose houses are demolished in development projects and whose households have to relocate elsewhere,

65 oftentimes to those underdeveloped suburbs. In the changed context, the urban system, besides an overwhelming imagery of weapon, mechanics, force, and destruction, refers to the institutions that are mainly intertwined with the decline of the vernacular space. To be specific, such institutions include the land system, the housing system, and the demolition system. The second section deals with the land system, which defines the relationship between the urban land underneath alleyways and courtyard houses and those land users. This section shows that the land system before and after the re-emergence of the leasable land use right in the late 1980s allows very limited access for courtyard house users to the residential land. The third section addresses the housing system, which defines how the users should interact with alleyways and courtyard houses as a specific form of housing. This section demonstrates that in a housing system that is mainly publicly-owned, the users are passive welfare benefit receivers, whereas in a market system of commodity housing, the users are restrained by their buying power, market supplies, and consumption behaviors. The fourth section is on the demolition system, which deals with the changes of use of urban land. More importantly, the demolition system regulates what the users could do when alleyway and courtyard house communities are subject to demolition. This section outlines the rising awareness of owner’s rights and users’ rights in the face of a still hostile demolition system that favors construction and (re)development actors.

• City tank: The metaphor

“City tank” is both the title and key metaphor of Huadong Qiu’s novel City Tank.149 Huadong Qiu (1969-) is a journalist and writer. He started to publish literary works at 16 and worked as a reporter and editor for China Business Times (中华工商时报) and Youth Literature (青年文学) after graduating from Wuhan University. Qiu is a very prolific writer. He has published 7 novels such as Confessions at Noon (正午的供词)150 and Flower, Flower (花儿花)151. He has also published more than 40 volumes of collections of essays, short stories, poems, and social literary

149 Huadong 邱华栋 Qiu, Cheng Shi Zhan Che 城市战车 (Beijing: Zuo jia chu ban she 作家出版社, 1997). Chapter 19. The fiction was reprinted in 2003 titled 白昼的躁动. Bai Zhou De Zao Dong 白昼的躁动 (Beijing Shi: Xin shi jie chu ban she 新世界出版社, 2003). 150 Huadong 邱华栋 Qiu, Zhengwu De Gongci 正午的供词 (Zhongguo qingnian chubanshe, 2000). 151 Hua Er Hua 花儿花 (Zuojia chubanshe, 2002).

66 criticism, such as Community Man (社区人)152, Private Notebooks (私人笔记本)153, and

Admiring Sword under Lantern Light (挑灯看剑)154. At the early stage of his literary writing career, Qiu was often grouped with writers that emerged in the 1990s as the New Generation.155 Because of his own experience of migration from the rural part of Xinjiang Province to urban centers in Hubei province and later in the capital Beijing, a prominent theme in Qiu’s works is urban life. For example, the shock that a migrant person experiences when he encounters the overwhelming skyscrapers for the first time and the struggles for life directions of young professionals in large cities.156 Because of his journalist jobs, Qiu emphasizes the quantity and quality of information in his works. As early as in the 1990s, Qiu had already realized that so many social, cultural, and daily news were informatized and would be informatized increasingly fast in the rising new media. Writing literature, therefore, is a project to build imagination upon a large quantity of information, and sometimes it could become a fight between information and imagination. Without interacting with massive amount of information, Qiu worried that literature would be replaced by the other media. Qiu’s prolific literary writing career was acknowledged by privileged literary awards, such as Mountain Flower Fiction Award (山花小说奖) and Lao

She Literature Award (老舍文学奖).157

Qiu’s City Tank presents a series of stories about floating artists in Beijing (北漂). They are novelists, poets, painters, sculptors, singers, film makers as well as installation artists. “Floating” refers to the fact that they migrate from their native places all over the country to seek economic opportunity and artistic fulfillment in the country’s capital. Most of them rent cheap rooms, try to get by with minimal subsistence, but on the other hand, they attend expensive receptions, events,

152 Shequ Ren 社区人 (Shanghai wenyi chubanse, 2004). 153 Siren De Bijiben 私人笔记本 (Zhongguo qingnian chubanshe, 2000). 154 Tiao Deng Kan Jian 挑灯看剑 (Guoji wenhua chuban gongsi, 2004). 155 Dong 张东 Zhang, "Yizhong Yansu Shouwang Zhe Lixiang: Qiu Huadong Fangtan Lu 一种严肃守望着理想 ——邱华栋访谈录," Nanfang wentan 南方文坛, no. 4 (1997). 156 Huadong 邱华栋 Qiu, "Beijing Shijian: Beijing Shijian Xilie Xiaoshuo Chuangzuo Tan 北京时间——“北京时间”系列小说创作谈," Xiamen wenxue 厦门文学, no. 8 (2016). 157 中国作家网 Zhongguo zuojia wang, "Huadong Qiu," http://www.chinawriter.com.cn/zxhy/member/9715.shtml.

67 and gatherings to acquaint themselves with the city’s affluent class to market their artistic works. Zhu Wen, the male protagonist, a visual artist from Wuhan, is one of these artists. He quits his stable job at the hometown, leaves his schizophrenic girlfriend there, and tries to achieve something in Beijing. With very little luck on selling his paintings, he suffers hunger and poverty. The best job offers that he can get is once a forger for a gallery and another time a painting tutor for a middle-class housewife. The criminal prospect of a forger scares Zhu Wen to quit. The tutor position involves him in a love affair with his student. The student Yu Hong ironically becomes Zhu Wen’s tutor in the materialist attractions of an upper-middle class life. These attractions that Zhu Wen is craving for and lured to experience at the same time alert him that the material gap between a middle-class and a floating artist is unmeasurable. During his time in Beijing, Zhu Wen is a participant, an observer, and an occasional critic of artists’ “floating” life. He crosses paths with other artists and records their stories from his point of view. His own “floating” comes to an end, when his girlfriend comes to visit and shares the news that she is pregnant of his baby. Zhu Wen finally decides to bid farewell to Beijing and return to the hometown to start a family.

In City Tank, the conflicting human-urban relation is captured by contrasting the city, a powerful mechanic system, as the novel’s title suggested—a tank, with poor and struggling individuals, represented by floating artists, such as Zhu Wen. In his eyes, the city is a machine, spinning, causing whirlwind among its parts, sprawling into new directions, and growing denser and denser (Chap. 21). He and his friends are carried away by this machine but left behind by its speed. Their hunger and desire for success give them the hallucination that they are able to swallow the whole city to satisfy their growing appetites (Chap 1). However, the city is the real predator that is always thinking about ripping the individuals of everything that they have (Chap 1). Thus, Zhu Wen shouts out clearly to his skateboarder friends, and actually to himself, “you are all losers. You cannot beat the city!” (Chap 15)

The city is an inclusive machine:

What does Beijing consist of? 1 zoo, 2 amusement parks, 4 scenery districts, 108 parks, 23 garbage stations, 86 cleaning carts, 92 spray trucks, 417 feces vehicles, 1360 garbage trucks, 6954 public washrooms, 6747 litter bins, 30122 garbage bins; Beijing has 7053 incandescent light bulbs, 34480 sodium-vapor lamps,

58071 mercury-vapor lamps, 253 lighted posts, 417 automatic traffic lights, 425 manual traffic lights, 544 patrol posts, 801 traffic police posts, 6177 kilometers of traffic lines, 25205 road barriers, 35859 traffic signs, 129127 meters of street fences; At the same time, Beijing also has 2 swimming centers, 5 golf courts, 7 film production studios, 8 TV stations, 9 baseball fields, 14 stadiums, 23 tracks and fields, 30 theaters, 42 performance troupes, 50 shooting ranges, 19 movie theaters, 83 tennis courts, 185 dance halls, 187 swimming pools, 233 news agencies, 295 painting and calligraphy shops, 471 billiards halls, 530 gaming centers, 641 KTVs, 1854 magazines. (chap. 8)

In this passage, Zhu Wen highlights a series of numbers of the facilities in Beijing to demonstrate the material inclusiveness of the city. It is unclear why these facilities instead of others are highlighted. It is also vague following what criteria, these facilities are categorized and presented in this order in the narrative. Nevertheless, the random numbers and not-really- interrelated facilities create an impression that the city has limitless material resources, which makes the city magnificent in the artist’s eyes. The materiality of the city implies the convenient and fun life that the city could promise. Furthermore, it ignites hopes for the artist that these materials could offer him convenience and become his pride. In this sense, Zhu Wen calls Beijing a “dream incubator”. (Chap. 8)

In contrast to the material inclusiveness of Beijing is the life and career struggles of every single artist in the city. Zhu Wen is a representative failure experiencing disillusions again and again. Other artists that Zhu Wen encounters more or less face a similar hardship. An Mo, a performance artist, is fined and arrested when she is performing her piece, A Hunger Artist, in front of a movie theater at Xi Si. (Chap. 4) The reason for her arrestment is that her performance interrupts the traffic. Feng Yue, another performance artist is retained and forced back to his hometown because his work is regarded as too morbid, presenting a visual image in which flocks of flies suck honey on the artist’s own body. (Chap. 5) Liang Na, a rock singer from the South, is advised to put on a public persona of a sweetheart to gain the fame and popularity that she determines to have. Even though she is not confident about the pop songs that she has to perform, she still dreams of becoming a big-time pop idol. (Chap. 12) Li Shuangyuan, a curator and art critic, suffers from the crack-down of the art festivals that he curates. The police step in to dissipate the festival-goers, and the content that Li Shuangyuan presents at the festival is under

69 scrutinization. (Chap. 21) Beijing could include the random material upgrades listed above. It even could tolerate migrant criminals, overpopulated pet dogs, prostitutes, fake RMB, fake commodities, murders, accidents, and many other malaise of the city (Chap. 13). However, when the artists attempt to assert themselves onto the urban scene, the city turns indifferent and even hostile.

The inclusiveness shows the energy of the city, but on the other hand, the indifference demonstrates the difficulty for individuals to make any personal attachment to the glorified materiality of the city. The contrast reveals that the random numbers, facilities, and events in Beijing form only a mixture of redundant information. It gives artists like Zhu Wen false hopes. However, it is this redundant mixture that distances artists from all the possibilities, promising or depressing, which the city contains. In this sense, the inclusiveness of the city is also a cause of indifference of the machine.

In the myriad of stories of floating artists, the story of Cui Zhan drives home to the relationship between the individuals and the Old City. Cui Zhan is from Zhejiang, a sculptor like many other artists relocated to Beijing, dreaming about finding one’s fortune in the city. He settle down in Xi Dan, at the heart of the Old Beijing and secretly concentrated on a would-be masterpiece “Old Beijing Memories”. In this piece, Cui Zhan plan to use multiple materials—stone, clay, and steel, to create a number of abstract sculptures, each responding to a well-known Old Beijing place. For example, the Big Bell Temple (Da Zhong Si), the Summer Palace, the Bell and Drum Tower, the Coal Mountain (Mei Shan), Xi Zhi Gate, Yong Ding Gate, and so on and so forth. As envisioned by the artist, there will be a map of his sculptures in relation to the real cityscape. These sculptures are meant to stand at the locations marked out on the map. Their abstract shapes and lines will merge into the modern urban fabric and at the same time leave a personal statement about the city. Unfortunately, Cui Zhan’s “masterpiece” is never completed. The artist dies of an acute lung disease. His artist friends find out the existence of “Old Beijing Memories” posthumously, but they figure that the pieces are incomprehensible without the creator’s passionate interpretation.

In City Tank, Cui Zhan’s story is symbolic of most of the individuals’ life in the city. On the one hand, they are lured by the city’s power, energy, and speed, which give them the impression of hope and opportunity, especially an expectation for themselves to thrive in the city. However, on

70 the other hand, when they try to build close relationship with the city, most of them fail. Cui Zhan is a case how badly they could fail. His abstract sculptures of the city are elusive and unpopular. His effort of creating ties with various urban places through artistic interventions goes marginalized or even unnoticed. Symbolically, he has even lost his life lonely and quietly in the city. The metaphor city tank contrasts the city, a powerful or sometimes deathly machine, with struggling individuals represented by Cui Zhan. The contrast reveals the tension between the individuals and the urban system. With Cui Zhan's urban experience, the metaphor further implies that the urban system may even be antagonistic towards the individuals.

• State-owned land, leasable land use right, and the residents in the land system

The metaphor of city tank embodied in the tragic story of Cui Zhan has depicted the indifferent and predatory part of an urban system, which prevents a resident from building attachment toward the city that one tries to admire and cherish. This section resituates such distinct depiction in the policy and legal writing on the development of the Chinese urban land system from the 1950s to the 2000s. By analyzing an individual resident’s role in the changing land system, this section intends to reveal if the system is hostile to directly or indirectly deny the residents’ claim of the urban land for their basic human need of to be sheltered. To follow the development of urban land system in China over half a century, the discussions in this section is based on local gazetteers and land administration laws and regulations. To be specific, the discussion of the urban land system from the 1950s to the 1980s uses mainly the information from the Beijing gazetteers; the discussion of the system from the 1980s onward focuses on different versions of land administration laws, amendments, and their derivative local regulations.

A brief preview of the findings in this section. From the 1950s to the 2000s, the Chinese urban land system is primarily built upon state-ownership. The land administration in the 1950s was based on the practice of centrally planned allocations, and in this system, the use of land was free of charge. From the 1980s onward, the system gradually shifted to a system of paid leasehold. Despite these changes, the ways in which an individual could connect to the urban land have always been mediated or even restrained by multiple factors. For instance, a courtyard house user’s connection to the land under his or her house is predicated on (1) the work unit where he or she is employed, (2) the expiration of the leased land use right, or even (3) the affected user’s

71 stance towards the development plans approved by the government. This mediated relation and limited access to urban land is how a resident’s role is formally outlined and imagined in the policy and legal writing.

The state-owned urban land system was established and matured in between the 1950s and the 1980s. It was realized by a series of measures to nationalize previously privately-owned land. One typical measure was to confiscate foreigners’, feudalist landlords’, and the defeated KMT government’s land in the cities. Another typical measure is to buy out or jointly manage the land owned by private enterprises, real estate companies, and individuals, for the purpose of finally nationalize these properties.158

During the long process of confiscation and nationalization, urban land in China presented a mixture of various ownerships. For example, in the case of Beijing, the percentage of state- owned land in 1952 was only 14.24%, whereas privately-owned land was 37.54%. The rest of the land was owned by churches, temples, overseas Chinese, or other civil organizations.159 As the confiscation and nationalization proceeded, in 1956, the state-owned land increased to 41.74%. However, there was still 31.1% of privately-owned land, and the rest was consisted of properties owned by churches, civil organizations, and other collectives in joint businesses.160 Following this tendency of increased state-ownership, Beijing Housing and Land Administration Bureau (北京市国土房管局) finally suggested in the late 1960s that all urban land should be confiscated without compensation.161 Nationwide, the idea that all urban land is possessed by the

158 He 赵贺 Zhao, Zhongguo Cheng Shi Tu Di Li Yong Ji Zhi Yan Jiu 中国城市土地利用机制研究 (Beijing: Jing ji guan li chu ban she, 2004), 96. Lina 汪利娜 Wang, Zhongguo Cheng Shi Tu Di Chan Quan Zhi Du Yan Jiu 中国城市土地产权研究 (Beijing Shi: She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she 社会科学文献出版社, 2006), 99. Chengri Ding and Gerrit Knaap, "Urban Land Policy Reform in China’s Transitional Economy," in Emerging Land and Housing Markets in China, ed. Chengri Ding and Yan Song (Cambridge, Mass.: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, 2005), 10. 159 Beijing Zhi: Shizheng Juan Fangdichan Zhi 北京志: 市政卷. 房地产志, (Beijing chuban she 北京出版社, 2000), 290. 160 Ibid., 292. 161 Ibid., 294.

72 state is written into the 1982 Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, regardless of the existing mixture of ownerships in the previous decades.162

Based on the state-ownership, the development of urban land was centrally planned by the government. The development goal was fulfilled by allocating land to danweis to be put into different uses. Danwei, literally meaning work unit, was the basic socioeconomic unit in the socialist urban China. It carried not only the economic function of production, but also served political organization, and welfare distribution purposes.163 The government allocated land to various danwei to house both the production and daily life of their employees.

This land system was known for the characteristics of the dominance of administrative authorities, land use without compensation, and limited right to transfer.164 The administrative authorities were the government and its related departments. They reviewed danweis’ applications for the use of land and approved or disapproved the applied uses. The granted land was used free of charge for an infinite period of time. To be specific, the land was used without the cost of rent or land use fee. In addition, the time period over which the land could be used is not specified. If no construction for the state’s or the public interest was planned on the applied land, a danwei could occupy the land for an unlimited time. However, theoretically, danweis cannot use the granted land for sale, lease, mortgage, donation, or exchange. For instance, the unused land of a danwei could not be rented out to another danwei, even if the other danwei was in need of land to build dormitories for its employees.165

In this land system, urban individuals are highly dependent on the land owner, the state. An individual’s need to acquire and use land can only be met through layers of mediation. The

162 Wang, Zhongguo Cheng Shi Tu Di Chan Quan Zhi Du Yan Jiu, 123. Cheng Shi Tu Di Zhi Du Gai Ge Yan Jiu 城市土地制度改革研究, ed. Zhongrong Feng, et al. (Chengdu: Sichuan sheng xin hua shu dian jing xiao 四川省新华出版社, 1990), 78. Ding and Knaap, "Urban Land Policy Reform in China’s Transitional Economy," 10. 163 David Bray, Social Space and Governance in Urban China : The Danwei System from Origins to Reform (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2005). 164 Ling-hin Li, Urban Land Reform in China (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999), 15-16. 165 Ding and Knaap, "Urban Land Policy Reform in China’s Transitional Economy," 10-11. The Impact of China's Economic Reforms Upon Land, Property and Construction, ed. Jean Jinghan Chen and David Wills (Brookfield, Vt., USA: Ashgate, 1999), 17. Yi 丛屹 Cong, Zhongguo Cheng Shi Tu Di Shi Yong Zhi Du De Gai Ge Yu Chuang Xin 中国城市土地使用制度的改革与创新 (Beijing: Qing hua da xue chu ban she, 2007), 10.

73 individual's request for land is first mediated through the organization and administration of the danwei that the individual works for. Second, it is mediated through the permission and supervision of the government which is the authority in land use plans and allocations. Meanwhile, the individual can only be granted certain quantity and quality of land according to a set of political, economic, and cultural criteria. For instance, for residential purposes, an individual was only eligible to use the piece of land attached to one’s apartment, and the size of the land should match one’s tenure and position in the danwei that one worked for. In addition, the size of the land should also match the danwei’s importance in the national economic planning system. In other words, the size of the residential land that an individual was entitled to use was less relevant with the individual’s economic ability or practical need. It is mainly determined by how the state measure one’s value against a set of criteria, and how the government evaluate an individual’s contribution to the larger goal of socialist construction.166

In the latter half of the 1980s, according to the 1986 People’s Republic of China Land Administration Law (hereafter 1986 Land Law)167, the state-owned and centrally allocated urban land system showed signs of change. On the one hand, the 1986 Land Law continued to state that:

Article 2 The type of land ownership in the People’s Republic of China is socialist public ownership, including the all-people ownership and the collective ownership. Any work unit or individual cannot occupy, buy and sell, lease, or transfer land in any illegal forms. The state can legally confiscate collectively owned land to develop for the public interest. 168

166 Zhao, Zhongguo Cheng Shi Tu Di Li Yong Ji Zhi Yan Jiu 中国城市土地利用机制研究. 167 "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Tudi Guanli Fa 中华人民共和国土地管理法," ed. Quanguo renmin daibiao dahui changwu weiyuanhui 全国人民代表大会常务委员会 (1986). 168 Ibid., Article 1.

Article 6 The land in the urban districts of a city belong to all people. In other words, it is state-owned. The land in rural villages and urban suburbs is collectively owned by the villagers and the suburban residents. Housing sites, private plots for farming, and private hilly land also belong to the collectives. An exception is that if it is stated in the law that a piece of land is owned by the state, the land in rural villages and urban suburbs can also be state-owned.169

According to these articles, China’s land is predominantly publicly-owned. In the city area, land belonged to all citizens, that is to say, state-owned. In this framework, if a work unit had its allocated land expropriated, traded, leased, or in any other forms, transferred to a third party, the work unit’s use of land is illegal.170

However, on the other hand, the 1986 Land Law circled out a special zone of land use near the end of the text:

Article 55 The land use of Chinese-foreign joint-equity ventures, Chinese-foreign joint-management venture, and foreign enterprises is regulated by different documents issued by the State Council. 171

This article implies that the land use by Chinese-foreign joint ventures is opted out of the state- owned and centrally allocated system. According to the 1986 and 1987 Regulations for the Implementation of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Chinese-Foreign Equity Joint Ventures (hereafter 1986-1987 Regulations on Joint Venture Land Uses),172 a joint venture

169 Ibid., Article 6. 170 The exception is that the state-owned or collectively-owned work units, which had the allocated land, contracted their land to collectives or individuals for the purpose of agricultural production. See ibid., Article 12. 171 Ibid., Article 55. 172 "Guanyu Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Zhongwai Hezi Jingying Qiye Fa Shishi Tiaoli Di Yibai Tiao De Xiuding 关于《中华人民共和国中外合资经营企业法实施条例》第一百条的修订," ed. Guowuyuan 国务院 (1986). "Guanyu Xiuding Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Zhongwai Hezi Jingying Qiye Fa Shishi Tiaoli Di Bashiliu Tiao Di San Kuan De Tongzhi 关于修订《中华人民共和国中外合资经营企业法实施条例》第八十六条第三款的通知," ed. Guowuyuan 国务院 (1987). The original version of these regulations are in "Zhonghua Renmin

75 should pay for the land that it used as its site.173 This site use fee was set by the government and subject to change in relation to economy, market, and environmental conditions over time.174 The site use fee could be exempted on the condition that the Chinese part of the joint venture already had the land of the site and used it as an investment into the venture. In such cases, the monetary equivalent of the land investment equaled to the site use fee.175 These regulations acknowledged the practice of leasing land, specifically leasing the use right of the land. The regulations not only gave land use right monetary value but also brought about land’s investment value, which introduced the concept that land use right could generate profits.176

Based on the land use fee practice approved by the 1986 Land Law and the 1986-1987 Regulations on Joint Venture Land Uses, the 1988 People’s Republic of China Land Administration Law (hereafter 1988 Land Law)177 moved a step further to cancel the practice of leasing land from the list of illegal forms of land use. The second article of the first chapter in the 1988 Land Law reads, “any work unit and individual cannot occupy, buy and sell, or transfer land in any illegal forms”,178 whereas that term in the 1986 Land Law writes, “any work unit and individual cannot occupy, buy and sell, lease (the italicized is mine), or transfer land in any illegal forms”.179 The removal of “lease” from this article opens up the legal space for transfers of land among different land use right holders. It also implies the legal acknowledgement of potential profits gained from such transfers.180

Gongheguo Zhongwai Hezi Jingying Qiye Fa Shishi Tiaoli 中华人民共和国中外合资经营企业法实施条例," ed. Guowuyuan 国务院 (1983). 173 "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Zhongwai Hezi Jingying Qiye Fa Shishi Tiaoli 中华人民共和国中外合资经营企业法实施条例," Article 47. 174 Ibid., Article 51. 175 Ibid., Article 48. 176 Property Rights and Economic Reform in China, ed. Jean C. Oi and Andrew G. Walder (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999). 177 "Zhonghua Renmin Gonghe Guo Tudi Guanli Fa 中华人民共和国土地管理法," ed. Quanguo renmin daibiao dahui changwu weiyuanhui 全国人民代表大会常务委员会 (1988). 178 Ibid. 179 "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Tudi Guanli Fa 中华人民共和国土地管理法." 180 Property Rights and Economic Reform in China.

Pertinent legislations based on the 1988 Land Law made it even clearer that the state ownership and the land use right are separable—the use right to urban land could be granted and transferred from the state to domestic and international organizations as well as individuals. According to the 1990 Provisional Regulations on the Granting and Transferring of the Land Use Rights of Urban State-owned Land in the People’s Republic of China (hereafter 1990 Provisional Regulations on the Granting and Transferring of the Land Use Rights),181 there were four ways that the state could issue land use rights: allocation, negotiation, tender, and auction. Land use rights granted through allocation was not exempted from use fees but had no time limit. The limitation of the use of allocated land is the restriction of profitable transactions. For example, the allocated land cannot be leased, mortgaged, or transferred to a third party. In addition, the use of the allocated land was still taxable.182 In comparison, land use rights gained through negotiation, tender, and auction have more economic flexibility. For instance, once the land use rights were issued to the land users in any of these three ways, the land could be sold, exchanged, gifted, leased, or mortgaged to a third party. Within the contracted time of the land use rights, the land could be transferred among quite different users, regardless of the first user that the state issued the right to.

In this transforming stage of the urban land system, individuals can establish an economic and monetary relationship with the urban land through paid land use rights. In the case of housing, if the individual wishes to own the use right of the land attached to one’s house or apartment, the individual can either get the land use right by paying the local government’s housing management department directly, or purchase the right from a real estate developer second-hand. The location of the land and the size of it are based on the individual’s practical needs and economic ability. However, how long the individual can use the land is still restrained. The 1990

181 "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Chengzhen Guoyou Tudi Shiyongquan Churang He Zhuanrang Zanxing Tiaoli 中华人民共和国城镇国有土地使用权出让和转让暂行条例," ed. Guowuyuan 国务院 (1990). 182 Ibid. "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Chengzhen Tudi Shiyongshui Zanxing Tiaoli (1988) 中华人民共和国城镇土地使用税暂行条例," in Fangdichan Falv Shiyong Quanshu 房地产法律适用全书 (Beijing: Zhongguo fazhi chubanshe 中国法制出版社, 2006).

Provisional Regulations on the Granting and Transferring of the Land Use Rights timed the maximum one-time lease period as seventy years for residential uses.183

With increasing activities of leasing and transferring land use right after the 1988 Land Law, the 1998 Land Law still maintained the double-track system of urban land administration. On one track, land use right could be leased by the government or any parties that legally possess the land use right. Whereas on the other track, land use right was allocated to prospective users by the government.184 The lease track applied to commercial real estate development.185 The allocation track applied to government or military sites, urban infrastructure construction, projects of public interest, as well as state-sanctioned major projects in energy, transportation, and water conservancy.186 In the case of Beijing, in the residential category, allocation could be applied to projects in public housing, subsidized housing, university student dormitory, and housing co-operation, for instance.187 Although legally obtained and registered land use right was protected by law,188 the state could expropriate land use right from its current owner in some exceptional cases:

Article 58 In any of the following situations, the land administrative department in the relevant government can expropriate the land use right on the condition that it is approved by the government that originally issued the land use right, or

183 The term varies for different uses. For instance, the term for industrial use is fifty years. That for education, technology, culture, health, and sports use is also fifty years. However, the term for business, tourism, and entertainment use is forty years. See "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Chengzhen Guoyou Tudi Shiyongquan Churang He Zhuanrang Zanxing Tiaoli 中华人民共和国城镇国有土地使用权出让和转让暂行条例." 184 "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Tudi Guanli Fa 中华人民共和国土地管理法," ed. Quanguo renmin daibiao dahui changwu weiyuanhui 全国人民代表大会常务委员会 (1998), Article 2. 185 "Zhonghau Renmin Gongheguo Fangdichan Guanli Fa (1994) 中华人民共和国房地产管理法," in Fangdichan Falv Shiyong Quanshu 房地产法律适用全书 (Beijing: Zhongguo fazhi chubanshe 中国法制出版社, 2006), Article 12. As the 1998 Land Law formally support the operation of a land use right market, the previous practice of joint venture’s site fee has merged into this market. Therefore, the special zone of land use carried on from the 1986 Land Law cease to exist. 186 "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Tudi Guanli Fa 中华人民共和国土地管理法," Article 54. 187 "Huabo Yongdi Mulu 划拨用地目录," ed. Zhonghua renmin gongheguo guotu ziyuanbu 中华人民共和国国土资源部 (2001). "Beijing Shi Shishi Guotu Ziyuanbu Huabo Yongdi Mulu Xize 北京市实施国土资源部《划拨用地目录》细则 ", ed. Beijing shi guotu ziyuan he fangwu guanli ju 北京市国土资源和房屋管理局 (2002). 188 "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Tudi Guanli Fa 中华人民共和国土地管理法," Article 13.

it is approved by any government that has the authority to approve such expropriation: 1. To use the land for public interests 2. To change the use of land in the implementation of the redevelopment planning in the old urban districts 3. When the land use lease expires, the land user has not applied for a renewal of the lease or the renewal application has not been approved 4. The work unit stops using the allocated land because of the dissolution of the unit, move of the location, or any other reasons 5. Roads, railways, airports, and mining sites retire from service The land users whose land is expropriated in the situations of no.1 and no. 2 can receive a certain amount of compensation. 189

These exceptional situations cover a wide range of land expropriation cases. The situation no.1 and no. 2 are most relevant to the redevelopment and regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses in the Old City of Beijing. Although it appears to be clear in the article that land expropriation is only applicable in the projects for the public interests and projects of redevelopment in the old districts approved by the urban planning authorities, actually, what kind project could be considered for the “public interest” and what district could be regarded as “old” in urban plans are very vague ideas. Most of the time, it is up to the relevant government bodies’ interpretation. Therefore, controversial cases and huge variations of implementing of these two situations widely exist.

In the urban land system outlined in the 1998 Land Law, the state plays a dominant role. Accordingly, the government, the representative of the state authority, adopts a strong position in land administration. It represents the ultimate urban land owner, thus the biggest land use right supplier on the land use right market. In the double-track system, the government also supervises the boundary between the two tracks of lease and allocation. As the 1998 Land Law regulated, the government has the exclusive right of expropriation. It can transfer land from the lease track onto the allocation track, and vice versa.

189 Ibid., Article 58.

To symbolically limit the dominance of the government, the 2004 People’s Republic of China Land Administration Law (2004 Land Law)190 introduced a compulsory compensation principle in the cases of expropriation. In a prominent place in “Chapter I: General Provisions”, this principle reads: “For the need of public interest, the state according to the law expropriates land and pays compensation.”191

In the double-track land system, an individual’s connection with the urban land of residential use is relative simple. On the lease track, the individual can pay for the land use right that one needs. This track covers most land attached to commodity housing and rental housing. On the allocation track, an eligible individual can also establish a monetary relation with the land that one is entitled to use at prices lower than those on the lease track. The reason for the lower price is that allocation track applies to most land attached to public housing and social welfare housing.

In the double-track system, the factor that influences the land-individual connection most is the state’s power to expropriate urban land for legitimate uses. Despite the compensation principle written in the law, individuals could easily lose connections to the land that they need or are currently using to the abuse of the expropriation power, lease track and allocation track alike. Such power is also one of the sources of overdevelopment of urban land. For instance, some development company managers work closely with officials who have access to expropriation of urban land. Subsequently, these companies gain the expropriated land’s use right with zero or low cost through the allocation track. Development projects on these lands, most likely, do not consider the market demand. Instead, they have the purpose to secure the land resource as asset in the hands of a few managers or officials. In this case, the bureaucratic power and political influence of the local state are obstacles for a steady and stable land-individual connection.192

190 "Zhonghua Renmin Gonghe Guo Tudi Guanli Fa 中华人民共和国土地管理法," ed. Quanguo renmin daibiao dahui changwu weiyuanhui 全国人民代表大会常务委员会 (2004). 191 Ibid., Article 2. 192 William Valletta, The Land Administration Law of 1998 and Its Impact on Urban Development, ed. Chengri Ding and Yan Song, Emerging Land and Housing Markets in China (Cambridge, Mass.: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, 2005), 77.

About the Chinese urban land system from the 1950s to the recent decade, there are three theoretical models to understand the system-individual relation. The first model is the Foucauldian model of police state, applicable to the land system from the 1950s to 1977. In this model, according to Wing-Shing Tang, the Chinese land system is understood as a centrally planned system formed by a hierarchy of departments to carry out the central plan to the finest details. This system is characterized as emphasizing discipline, control, and hierarchical order rather than the productivity of the individuals or enterprises.193 In this model, as Anthony Gar- On Yeh and Fulong Wu argued, the practice of land use is realized by applications for land use quotas from bottom to top, and in parallel, land use permission goes top to bottom hierarchically. This application and permission procedure is essentially project-specific.194 To save time and bureaucratic cost, individuals and enterprises tend to apply for and accumulate land more than what they need in reality. In other words, this land system leaves a gray zone of overapplication and unintentionally encourage exchanges between unused land and other resources. Such gray zone provides rooms for individual agencies in the system.

The second model is framed by the general patterns of urban growth. The developed capitalist economies in the 1970s started to experience a transition from industrial production to postindustrial production. In the process, the local government adopted a new role of economic restructuring rather than service providing. This new role further leads to the transition from a welfare-state to an economic-developmental state.195 In the Chinese context, this transition took place in the 1980s and 1990s. In Jiemin Zhu’s study of the local growth mechanism, on the macro-level, reform measures, such as fiscal decentralization, state-owned enterprise reform, and the tolerance of alternative economic factors (e.g. private-owned small businesses), help to prioritize economic growth at both local and national level. Within the land system, the paid leasehold system allows the government and developers to form a coalition to achieve profitable

193 Wing‐Shing Tang, "Urban Land Development under Socialism: China between 1949 and 1977," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 18, no. 3 (1994). 194 Anthony Gar‐On Yeh and Fulong Wu, "The New Land Development Process and Urban Development in Chinese Cities," ibid.20, no. 2 (1996). 195 Mike Goldsmith, "Local Government," Urban Studies 29, no. 3-4 (1992). Post-Fordism: A Reader, ed. Ash Amin (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1994).

81 land use and local economic development.196 In this sense, individuals and the local state could be allies when the individual can contribute to the growth goal through profitable real estate projects, for instance, as potential consumers of condominium development. However, when the individuals and the local state’s interest in land use are discrepant, for example, when the individual for their own benefits delay the expropriation of land or interrupt the progress of the development project, one becomes an obstacle of local economic growth.197 In this system, individual agency is largely predicated on one’s support of the state’s development plans. Otherwise, the individual would occupy an awkward position in exercising one’s agency against the local growth machine.

A third model is suggested by Samuel Ho and George Lin. This model is centered on the market.198 The dual-track land system results in two markets. The primary market is between the state and the land users. It exists on both tracks. On one track, the state allocates land use rights to users, such as in projects of public interests or state-owned enterprises. On the other track, the state conveys land use rights to users with conveyance fees. On the primary market, the state is the only land supplier. It makes land use plans and implements them top-down. Sometimes the implement is through administrative measures, such as allocation, and other times it is through tender and auction, for instance. Once land use rights are conveyed to commercial users, these lands and land use rights are on the secondary market. On the secondary market, users can transfer their rights to a third party at market prices. The individual land users thus are relatively independent and supposed to make reasonable decisions according to the market situation. In design, this two-layered market system also has a circuit for land and the use right of land on the secondary market to transfer back to the primary market. In this circuit, the state plays the dominant role to decide when, where, how, and on what terms land can be expropriated. In this circuit, the individual land users have hardly any say in the prospects of their land use rights.

196 Jieming Zhu, "Local Growth Coalition: The Context and Implications of China’s Gradualist Urban Land Reforms," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 23, no. 3 (1999). 197 Cheng Shi Tu Di Zhi Du Gai Ge Yan Jiu 城市土地制度改革研究, 48. 198 Samuel PS Ho and George CS Lin, "Emerging Land Markets in Rural and Urban China: Policies and Practices," The China Quarterly 175 (2003).

In all three models, the individual has limited agency in urban land use. In the police state model, the individual has the least agency and almost completely rely on the state to satisfy one’s need for land. In the growth model, the interests of the individual and the local development state align when they can both benefit from the land development. The individual’s agency is supposed to tilt to profitable land development or redevelopment. In the market model, the state controls the primary market and manages the secondary market with the string of expropriating land use rights attached to that market. With these restraints revealed in the three models, in the Chinese urban land system, an individual would encounter a series of obstacles and restrictions to build a long lasting and sustainable relationship with the land that one uses.

• Welfare housing, commodity housing, and the residents in the housing system

The discussion of the state-owned land, the establishment of the leasable land use right, and the role of the individual in the urban land system demonstrates that the human-urban relation imagined in the policy writing shares the human-machine tension with what is dramatically depicted in the metaphor city tank. This section places the metaphor in the policy writing on housing to question, what is the human-urban relation built upon in the urban housing system, and whether the system would allow the individual residents to make meaningful connections with their living space.

China’s housing institution and housing institutional reform have been studied extensively since the 1980s. Some important conclusions are presented in general discussions in books such as Weiping Wu and Piper Gaubatz’s The Chinese City,199 and in specific explorations in books such as Yaping Wang and Alan Murie’s Houisng policy and Practice in China.200 Let alone numerous publications on social sciences journals, such as Urban Affairs and the International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. This section largely makes use of these secondary sources to pinpoint the critical moments that define the role of an individual in the changing urban housing system.

199 Weiping Wu and Piper Gaubatz, The Chinese City (London and New York: Routledge, 2013). 200 Ya Ping Wang, Housing Policy and Practice in China, ed. Alan Murie (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999).

What has been revealed in this section is that Chinese urban housing system, similar to the urban land system, had experienced major transformation from the 1950s to the 1990s. In the 1950s and 1960s, privately-owned urban housing was supposed to join the nationalization program to build the state-owned and collectively-owned housing system. In contrast, from the late 1980s to the 1990s, publicly-owned urban housing was subject to privatization and marketization to support the state-promoted market economy. After nationalization and before the market reform, Chinese urban housing was operated as state-subsidized welfare benefits. Individuals, such as courtyard house users, could only gain access to the housing through their work units or the municipal housing bureau. The work unit and municipal housing bureau mainly functioned as welfare benefit distributor. After the market reform, individuals could connect to housing through the emerging real estate market. Individuals who intend to use courtyard houses and live in an alleyway neighborhood could choose to buy or rent the house according to their financial conditions.

Before the 1990s, housing in urban China was administrated in a state-subsidized welfare provision system. In this system, housing was viewed as a welfare benefit distributed by the work unit or municipal government.201 Urban residents in state-owned or collective-owned work units that had housing investment would have access to housing through their work units. Other residents who did not work for the above-mentioned types of work units or work for a work unit that happened to have no investment in employees’ housing would use houses provided by municipal governments.

Contrary to the common myth that privately-owned residential housing did not exist in China after the late 1950s, privately-owned houses existed all the time till the privatization of housing in the 1990s and then entered the public attention again. The reason of the existence of privately- owned housing in a system that is primarily state-owned is that nationalization of urban housing, similar to nationalization of the urban land, was a gradual and lasting process. According to Beijing Zhi, in Beijing, this process started in 1956 and completed in 1966.202 It is safe to say

201 Wu and Gaubatz, The Chinese City. 202 北京市地方志编纂委员会 Beijing Shi Difang Zhi Bianzuan Weiyuanhui, Beijing Zhi Shizheng Juan Fangdichan Zhi 北京志市政卷房地产志 (Beijing Beijing chuban she 北京出版社, 2000). 115

84 that during the 10 years of nationalization, private houses existed to various degrees. Secondly, the housing nationalization program did not include the houses that people owned and kept for their own living. In other words, there has always existed privately-owned courtyard houses for the property owners’ self-living.203 Thirdly, there were some cases, for cultural and political reasons, the local government would exempt the property from confiscation. For instance, according to the Beijing revolutionary government’s suggestions of handling the housing properties of overseas Chinese (1968), housing properties confiscated during the Cultural Revolution needed to be returned to their original owners. Returned properties should meet two criteria: originally being owned by overseas Chinese and to be used as their own residence.204

In this housing provision system, an individual is a welfare benefit receiver. One’s housing benefits are determined by fixed factors regulated by the central government. Such factors include one’s education, occupation, marital status, number of dependents, and working experience. The specific terms to claim housing benefits are drafted by the municipal government and the individual work unit. For example, in Yaping Wang and Alan Murie’s study of China’s housing reform, they demonstrated a case of a university in Xi’an. In this case, eligible welfare housing claimers are married, permanent, and full-time employees. Furthermore, the eligible candidates were categorized by their education level, working rank, professional achievement, and the status of the individual’s spouse to match nine categories of housing benefits. The housing benefits varies from one household using four rooms and a hall to four employees sharing a couple of rooms.205 Xingquan Zhang’s study of the housing policy in urban China introduces other examples of a textile factory and a hydro engineering institute, Kunming. In these cases, the housing benefits again were determined by a point and weight system to measure a candidate’s length of work, work performance, social class, and current housing conditions.206

203 Ibid., 122 204 "Guowuyuan Pizhuan Zhongqiao Guanyu Chuli Qiaohu Bei Chachao Caiwu De Qingshi 国务院批转中侨关于处理侨户被查抄财物的请示," ed. Beijing shi geming weiyuan hui 北京市革命委员会 (1968-03-30). 205 Ya Ping Wang and Alan Murie, "Social and Spatial Implications of Housing Reform in China," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 24, no. 2 (2000). 206 Xingquan Zhang, A Study of Housing Policy in Urban China (New York: Nova Science Publisher, 1998).

In this system, the most disadvantageous individuals are the private house owners and contract workers in a work unit. The former is considered as property owners and enjoy no state subsidies in housing. In addition, private house owners also carry the task of daily maintenance of the houses, while individuals in the public sector have virtually no such responsibilities of repairs and maintenance. Contract workers and part-time workers in a work unit are not considered as benefit receivers of that work unit.

The Chinese housing system before the 1990s had innate short-comings, and the prominent ones include the inequity between full-time employees and contract workers, between workers and cadres, and between public sectors and private sectors. Moreover, the system is running on heavy state-subsidies and nominal rents. In the study of urban housing problems, Yok-shiu F. Lee found out that in the early 1950s, the rent for an average family in Wuhan amounted to about 14 percent of the household income. In 1957, the percentage decreased to 8 percent, and in 1970 it further decreased to 5 percent.207 Similarly, Lifan Wu in a separate study also noticed this decreasing rent phenomenon. The study found out that from 1956 to 1988, the annual rate of rent in household income in Guangzhou was only between 1.04% and 9.13%.208 Such nominal rent cannot support the maintenance and repairs of the public housing. An expedient solution is to use some of the state funding for housing construction to fill in the gap. Therefore, maintenance and repairs as well as new investment in housing all suffer from lack of funds.209

Because of the problems of the housing system, nationwide housing reform was introduced in the early 1990s. In Xiaoxiong Fu’s generalization, the goal of the reform was to establish a housing system that diversifies sources of funds, substitutes housing provision with monetary provision, marketizes housing construction and supply, and privatizes housing management. Meanwhile, the government still shouldered the responsibility of providing economical housing to lower-income families.210

207 Yok-shiu F. Lee, "The Urban Housing Problem in China," The China Quarterly, no. 115 (1988). 208 Lifan Wu, Zhongguo Zhufang Zhengce 中国住房政策 (Beijing: Economics Press, 2009). 209 Lee, "The Urban Housing Problem in China." John R. Logan, Yanjie Bian, and Fuqin Bian, "Housing Inequality in Urban China in the 1990s," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 23, no. 1 (1999). 210 Xiaoxiong 宓小雄 Fu, "Zhongguo Chengzhen Zhufang Zhidu Gaige De Zhengce Sheji Yu Gongping 中国城镇住房制度改革的政策设计与社会公平," in Zhongguo Shehui Zhengce Yanjiu Shinian Lunwen Xuan 1999-2008

According to a series of policy decisions on deepening the urban housing reform between 1994 and 1998, the reform includes several gradual and parallel steps, and the major ones are rent reform, sales of public housing, establishing housing provident funds, and construction affordable public housing.

Rent reform means that the previous nominal rent should gradually increase to an amount that can cover the costs of building, repair, and management. The rent was collected and spent by the owner of the houses, namely the work unit or the municipal government. 211

Sales of public housing is a step to sell work unit and municipal housing to the sitting tenants. Based on the household’s income level, there were three price categories. High-income families would buy at the market price. Low- and middle-income families could buy at the budget price, which was lower than the market price. The budget price normally covered land acquisition fees, pre-construction costs, construction expenses, public facilities, property management, and taxes. A standard price was also adopted to regulate the sales of public housing. This price was set at several times of the average annual income of a double-income family. It would be applied to places where sitting tenants could not afford the budget price.212

A housing provident fund program came hand in hand with a mortgage system. Both the employers and employees contributed a certain amount to the housing provident fund, and the fund can only be used to purchase housing or repair housing. To facilitate purchases of houses at the market price, a mortgage system was also established to work with the housing provident fund program.213

For those residents, to whom all the above measures do not apply well, the affordable public housing is supposed to solve their housing problems. Two streams of affordable public housing

中国社会政策研究十年论文选 1999-2008, ed. Shundao 葛顺道 Ge (Beijing: Shehui Kexue Wenxian Chuban She, 2001). 211 Wang, Housing Policy and Practice in China; Wang and Murie, "Social and Spatial Implications of Housing Reform in China." Wu and Gaubatz, The Chinese City. 212 Wang, Housing Policy and Practice in China. Wang and Murie, "Social and Spatial Implications of Housing Reform in China." Wu and Gaubatz, The Chinese City. 213 Wang, Housing Policy and Practice in China. Wang and Murie, "Social and Spatial Implications of Housing Reform in China." Wu and Gaubatz, The Chinese City.

87 were designed. One was low rent housing, and the other economical housing. The former was operated as state-subsidized rentals, whereas the latter sold at a budget price to low-income families.214

Among these major housing reform measures, increased rent helped to shape a rental market, where the rents were determined by the actual cost of construction, repairs, maintenance, and management. The sales of public housing to its sitting tenants had created an initial housing market, where the commodities were formed by the previous publicly owned units. Housing provident funds and a mortgage system covered the financial side of the reform. Lastly, the affordable public housing plans inherited the welfare characteristics from the socialist policies in the early decades of the PRC.

The housing reform had some substantial outcomes, which influences even the present. First, work units have completely withdrawn from in-kind housing provision. This marks the completion of the shift from a system of in-kind public housing welfare provision to a system of monetary housing distribution. Second, the percentage of public housing has greatly decreased among different types of housing tenure. Public investment now focuses on supply of economical housing to middle- and low-income families. It also focuses on maintenance and management of subsidized public rentals. Third, house ownership has increased over the years. In addition, the types of home ownership also started to vary. As shown in the 2005 statistics from the National Bureau of Statistics, a variety of tenure choices have made up the category of private-owned housing, such as self-built housing, commercial housing, and purchased public unit.215

In this reformed housing system, the individuals’ role has transformed from passive welfare benefit receiver to relatively active market actor, whose influence is mainly decided by income and housing provident fund. In the reformed system, individuals can buy and choose housing products that match their economic competence on a rising housing market. The market offers

214 Wang, Housing Policy and Practice in China. Wang and Murie, "Social and Spatial Implications of Housing Reform in China." Wu and Gaubatz, The Chinese City. 215 国家统计局 Guojia tongji ju, "Quanguo an Jiating Yue Shouru Zhufang Laiyuan De Jiating Hu Hushu (Chengshi ) 全国按家庭月收入住房来源分的家庭户户数（城市）," (2005).

88 multiple options on location, neighborhood, and dwell type.216 Individuals choose from these options, according to their own income level and the related policies of housing provident fund. The housing provident fund policies vary from sector to sector, employer to employer. For instance, in the public sector, such as government and state-owned enterprises, the employer’s contribution usually falls between 5 to 10 percent of the employee’s monthly salary; in the private sector, the rate could be higher, but for some small businesses, the rate is as low as 2 percent.217 The difference of housing provident fund policies among sectors and the difference of income among sectors largely influence the individuals’ choice of housing tenure. According to Si-Ming Li’s study of housing tenure, generally, individuals with higher income tend to choose home ownership and buy houses from the market.218

In the reformed housing system, individuals as market actor could build more flexible relationship with the market. They could respond directly to the supplies, dwelling types, locations, neighborhoods, and other options that the market could offer. The link between individuals and housing is no longer work unit or municipal government. What is foregrounded is the individuals’ buying power determined by one’s income and housing provident fund. On the contrary, what moves to the background is the housing provision terms in different sectors in the national economy.

• Local state, urban residents, and diversified actors in the demolition system

In the transformation of Chinese urban land and housing system from the 1950s to the present, the urban residents’ relation with land and housing is defined by the state, work unit, and welfare terms first in a centrally-planned system then in a system with more marketized measures such as leasable land use rights, housing provision fund, and one’s own buying power. The discussions in the previous sections have demonstrated the potential obstacles that one would encounter

216 Donggeng Wang and Si-Ming Li, "Housing Preference in a Transitional Housing System: The Case of Beijing, China," Environment and planning A 36, no. 1 (2004). 217 Wu and Gaubatz, The Chinese City. Wang, Housing Policy and Practice in China; Wang and Murie, "Social and Spatial Implications of Housing Reform in China." 218 Si-Ming Li, "Housing Tenure and Residential Mobility in Urban China: A Study of Commodity Housing Development in Beijing and Guangzhou," Urban Affairs Review 38, no. 4 (2003).

89 when building one’s ties to the urban land and housing. These obstacles reveal the underlying tensions that largely mirror the confrontations implied in the metaphor city tank. This section situates the metaphor city tank in another field, the demolition system, a field that directly functions on the sites of disappearing alleyways and courtyard houses in Beijing in numerous redevelopment and regeneration projects that tear down the vernacular architecture and relocate the communities. Situating the metaphor in the demolition system, this section looks at how the human-urban relation breaks and rebuilds and whether the city becomes more accessible for the residents in such drastic physical transformation.

The discussions in this section are based on the changing versions of the national demolition management regulations and the corresponding Beijing detailed regulations. One thread that connects the narratives below is the demolition procedures in changing, and another more important thread is the different roles of the main actors as well as their interrelations during the changes.

A preview of the findings in this section is as follows. The Chinese urban demolition system, in the case of Beijing, experienced three stages of development from the 1980s to the 2000s. In the 1980s, the demolition system was dominantly state-led based on a state-owned land and housing system. A courtyard house user in a demolition project would be considered as a contributor to the overall urban development in the government discourse if the individual complied with the demolition plan. However, if the individual refused to comply, s/he was an obstacle to the development, and in a system of state-owned land and housing, the individual as welfare receivers normally had very few legitimate reasons to refuse to be relocated. In the 1990s, the demolition system was in a transitional phase, as the urban land use right became leasable and houses turned into commodities and private properties. A significant transformation at this stage lied in the relationship between the demolisher-relocator (拆迁人), the unit or individual who has the demolition permit,219 and the demolished and relocated (被拆迁人), the owner or user of the demolished houses and related constructions.220 As the demolished and relocated, a courtyard house user was in contract with the demolisher-relocator rather than bear welfare ties with the

219 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例," ed. Guowuyuan 国务院 (1991). 220 Ibid.

90 local state. The contract would document what the individual could gain materially and financially if s/he comply with the demolition plan. Consequently, the calculation of compensation became the most important ground for the courtyard house user to express his or her interest. In the 2000s, the demolition regulations outlined a construction unit-led system, which highlighted the interplays among the demolisher-relocator, the demolished and relocated, the real estate appraiser, and the contract demolishing company. In this system, a courtyard house user would have more room to negotiate with the other actors, for instance, to claim his or her property rights or to participate in public hearings. However, the system continuously limited what a courtyard house user could do when facing planned demolition projects. For example, when the courtyard house was already demolished even though with controversies, the system forbade the user to appeal to administrative arbitration.

In the 1980s, the common practice of demolition followed the general procedures of permission, relocation, demolition, arbitration, and legal settlement of dispute if needed. (Figure 3-1) First, the party that proposed a demolition project, usually termed as construction unit (建设单位),221 applied for land use and project permit to the local government. If the permit was granted, the construction unit would second provide an appropriate amount of housing to relocate the affected residents. Then the local government would inspect the relocation housing. If the quality and quantity of the relocation housing met the criteria, the demolition on the permitted land could

221 北京市人民政府 Beijing shi renmin zhengfu, "Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa 北京市建设拆迁安置办法," (1982).

Figure 3-1 Demolition procedures in the 1980s

begin. In cases that the construction unit could not draft appropriate relocation plans, or sitting tenants resisted to be relocated, administrative penalties, arbitration, and further legal measures would be in place to ensure the progress of the permitted construction project.

Following the procedure, one can identify at least four interrelated actors in the demolition practice. The actors are the local state, the construction unit, the relocated household (被迁住户

)222, and the relocated work unit (被迁单位)223. The local state is represented by the municipal government, especially the housing bureau. The construction unit could be any enterprise that promises to redevelop the urban land, and the construction unit’s proposed project should be considered as a contribution to the city’s overall development. The relocated household and the relocated work unit are the sitting tenants of the land and housing that the construction unit plans to redevelop. In some cases, the construction project only affects individual tenants. For instance, on some target urban lands there are only privately-owned houses. In some cases, the construction project affects one or several work units, including their on-site employee apartments. In other cases, the construction project influences a mixed body of individuals and work units.

In the 1980s when the urban housing system and land system were largely based on public ownership and state administration, the state, specifically the local government held a dominant role in demolition practice. First, the local government was the initiator of urban construction projects. It not only approved or disapproved proposed demolition projects. It also made macro plans to set the trends of projects. In the case of Beijing, in the early 1980s, the government observed that urban housing construction would continuously expand. More specifically, it predicted that confiscating agricultural land in the suburbs to build urban housing would soon be unsustainable. Subsequently, the government decided that the old city center would be the next focus of demolition projects.224 From the suburb to the Old City center, the municipal government had set the tone for demolition projects in the coming years.

Second, the local government was the nominal supervisor of all demolition projects. As stated in the municipal demolition regulations, the district or county government supervised the projects proposed by the construction unit. The district or county housing department and the land department overlooked the day-to-day employment of the municipal regulations and reported to

222 "Beijing Shi Jiben Jianshe Chaiqian Anhi Zanxing Banfa 北京市基本建设拆迁安置暂行办法," (1980). 223 Ibid. 224 Yu 陆禹 Lu, "Guanyu Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa Cao'an De Shuoming 关于《北京市建设拆迁安置办法（草案）》的说明," (1982).

93 the municipal bureau.225 The municipal housing bureau and the land bureau was the highest local administrative body of the confiscation of land, compensation, demolition, and relocation. For instance, the district or county department inspected the relocation housing supply prepared by the construction unit. Only when the supply met the municipal criteria of size, number, unit division, and other standards226, the district or county department approves the demolition project.227

Third, on the macro level, the local government functioned as a mediator among all parties that were involved in a demolition project. The local government attempted to balance on the one hand, "the need for construction and development", and on the other hand, "the need for reasonable relocation and compensation of the displaced work unit or individuals".228 The government mediated between the interest of the construction unit and the work unit or individuals whose livelihood is somehow negatively impacted by the demolition and construction. The local government also coordinated across various bureaus and departments involved in the demolition and development to move the displaced individuals' health care, education benefits, and supplies of daily necessities from one location to another. The local government at least coordinated among the departments of finance, education, health, police, and the post service to ensure that the relocated population had the basic services and benefits.229

225 Beijing shi renmin zhengfu, "Beijing Shi Jiben Jianshe Chaiqian Anhi Zanxing Banfa 北京市基本建设拆迁安置暂行办法." "Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa 北京市建设拆迁安置办法." Article 3. 226 "Beijing Shi Jiben Jianshe Chaiqian Anhi Zanxing Banfa 北京市基本建设拆迁安置暂行办法." Article 5. "Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa 北京市建设拆迁安置办法." Article 8. 227 "Beijing Shi Jiben Jianshe Chaiqian Anhi Zanxing Banfa 北京市基本建设拆迁安置暂行办法." "Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa 北京市建设拆迁安置办法." Article 8. 228 Lu, "Guanyu Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa Cao'an De Shuoming 关于《北京市建设拆迁安置办法（草案）》的说明." 229 Beijing shi renmin zhengfu, "Beijing Shi Jiben Jianshe Chaiqian Anhi Zanxing Banfa 北京市基本建设拆迁安置暂行办法." Article 8. "Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa 北京市建设拆迁安置办法." Article 11.

Under the dominance of the state, the construction unit was the operator of demolition and redevelopment on the ground. The construction unit was obliged to provide up to standard230 permanent or temporary relocation houses as well as certain compensation231 for the displaced work unit or individuals. The construction unit gained its social importance by acting as a main actor and helper to implement the government's developmental plans.232

The relocated individuals were receivers of the demolition plans. According to their reactions toward the demolition projects, the individuals adopted different roles in the demolition regulations. If the individuals conformed to the demolition program, especially when they are actively participating in moving and relocation, they were considered contributors to the overall urban development in Beijing.233 Their participation and cooperation were rewarded with bonus in monetary forms. For example, individuals who moved out earlier than the project's move-out deadline would gain a subsidy that amounted to 10 yuan per day multiplying the number of days between their actual move-out date and the deadline.234 If the individuals had to move and relocate during their workdays, these days would be considered as paid vacations, and their absence from work could not be calculated against their awards and bonuses at work.235

If the individuals accepted the relocation housing provided by the construction units, they were the welfare benefit receivers. Their housing benefit will be calculated based on the household registration, marital status, and sex of the members of the household. For example, only those

230 "Beijing Shi Jiben Jianshe Chaiqian Anhi Zanxing Banfa 北京市基本建设拆迁安置暂行办法." Article 5. "Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa 北京市建设拆迁安置办法." Article 8. 231 "Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa 北京市建设拆迁安置办法." Article 5. 232 During the late 1980s and the early 1990s, some construction units were affiliated with the local housing bureau or land bureau. This close relationship with the local state shows how construction units were essential to realize the local development plans. For a brief example and analysis of such affiliation, see Li Zhang, In Search of Paradise: Middle-Class Living in a Chinese Metropolis (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010). Chapter 2. 233 Lu, "Guanyu Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa Cao'an De Shuoming 关于《北京市建设拆迁安置办法（草案）》的说明." 234 "Guanyu Shishi Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa Ruogan Wenti De Guiding 关于实施《北京市建设拆迁安置办法》若干问题的规定," ed. Beijing shi fangdichan guanli ju 北京市房地产管理局 (1985). 235 Beijing shi renmin zhengfu, "Beijing Shi Jiben Jianshe Chaiqian Anhi Zanxing Banfa 北京市基本建设拆迁安置暂行办法." Article 7. "Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa 北京市建设拆迁安置办法." Article 12.

95 individuals whose household were registered at the demolished area could receive the relocation housing. As regulated in Article 5, “Beijing Provisional Measures for Demolition and Relocation for Infrastructure Construction”, “the quantity of the relocation housing should base on the original housing status and the size of the household”. Therefore, a tenant renting from a landlord in the demolishing area would not be considered eligible for the compensation of the loss of the rental house.236 Another example, in a household, children of the same sex over age thirteen would share one room in the relocation house; children of different sexes over age thirteen would have different rooms by sex.237

If the individuals refused to take the relocation houses or did not conform to the demolition and development program, they were viewed as huge obstacles not only to the specific project per se but also to the overall progress of urban development. In the words of Lu Yu, then the vice- mayor of Beijing, “one or two households’ refusal to relocate or individual work unit’s refusal to relocate has created several years of halt of some construction projects, leading to huge economic losses of the country.”238 The unconformist behaviors include, for example, request for relocation housing of higher standards than the benefit criteria, delay of the demolition date, and refusing arbitration. The individuals act out in these and other similar ways would receive administrative penalties, lawsuits, forced demolition, or even sentences.239

In the 1990s, the land and housing system were experiencing transition from a state-owned and collectively-owned central-planning system to a state-owned land lease system companied by private and mixed ownerships of housing. The changing land and housing system, however, did not change the roles played by the local government, construction unit, and relocated individuals or work units.

236 "Beijing Shi Jiben Jianshe Chaiqian Anhi Zanxing Banfa 北京市基本建设拆迁安置暂行办法." Article 5. 237 "Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa 北京市建设拆迁安置办法." Article 8. 238 Lu, "Guanyu Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa Cao'an De Shuoming 关于《北京市建设拆迁安置办法（草案）》的说明." 239 Beijing shi renmin zhengfu, "Beijing Shi Jiben Jianshe Chaiqian Anhi Zanxing Banfa 北京市基本建设拆迁安置暂行办法." Article 25. "Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa 北京市建设拆迁安置办法." Chapter 8.

The state continuously held a dominant role by serving as the supervisor and mediator in demolition projects. The local government or the department authorized by the local government was the legitimate supervisor of demoliton projects.240 The supervisor’s responsibilities include, for instance, reviewing the demolition applications proposed by the construction units, issuing permits to qualified projects241, inspecting on-going demolition process242, and maintaining a comprehensive and accurate documentation of demolition projects243. As the mediator in the demolition projects, the local government coordinated with the police bureau, to manage changes of household registration in the demolition areas, especially separating household registrations244 and transferring registration into these areas245. In the case of Beijing, as the mediator, the local government worked not only with the police bureau but also coordinated with multiple other departments, such as business and trade, food supply, education, public health, and postal services, to ensure that the relocated individuals receive “adequate arrangements and solutions to the transfer of household registration, grocery supplies, heath care, transfer of schools, mail services, and other issues” while they were relocating.246

240 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 6. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则," ed. Beijing shi renmin zhengfu 北京市人民政府 (1991). Article 5. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法," ed. Beijing shi renmin zhengfu 北京市人民政府 (1998). Article 6. 241 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 8. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 6. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 11. 242 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 17. 243 Ibid. Article 8. 244 Once an area is decided to be a demolition area, affected households in the area cannot add persons into their registration or separate the original one household registration into two or more households, except for the reason of birth, marriage, or military personnel retirement. See ibid. Article 11. 245 Ibid. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 9. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 13-1. 246 "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 13.

Under the supervision of the local government, the construction units, or demolisher-relocator （拆迁人), as referred in the demolition regulations in the 1990s247, functioned as the operator of demolition projects on the ground. They were obliged to follow the procedures of project application. In the case of Beijing, the demolisher-relocator, when applying for a demolition permit, needed to provide all of the following documents:

Proof of the right to use state-owned land Urban housing demolition certificate Proof of credentials of the demolisher-relocator Demolition plans Other documents required by the municipal housing and land bureau248

These documents show proofs that, first, the demolisher-relocator is the legitimate user of the state-owned land; second, it has the official approval to demolish the houses on the land proposed to be used; third, the demolisher-relocator is qualified to conduct the project; fourth, it has made a demolition plan, in which relocation measures play an important part. If the demolition projects were approved, the demolisher-relocator would also be responsible for providing monetary compensations or relocation houses for the affected individuals. 249

The affected individuals, in other words, the house owners or house users in the demolition area, referred as the demolished and relocated (被拆迁人) in the demolition regulations250 had the obligation to “comply with the urban development and move out before the expected

247 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 3. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 4. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 4. 248 "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 10. 249 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 5 and Chapter 3 and 4. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 4 and Chapter 3 and 4. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 5 and Chapter 3. 250 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 3. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 4. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 4.

98 deadline.”251 The demolished and relocated had the right to receive monetary compensations or relocated housing,252 but largely, they were passive receivers of the demolition projects and barely had the negotiation power to resist a demolition project that was already approved by the government.

Despite the continued primary roles of the state, the demolisher-relocator, and the demolished and relocated, the 1990s demolition regulations did clarify the boundaries of the interrelations among these actors. First, between the local government and the demolisher-relocator, the boundaries of co-operations were specified. For example, the local government was encouraged to organize comprehensive demolition projects (综合开发), in which the demolisher-relocator was not only responsible for constructing new houses but also for urban infrastructures such as sewage, electricity, heating, and telecommunication.253 However, the department in the local government that was in charge of demolition cannot represent the construction unit to do the demolition work, as it is stated in Article 9, “Regulations on Urban Housing Demolition and Relocation” (1991) that “the government department in charge of housing demolition and relocation cannot accept demolition and relocation commissions.”254 It is also specified in corresponding local regulations that “the Bureau of Real Estate Management cannot accept demolition and relocation commissions”255 or that “the municipal, district, or town bureau of housing and land cannot accept demolition and relocation commissions.”256 Another example,

251 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 5. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 4. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 5. 252 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 5 and Chapter 3 and 4. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 4 and Chapter 3 and 4. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 5 and Chapter 3. 253 "Guowuyuan Pizhan Quanguo Chengshi Guihua Gongzuo Huiyi Jiyao 国务院批转《全国城市规划工作会议纪要》," ed. Guowuyuan 国务院 (1980-12-09). 254 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 9. 255 "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 7. 256 "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 7.

99 once the demolition permit was issued, the government department in charge should release to the public the information of the demolisher-relocator, the affected area, and the move-out deadline. The department in charge and the demolisher-relocator now should co-operate in promoting and explaining the project to the demolished and relocated. In the demolition regulations, this type of co-operation is termed as “publicity and explanation work.”257 In the first example, the local government, especially the department in charge of demolition, should avoid representing the construction unit against the demolished and relocated, whose interest may more closely align with the general public. In the second example, the department in charge should not avoid the construction unit. On the contrary, the department needed to work with the demolisher-relocator to ensure effective communication with the demolished and relocated. This may prevent misunderstandings of the project and potential conflicts between the construction unit and the relocated.

Second, the relationship between the demolisher-relocator and the demolished and relocated was outlined as contract-based over issues such as forms of compensation, levels of compensation, sizes of relocation house, locations of relocation house, time limits of transition, and other issues that both parties considered necessary.258 Among all the terms in the contract, the terms on compensation was an essential issue that defined the interaction between the demolisher- relocator and the demolished and relocated.

The demolisher-relocator and the demolished and relocated needed to decide from three possible forms of compensation: ownership exchange (产权调换),259 monetary compensation, or a combination of these two.260 Ownership exchange means that the house of the relocated is exchanged with relocation housing at another location. Therefore, the house that is subjected to

257 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 10. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 8. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 14. 258 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 12. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 10. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 16. 259 One existing house is offered to exchange the house to be demolished. 260 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 20.

100 demolition is no longer owned by the relocated. Monetary compensation refers to that the house of the relocated is evaluated and bought out by the demolisher-relocator before the demolition project. In this case, the house subjected to demolition is paid by the demolisher-relocator.

Then how to choose from the different forms of compensation? For example, according to the “Regulations on Urban Housing Demolition and Relocation” (1991), the owner of the demolished rental houses should be compensated in the form of ownership exchange. In this case, the original rental relation could transfer to the exchanged house, with necessary revisions of the original lease.261 When the demolisher-relocator and the demolished and relocated agreed to use ownership exchange for compensation, how to calculate the price difference between the demolished house and the exchanged house became a central issue in the contract.262 In the case of Beijing, the price difference was divided into three parts to calculate: 263

• The part of the size of the exchanged house that was equal to the size of the original house. The price difference for this portion was determined by a comparison between the price of the original structure and the exchanged structure. Replacement cost, the price that one would have to pay to replace the asset at the present, was used to calculate the price of the original structures.

• The part of the size of the exchanged house that exceeded the size of the original house. The price of the exceeding portion of the house was determined by the market price.

• The part of the size of the exchanged house that was less than the size of the original house. The price of the exceeding portion of the original house is determined by the replacement cost in relation to the residue ratio, the ratio that determines the value of an asset after tearing and wearing over the time.

In addition, the tenant of a rental house could be compensated in the form of resettlement, and the calculation for such kind of compensation followed a different set of guidelines:

261 Ibid. Article 24. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 20. 262 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 23. 263 "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 19.

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• Floor space of the resettlement house. If the tenant originally had a shortage of square meters per capita, the resettlement house could be relatively larger to meet the municipal or national standards.264

• Location of the resettlement house. If the tenant moves from a good location to a lesser location, the floor space of the resettlement house could be larger than the originally demolished floor space.265

• Appropriate resettlement housing. If the demolisher-relocator could not provide the resettlement housing all at once, (a) the demolisher-relocator could instead provide temporary resettlement houses, or (b) the demolished and relocated could find temporary houses on their own on the condition that the demolisher-relocator subsidized the moving and relocation expenses.266

• Delay of resettlement. If the demolisher-relocator delayed the final resettlement or extended the time for temporary resettlement, the demolisher-relocator should give extra monthly compensation to the demolished and relocated per capita.267

In the case of Beijing, for households that suffer from housing shortage, the resettlement standards were based on age, sex, and marital status of the family members. For example, if there were more than three members of the same sex over the age of 13 in one household, these members could have more than one room. If there were two members of different sexes over the legal age for marriage (female 24, male 26), they could have separate rooms.268 This was to match Guideline 1 above. For households that moved from within the second ring road to the suburbs and nearby counties, each household could have one more room or an extra ￥20,000 to

264 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 30. 265 Ibid. Article 28. 266 Ibid. Article 31. 267 Ibid. Article 32 and 33. 268 "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 28.

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￥25,000 RMB compensation.269 This follows Guideline 2. For households that had delayed resettlement caused by the demolisher-relocator, for each delayed month, every individual in the household could get ￥30 RMB compensation. If the resettlement was delayed for more than six months, starting from the seventh month, every individual in the affected household could get a monthly compensation of 60 RMB.270 This complies with Guideline 4.

Since 1998, in Beijing, the contract-based relationship between the demolisher-relocator and the demolished and relocated has shown a tendency of simplification on the issue of calculation of compensations. The “Beijing Urban Housing Demolition Relocation Methods” (1998) 271 only acknowledged monetary compensation as the legitimate way of compensation. Other ways like exchange of ownership, a combined method, or resettlement of tenants are excluded from the new demolition regulations.272 Moreover, the calculation of compensation was simplified into a formula of replacement price, residue ratio, and location.273 In addition, the treatment of households that suffered from a shortage of floor space was further standardized as a unified monetary compensation. The standard was 6 square meters per capita.274 The previous consideration about individual household members’ sex, age, and marital status was no longer specifically addressed in the new demolition regulation.

To deal with the multiple ways of calculation and changing trends of calculation, a new institution, real estate property appraisal agency, was introduced in the demolition practice in the late 1990s. Before demolition practice, a real estate property appraisal agency was appointed by the housing and land bureau of the local government to evaluate the properties to be demolished. For instance, in “Beijing Regulations Urban Housing Demolition” (1998), Article 44 states that “the appraisal agencies that are authorized by the municipal, district, or town bureau of housing

269 "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize De Buchong Guiding 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则的补充规定," ed. Beijing shi fangdichan guanli ju 北京市房地产管理局 (1994). Article 3. 270 Ibid. Article 8. 271 "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." 272 Ibid. Article 28. 273 Ibid. 274 Ibid. Article 30.

103 and land can evaluate the property value of the houses subjected to demolish.”275 The agency should inform the owner of the demolished house to be present at the appraisal, but if the owner could not be present or did not want to participate in the process as a resistance to the demolition, the agency had the right to do the evaluation without the presence of the owner or user.276 In other words, for the affected property owner/user, the appraisal process was compulsory, like the demolition project itself. The local government was supervising and facilitating the appraisal.

In the 1990s, the interrelations among the local state, the demolisher-relocator, and the demolished and relocated were also defined by the protocols of conflict resolving in the demolition regulations. When the demolisher-relocator and the demolished and relocated could not reach an agreement on issues, such as forms of compensation, amount of the monetary compensation, floor space of the relocation housing, or relocation site, the local government, especially the department that approved the project, should involve in the arbitration as the arbitrator. If the demolished and relocated still refused to move after the arbitration and had no legitimate reason to do so, the local government could start the process of forced eviction. If the parties involved were not satisfied with the arbitration result, they could start a law suit in the civil court. However, in the cases in which the demolisher-relocator had already made resettlement offers to the demolished and relocated, the law suit would not stop the demolition project as planned.277

Compared with the relocated individuals in the 1980s, the role of the demolished and relocated in the 1990s could also be understood from the perspective of contributor, welfare benefit receiver, and obstacle. If the demolished and relocated actively comply with the demolition plan, for instance, moving out earlier or within the demolition deadline, they are implied contributors to the overall urban development, but in the 1990s, unlike in the 1980s, there lacked compulsory and specific rewarding terms to recognize such kind of action in the demolition regulations. If

275 Ibid. 276 Ibid. Article 44. 277 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 14. "Beijing Shi Shishi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli Xize 北京市实施《城市房屋拆迁管理条例》细则." Article 11 and 12. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 18 to 21.

104 the demolished and relocated accept the relocation housing or resettlement housing from the demolisher-relocator, especially when they gain relief of the shortage of floor space per capita from the relocation and resettlement, they are welfare benefit receivers. A gradual major change in the 1990s was that the welfare benefit became more often realized in monetary forms rather than in the form of in-kind housing distribution. If the demolished and relocated prevent the demolition project from happening, as planned by the local government and the demolisher- relocator, they are obstacles. Their actions, such as refusing to move out of the temporary resettlement house or verbally abusing the personnel of the local government on the demolition site, would be fined or sued.

Although in the 1990s, a growing number of the demolished and relocated became property owners of their demolished houses due to the change of housing and land system, they were still generally passive receivers of the demolition projects. First, the process of the initiation of the demolition projects are solely between the local government and the demolisher-relocator. According to the demolition regulations in the 1990s, there was no room for the demolished and relocated to participate or negotiate at this stage. Second, the new appraisal process introduced in the late 1990s does not allow any form of co-operation between the demolished and relocated and the local government to decide which appraisal agency to use. Third, even though the demolished and relocated are equal parties in a contract process, when an agreement could not be reached at the end, the status of lack of contract would not stop the eviction and forced demolition on the condition that the demolisher-relocator already offered relocation or resettlement housing. In other words, without an agreement on how much the house of the demolished and relocated values, the house itself could not escape from demolition as planned by the local government and the demolisher-relocator. The demolished and relocated could suffer from potential loss of property due to the demolition. This passive position of the demolished and relocated contradicts an awareness of property rights in making. The negative social outcomes of such contradiction clearly influenced the demolition regulations in the 2000s.

In the 2000s, one of the social outcomes of the limited role played by the demolished and relocated in demolition practice was increasing numbers of disputes and conflicts. A few of such disputes were escalated to some extreme forms of confrontation. For example, in Nanjing, 2003, Weng Biao’s house was torn down by the local office of demolition and relocation without reaching a compensation or resettlement agreement. Out of anger and despair, Weng went to the

105 demolition and relocation office, covered himself with gas, and set it on fire.278 In Yihuang, Jiangxi, 2010, three members of the Zhong family immolated themselves on the forced demolition site. This tragedy even extended to the hospital where the injured were supposed to be treated. After one of the immolated died of the injuries, the hospital became another confrontational site where the Zhong family fought with those who opposed them for the corpse of the deceased as the evidence of the incident.279 The causes of the disputes were commonly regarded as oversized demolition projects initiated by the local government, inadequate compensation and resettlement provided by the demolisher-relocator, illegal forced eviction, and inappropriate attitude of the administrative personnel.280 Each of the causes specifies a certain way of abusive use of the active position of either the local government or the demolisher- relocator as the initiator, operator, and supervisor of demolition practice. In a passive position that was unlikely to fight against the other actors, the demolished and relocated increasingly resort to filing class complaints to higher levels of government bodies.

To de-escalate conflicts and prevent extreme resistance of demolition projects, the demolished and relocated were consequently given more ground in the demolition regulations to protect their interests. For example, in the case of Beijing, an annual and long-term planning system is in place to control the scale and number of demolition projects. Those projects that were not in the annual plan would not be granted a demolition permit.281 In addition, there established a set of stricter rules for the demolisher-relocators to be qualified to operate, especially stricter rules about their redevelopment plans, resettlement programs, and financial status.282 What is more

278 Jiang 杨江 Yang, "Yemian Chaiqian Niangcheng Canhuo, Nanjing Chaiqian Hu Zifen Shijian 野蛮拆迁酿成惨祸南京拆迁户“自焚”事件," Dahe Bao 大河报 2003. 279 Wenqiang 朱文强 Zhu, "Jiangxi Yihuang Chaiqian Zifen Shijian Shimo 江西宜黄拆迁自焚事件始末," Xiaokang 小康 2010. 280 "Guanyu Renzhen Zuohao Chengzhen Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo Weihu Shehui Wending De Jinji Tongzhi 关于认真做好城镇房屋拆迁工作维护社会稳定的紧急通知," ed. Guowuyuan 国务院 (2003). "Guanyu Kongzhi Chengzhen Fangwu Chaiqian Guimo Yange Chaiqian Guanli De Tongzhi 关于控制城镇房屋拆迁规模严格拆迁管理的通知," ed. Guowuyuan 国务院 (2004). 281 "Guanyu Kongzhi Chengzhen Fangwu Chaiqian Guimo Yange Chaiqian Guanli De Tongzhi 关于控制城镇房屋拆迁规模严格拆迁管理的通知." 282 "Guanyu Zuohao Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo Weihu Shehui Wending De Yijian 关于做好房屋拆迁工作维护社会稳定的意见," ed. Beijing shi renmin zhengfu 北京市人民政府 (2003).

106 directly for the benefits of the demolished and relocated were several terms in the demolition regulations that acknowledged their rights, considered their individual situations, and promised to hold the parties that conducted illegal forced eviction responsible. A few examples of such terms are as follows:

"Demolition and relocation practice must strictly follow the legitimate procedure... to effectively protect the rights of the demolished and relocated, such as the right to know and the right to disagree with the evaluation and arbitration decisions..."283

"...During the demolition and relocation, the demolished and relocated with housing difficulties or other situations should be treated appropriately and included in reasonable and understandable assistance programs, if the existing policies permit; ..."284

"...Regarding the minority in the demolished and relocated who raise unreasonable requests, they should be persuaded patiently and carefully. In addition to proactive communication, they should also be handled with the measures defined by the law and regulations. ..."285

"Except for those cases that have already reached a final decision of forced eviction or demolished by the local government or the court, when the demolisher-relocator and the demolished and relocated do not have an agreement on the compensation and resettlement plans, any work unit or person cannot force a demolition on the houses of the demolished and relocated. ..."286

283 "Guanyu Guance Guowuyuan Banggongting Kongzhi Chengzhen Fangwu Chaiqian Guimo Yange Chaiqian Guanli Wenjian De Tongzhi 关于贯彻国务院办公厅控制城镇房屋拆迁规模严格拆迁管理文件的通知," ed. Beijing shi renmin zhengfu 北京市人民政府 (2004). 284 "Guanyu Zuohao Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo Weihu Shehui Wending De Yijian 关于做好房屋拆迁工作维护社会稳定的意见." 285 Ibid. 286 Ibid.

107

The first example clearly acknowledges the demolished and relocated's right to know and the right to disagree. The second and third example state the guideline of customizing solutions to the cases in which the demolished and relocated have different backgrounds and diversified needs. The last example demonstrates the cautiousness on forced eviction and demolition. At some exceptional times, the practice of forced eviction and demolition is even principally put on a halt for social stability.287 Even though the focus of the listed terms is mainly to maintain social stability, a by-product of these demolition regulations is the recognition of the rights of the demolished and relocated. In addition, these terms have shown a more sympathetic position to the diverse interests of the demolished and relocated.

Besides the changing scope of what an individual of the demolished and relocated could do, another significant trend in the 2000s was the adjustment of the demolition process to background the dominance of the local government and at the same time to foreground the interplays among the demolished and relocated, the demolisher-relocator, the demolition contractor, and the real estate appraisal agency. In the 2000s, the process of demolition practice was generally within the framework set up in the demolition regulations in the 1980s and 1990s. It contained three main stages: planning, approval, and compensation/resettlement. In some cases, two other optional stages: administrative arbitration and forced eviction are also necessary.288 (Figure 3-2) The following part analyzes the role of different actors at different demolition stages.

287 for example, in 2003, during the National Day celebration and the time of the CCP's 3rd plenary session of the 16th central committee, the practice of force eviction was generally ceased. See "Guanyu Guance Luoshi Shi Zhengfu Bangongting Zhuanfa Guowuyuan Bangongting Guanyu Renzhen Zuohao Chengzhen Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo Weihu Shehui Wending Wenjian De Tongzhi Jiangqiang Guoqing Qijian Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo De Jinji Tongzhi 关于贯彻落实市政府办公厅《转发国务院办公厅关于认真做好城镇房屋拆迁工作维护社会稳定文件的通知》加强国庆期间房屋拆迁工作的紧急通知," ed. Beijing shi guotu ziyuan he fangwu guanli ju 北京市国土资源和房屋管理局 (2003). 288 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo Guicheng 城市房屋拆迁工作规程," ed. Guojia jianshe bu 国家建设部 (2005).

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Figure 3-2 Demolition procedures in the 2000s

At the stage of planning, the role of the local government appears more constrained and regulative. the local government was responsible for making the annual demolition plan.289

289 Ibid.

109

However, the drafting of a demolition plan was largely based on the information submitted by the construction units themselves. In the case of Beijing, the Commission of Housing and Urban- rural Development called for demolition projects for the following year at the end of each year, and the construction units submitted their demolition applications to the county and district Committee of Construction. Upon the approval of these projects at the county or district level, the Committee relayed the information of projects to the municipal commission. The municipal commission finally approved these projects and wrote them into the annual demolition plan of the following year.290 In this process, the municipal commission did not plan the direction of demolition projects upfront; instead, the information for plan-making was obtained from bottom to top, and the administrative power of approval was decentralized to the county and district level.

On the contrary, at the stage of planning, the construction unit played a more active role in surveying, contracting, and preparing fund for the possible demolition project. To have the demolition project application approved, the construction unit should provide project permit, construction permit, land use permit, demolition plan, and proof of fund of compensation. In the case of Beijing, urban housing demolition certificate was also one of the required documents. Although most of the required documents were adopted from the standard requirements in the 1990s, the construction unit in the 2000s, in addition, had to specify the real estate appraisal agency and the demolition contractor. In comparison, in the 1990s, the real estate appraisal agency was appointed by the local government. In some cases, for example, the demolition projects sponsored by state-owned fund,291 the appraiser and contract demolisher needed to be decided in the form of bidding, and it was the responsibility of the construction unit to organize the bidding event. In contrast, the local government only had the obligation to remind the

290 "Beijing Shi Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo Zhidao Yijian 北京市房屋拆迁前期工作指导意见," ed. Beijing shi zhufang he chengxiang jianshe weiyuan hui 北京市住房和城乡建设委员会 (2006). Article 1.0.4. 291 "Guanyu Benshi Chaiqian Xiangmu Shixing Zhaotoubiao Guanli De Tongzhi 关于本市拆迁项目实行招投标管理的通知," ed. Beijing shi guotu ziyuan he fangwu guanli ju 北京市国土资源和房屋管理局 (2003).

110 construction unit which projects should apply the bidding regulations to. 292 During the event of bidding, the local government should be present to supervise the procedure.293

At the stage of compensation/resettlement, similar to that in the 1990s, the demolition practice was an interaction based on the agreement between the demolisher-relocator and the demolished and relocated. What is different in the 2000s was that the interaction was mediated by the real estate appraisal agency. Consequently, the compensation/resettlement program was based on the appraisal report produced by the agency.

To ensure a smooth process of compensation/resettlement, the local government played a regulative role at this stage. It would release the information of a list of qualified and reliable appraisal agencies to the public for the demolished and relocated or the demolisher-relocator to choose from.294 It would also regularly publish the market prices for houses of different location, function, and structure for the other demolition actors’ reference.295 For instance, Beijing Municipal Bureau of Land and Resources, the Municipal Bureau of Housing Management, and the Municipal Bureau of Price collectively published the referential location price for the use of calculating the replacement price of single-storeyed houses and Chinese-styled high-rises. The prices differed. For example, houses in Dong Cheng District (东城区) weighed ￥227 RMB/point, the point stands for the smallest unit of weight calculated in the compensation formula.296 In comparison, houses in some remote suburbs weighed less at ￥182 RMB/point.297 The Municipal Commission of Housing and Urban-rural Development also overlooked the standards of the calculation of real estate price. It would circulate calculation guidelines drafted

292 "Beijing Shi Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo Zhidao Yijian 北京市房屋拆迁前期工作指导意见." Article 3.0.2. 293 "Chaiqian Xiangmu Zhaotoubiao Caozuo Guicheng 拆迁项目招投标操作规程," ed. Beijing shi guotu ziyuan he fangwu guanli ju 北京市国土资源和房屋管理局 (2003). 294 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Gujia Zhidao Yijian 城市房屋拆迁估价指导意见," ed. Guojia jianshe bu 国家建设部 (2003). Article 6. 295 Ibid. Article 13. 296 For more about how the points and weight are calculated, see "Guanyu Fabu Beijingshi Fangwu Chongzhi Chengxin Jiage Jishu Biaozhun De Tongzhi 关于发布《北京市房屋重置成新价评估技术标准》的通知," ed. Beijing shi guotu ziyuan he fangwu guanli ju 北京市国土资源和房屋管理局 (2003). 297 Ibid.

111 by professional associations, such as Beijing Association of Real Estate Appraisers and Land Appraisers.298 When disputes over the appraisal reports happened, the local government was in the position to form an expert committee comprised of experienced appraisers, urban planners, and legal experts to review the original appraisal.299 In the case of Beijing, the review procedures involve: 300

• Informing the parties affected by the demolition project

• Reading relevant documents and conducting inspections on site

• Interviewing relevant individuals and making investigation records

• Reviewing and evaluating the materials, methods, variables, and other technical aspects of the appraisal report

• Issuing written evaluation and suggestions

Paralleled with the regulative role of the government, one of the major actors in the preparation of the compensation/resettlement program was the contract real estate appraisal agency. For the agency to be in business, it needed to actively maintain an accurate profile of its certification, director, and credits. During appraisal, the agency had the obligation to keep the process transparent and release the appraisal report by the request of the demolished and relocated. If the appraisal was ongoing, the agency should also set up an office on the demolition site and display the information of its certification, operator, policies, and appraisal procedures to the public. It had the responsibility to answer the questions of and offer consultation to the demolisher- relocator and the demolished and relocated.301 It was the agency that conducts household

298 "Guanyu Pizhuan Beijing Fangdichan Guijiashi He Tudi Gujiashi Xiehui Beijing Shi Chengshi Zhuzhai Fangwu Chaiqian Shichang Pinggu Jishu Fang'an De Tongzhi 关于批转北京房地产估价师和土地估价师协会《北京市城市住宅房屋拆迁市场评估技术方案》的通知," ed. Beijing shi zhufang he chengxiang jianshe weiyuan hui 北京市住房和城乡建设委员会 (2009). 299 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Gujia Zhidao Yijian 城市房屋拆迁估价指导意见." Article 22 to 26. 300 "Beijing Shi Fangwu Chaiqian Pinggu Jishu Jianding Banfa 北京市房屋拆迁评估技术鉴定办法," ed. Beijing shi zhufang he chengxiang jianshe weiyuan hui 北京市住房和城乡建设委员会 (2005). Article 9. 301 "Guanyu Zhuanfa Jianshe Bu Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guijia Zhidao Yijian Jinyibu Zuohao Fangwu Chaiqian Gujia Gongzuo De Tongzhi 关于转发建设部《城市房屋拆迁估价指导意见》进一步做好房屋拆迁估价工作的通知," ed. Beijing shi zhufang he chengxiang jianshe weiyuan hui 北京市住房和城乡建设委员会 (2004).

112 surveys, and the agency was responsible for reporting the survey results to both the demolisher- relocator and the local government. In contrast, the local government only needed to regularly inspect the agency's on-site work to make sure that they operated within the boundaries of the demolition regulations.302

Similar to the role of the real estate appraisal agency, the contract demolisher on the demolishing site, was another active operator on the ground. It was also subject to the local government's regulation. The contract demolisher was the work unit that had a demolition license so that it could legally accept the demolisher-relocator's offers, mobilize the demolished and relocated, collect the signatures for the compensation/resettlement agreement, and physically demolish the affected houses. The local government mainly regulated the contract demolishers' business in three aspects: qualification, training and examination, and penalties.303 In the case of Beijing, the Municipal Bureau of Land Resources and Housing Administration qualified a contracted demolisher by reviewing its registered fund, employees, administrative structure, and designated office site.304 The municipal bureau would also examine the performance of the contracted demolisher by evaluating its contracted projects, especially examine whether the employees worked with the demolished and relocated in a polite and professional way. The municipal bureau's suggestive conduct codes for the contracted demolishers could be as abstract as "follow the socially accepted morals," or as detailed as forbidding the threatening language, such as "We will force you to evict sooner or later" and "You think you have resources and connections? Go and sue me as you wish!"305 Regarding training and examination, the local government was responsible to organize workshops to train the employees of the contracted demolisher on the

302 "Beijing Shi Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo Zhidao Yijian 北京市房屋拆迁前期工作指导意见." 303 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Danwei Guanli Guiding 城市房屋拆迁单位管理规定," ed. Guojia jianshe bu 国家建设部 (2001). Article 5, 14, and 16. 304 "Guanyu Kaizhan Quanmian Qingli Zhengdun Chaiqian Shichang Zhixu Gongzuo De Tongzhi 关于开展全面清理整顿拆迁市场秩序工作的通知," ed. Beijing shi guotu ziyuan he fangwu guanli ju 北京市国土资源和房屋管理局 (2003). 305 Ibid. "Guanyu Yinfa Beijing Shi Fangwu Chaiqian Danwei Gongzuo Shouze He Chaiqian Gongzuo Wenming Yongyu De Tongzhi 关于印发《北京市房屋拆迁单位工作守则》和《拆迁工作文明用语》的通知," ed. Beijing shi zhufang he chengxiang jianshe weiyuan hui 北京市住房和城乡建设委员会 (2005).

113 topics of demolition and relocation laws, by-laws, and other policies.306 If the contracted demolisher violated any of the regulations, the local government was in the position to give administrative penalties to the contracted demolisher. The penalties included public alert, revocation of the license, confiscation of the illegal profits, and fine.307

In the compensation/resettlement stage, in the relationship with real estate appraisal agencies and contracted demolishers, the local government primarily functioned as a regulator, checking if the demolition operators had a valid license, well-trained employees, adequate fund, designated office, and many other qualifications that the operators needed to meet to be in practice.308 This regulative role of the government is an outcome of the local state’s intention to withdraw from the demolition practice on the ground, an withdrawal that reverses what had been encouraged in the practice of comprehensive development in the 1990s. In the case of Beijing, such intention is represented by the policy of tuogou gaizhi (脱钩改制), literally off the hook and reform the institution. Tuogou refers to disassociate real estate appraisal agencies and contracted demolishers from the government departments that they were previously affiliated with. The disassociation should be thorough in terms of personnel, finance, business, and even company titles. Meanwhile, gaizhi requires that these appraisal agencies and contract demolishers restructure from semi-official branches into independent enterprises. No matter whether the restructured organization was for profit or non-profit, it needed to be without any formal governmental ties.309

With the withdrawal of the local government in the practice of on-site appraisal and demolishing, the demolished and relocated appeared to be one step closer to be on the equal footing with the

306 "Guanyu Ge Qu Xian Guotu Fangguan Ju Zuzhi Chaiqian Shanggang Renyuan Fazhi Jiaoyu He Chaiqian Yewu Peixu De Tongzhi 关于各区县国土房管局组织拆迁上岗人员法制教育和拆迁业务培训的通知," ed. Beijing shi zhufang yu chengxiang jianshe weiyuan hui 北京市住房与城乡建设委员会 (2005). 307 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Danwei Guanli Guiding 城市房屋拆迁单位管理规定." Article 16. 308 "Guanyu Kaizhan Quanshi Chaiqian Gongzuo Zhuanxiang Jiancha De Tongzhi 关于开展全市拆迁工作专项检查的通知," ed. Beijing shi zhufang he chengxiang jianshe weiyuan hui 北京市住房和城乡建设委员会 (2004). 309 "Guanyu Jiakuai Tuijin Ge Qu Xian Guotu Fangguan Ju Suoshu Chaiqian He Pinggu Danwei Tuogou Gaizhi Gongzuo De Yijian 关于加快推进各区、县国土房管局所属拆迁和评估单位脱钩改制工作的意见," ed. Beijing shi guotu ziyuan he fangwu guanli ju 北京市国土资源和房屋管理局 (2004).

114 demolisher-relocator. For instance, if the demolished and relocated were not satisfied with the appraisal result, they could bring up the dispute to the local government and apply for a re- appraisal or appeal to the expert committee.310 If the demolished and relocated experienced violence, verbal threats, or uninformed water and electricity outage from the demolisher for the purpose of forcing the demolished and relocated to evict, they could report the incident to the local government, and the demolisher would get administrative penalty.311 Without the government affiliation, the appraisal agency and contract demolisher were institutionally no longer in coalition with the local government. This has created the possible conditions for the demolished and relocated to side with the local government to seek for their rightful interest.

Compared with the 1990s, the 2000s saw a little more space for the demolished and relocated to voice their interests and pursue them in a legal framework in-making. Besides the evidence in the demolition regulations discussed before, the demolished and relocated appeared to be able to achieve more in pre-project hearings, recognition of property rights, and arbitration.

About pre-project hearings, the demolition regulations, for example, stated that "in the demolition projects that cover a large space of land and influence a large number of residents, the demolition administrative department should organize public hearings to listen to the opinions of the demolished and relocated before issuing the demolition permit."312 This regulation ensures that before the demolition project, the demolished and relocated have formal and adequate opportunities to express their needs, concerns, and possible problems. As regulated, the public hearings should focus on the demolition plan and the compensation program. The feedback from

310 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例," ed. Guowuyuan 国务院 (2001). Article 24. "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法," ed. Beijing shi renmin zhengfu 北京市人民政府 (2001). Article 23. "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Gujia Zhidao Yijian 城市房屋拆迁估价指导意见." Article 19 to 22. "Guanyu Jinyibu Zuohao Benshi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Anzhi He Buchang Gongzuo De Ruogan Yijian 关于进一步做好本市城市房屋拆迁安置和补偿工作的若干意见," ed. Beijing shi zhufang he chengxiang jianshe weiyuan hui 北京市住房和城乡建设委员会 (2009). Article 8. 311 "Guanyu Jiaqing Chaiqian Xianchang Fangwu Chaichu Shigong Guanli De Tongzhi 关于加强拆迁现场房屋拆除施工管理的通知," ed. Beijing shi zhufang he chengxiang jianshe weiyuan hui 北京市住房和城乡建设委员会 (2005). "Beijing Shi Fangwu Chaiqian Xianchang Guanli Banfa 北京市房屋拆迁现场管理办法," ed. Beijing shi zhufang he chengxiang jianshe weiyuan hui 北京市住房和城乡建设委员会 (2006). 312 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo Guicheng 城市房屋拆迁工作规程." Article 8.

115 the demolished and relocated would be used as important reference in the consideration of issuing a demolition permit.313

Regarding property rights, like previous demolition regulations, the 2001 “Urban Housing Demolition Regulations” regulated that when the ownership of a demolition house was unclear or undefined, the demolisher should offer compensations as usual and report it to the local government.314 In Beijing municipal regulations, besides those demolition houses with unclear ownership, a variety of ownership forms were acknowledged. The regulations further attempted to customize the compensation program for each of the different forms. Those ownerships, for example, included standard rental houses (标准租),315 buy-out public houses (已购公房),316 and public rental houses.317 Differentiating various forms of ownership in demolition houses would make sure that house owners and renters could enrol in a compensation program that more closely reflects their housing and financial situation. Therefore, the rights of the demolished and relocated could be protected.

Lastly, in arbitration, the release of regulations, such as “Regulations on the Urban Housing Demolition Arbitration Process,” legally ensured that the demolished and relocated that meet the criteria set up in the regulations could have a formal channel to resolve some of the demolition disputes. As stated in Article 2, “Regulations on the Urban Housing Demolition Arbitration Process,” “on the issues of moving dates, compensation methods, compensation criteria, relocation methods, and transition time, if the demolisher-relocator and the demolished and relocated cannot reach an agreement on their own, the relevant parties can apply for administrative arbitration.” 318

313 Ibid. Article 6. 314 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Tiaoli 城市房屋拆迁管理条例." Article 29. 315 Standard rental houses are houses that were rented at a state regulated, standard, and oftentimes low rate from the 1950s to approximately the early 1980s. 316 The buy-out public houses are state-owned houses that were bought by the sitting tenants at a subsided rate during the housing reform in the 1980s and 1990s. 317 "Beijing Shi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Guanli Banfa 北京市城市房屋拆迁管理办法." Article 26-30. 318 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Xingzheng Caijue Gongzuo Guicheng 城市房屋拆迁行政裁决工作规程," ed. Guojia Jianshe Bu 国家建设部 (2003).

116

However, from the perspective of the demolished and relocated, the recoginition of their rights outlined in the 2000s regulations were still limited. For instance, as for pre-project hearings, only those projects that were large enough needed to go through the hearing process. In the case of Beijing, in 2004, only those projects in which over 40% of the demolished and relocated households did not agree on the demolisher-relocator’s compensation program should hold public hearings.319 In 2006, the line was redrawn at 500 households. It meant that only the projects that affected more than 500 households should hold public hearings.320 These benchmarks exclude projects that have problematic compensation programs that affect fewer percentage of the households (e.g. less than 40%) and projects that are controversial but affect less households (e.g. less than 500 households). The households in those excluded projects would have no chance before the project to discuss the projects and examine the demolition plans. They would have no formal ways to make their opinions valued in the decision-making process of the demolition planning, let alone to prevent the projects that impinge upon their rights from launching. Another example of the constraints lies in arbitration. The “Regulations on the Urban Housing Demolition Arbitration Process” (2003) clearly stated that the demolition permits that had already been issued cannot be challenged in the arbitration process. It also stated that those cases in which the houses had already been physically demolished cannot be allowed into the arbitration process.321 These prerequisites for applying for arbitration do not provide enough protection for the demolished and relocated whose interest had already been compromised. For instance, the demolished and relocated whose houses were already illegally demolished or whose houses were covered by an illegally obtained demolition permit.

• Conclusion

This chapter starts with the literary imagination of the resident-urban relation in a metaphor, the city tank, offered by a novel depicting migrant artists’ opportunities but mainly struggles in the

319 "Guanyu Benshi Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Caijue Youguan Wenti De Buchong Tongzhi 关于本市城市房屋拆迁裁决有关问题的补充通知," ed. Beijing shi guotu ziyuan he fangwu guanli ju 北京市国土资源和房屋管理局 (2003). 320 "Beijing Shi Fangwu Chaiqian Gongzuo Zhidao Yijian 北京市房屋拆迁前期工作指导意见." 321 "Chengshi Fangwu Chaiqian Xingzheng Caijue Gongzuo Guicheng 城市房屋拆迁行政裁决工作规程." Article 6 and 7.

117 capital Beijing. In this metaphor, the city is imagined as a fast, powerful, and indifferent mechanic system. On the one hand, it is so magical to produce hopes, dreams, and fortune, but on the other, it also churns out shattered ambitions and misfortune. The protagonist Zhu Wen, the tragic figure Cui Zhan who attempted so hard to connect to the alleyways and courtyard houses of Beijing, and many more other struggling artists, their initial optimism and then disillusion of the city reveals that the urban machine is a predatory tank. It is fed on the residents’ dreams and hopes and in return wears out their optimism and patience. In this sense, the metaphor city tank outlines a devastating relation, in which the urban machine is aggressive and overwhelming, whereas the residents are hopeless and helpless.

This metaphor provides a framework to reread the imagination of resident-urban relation in the policy and legal writing in the context of disappearing alleyways and courtyard houses. If there is a possibility that the resident-urban relation could be antagonistic and conflicting as captured by the literary imagination of a city tank, could it be the same case in the policy and legal depiction? Could this difficult relation be part of the explanation why the alleyway and courtyard house users feel it very hard to build a lasting connection with the land and houses that they want to cherish?

This chapter tries to approach these questions in three different aspects, namely the residents in the writing on land system, the housing system, and the demolition system. The writing on land and housing before the 1980s outlines a mainly state-owned system. In this system, the residents are highly dependent on the nominal owner of urban land and housing, the state, and the functional representatives, the local government and the work unit, to access land and housing as welfare benefits. How much land and how many square meters of the house are determined by a series of criteria formed by one’s age, working experience, position, education, marital status, and many other factors. When the state-owned land and housing system started to change in the 1980s, in the policy and legal writing, the land use right became leasable, and the housing turned into commodities. The resident’s relation to land and housing transformed into a product of rational decisions based on income, financial resources, supplies of commodities, and one’s consumption habits. In terms of land, in the 1990s and the 2000s, the policy and legal writing has gradually structured a leasehold system that the resident only enjoys 70 years of land use right for residential uses of land. Moreover, in this system, the state as the owner of all the urban land reserves and oftentimes exercises the right to expropriate residential land for other uses even

118 within the 70 years of lease period granted to the resident. In the case of expropriation, residential houses on the expropriated land could be evaluated as commodities and bought out, then torn down for the new development. Practice in this category is regulated by the writing on demolition that also documented a system in transformation over time. In the welfare land and housing system, the resident has very little say in the demolition system. The options for the residents are only when to move out and where to relocate. With the re-emergence of leasable land use rights and commodity housing, the resident’s rights have received increasing attention. During the transitional period from the 1990s to the early 2000s when many construction units and demolishing companies were government-sponsored or government-affiliated, the resident’s rights were hugely jeopardized by forced eviction, demolition, and relocation. In this situation, the contract of compensation and resettlement became an important battle ground for the resident to negotiate favorable terms with the demolisher-relocator. However, if the negotiation process did not yield any results, the resident in some cases would put up extreme protest at the expense of one’s own live and safety. These tragic incidents urged a change in the description of demolition in policy and legal writing in the 2000s. Even though the resident has gained ground in public hearings and administrative arbitration, lack of a say in the planning process of a demolition project and exclusion from arbitration in the most controversial cases have still very much restrained the realization of the resident’s rights.

The policy and legal writing on land, housing, and demolition from the 1980s to the present has recorded the changes in the urban system and more importantly structured the resident’s relation to the changing urban system. A rereading of the resident-urban relation in the writing as presented in this chapter demonstrates that there are moments that the system is intended to take care of the resident’s land and housing needs and there are also episodes of conflicts and confrontations between the urban land owner and the land use right holder, between a commodity housing owner and the construction unit, and between the demolished-relocated and the demolisher-relocator. What the metaphor city tank offers is a quite unique lens to focus on the conflicts and confrontations and zoom in on the resident-urban relation from that perspective.

Imagine that you are a courtyard house owner or user who intends to put down your roots in the vernacular space of alleyways and courtyard houses, how could you navigate your way through the urban system of land, housing, and demolition? Knowing that the urban system framed in the policy and legal writing is not always for your benefit and interest, and sometimes, it could be

119 even very hostile and lethal as an armed tank between you and your goal, what decisions would you make at those critical moments, such as public hearings, negotiation of compensation contract, interacting with the contract demolisher and appraisal agencies, or even forced demolition? How would you react knowing that a very possible demolition would totally work against your settlement in the vernacular architectural space, as described in the policy and legal pieces of writing?

The metaphor of a city tank may be a very cautious alert.

120

Urban Organism: Organic Renewal and the Alternative Politics

This chapter discusses how the regeneration of Beijing alleyways and courtyard houses is imagined in planning writing. Focusing on a specific planning idea, organic renewal, which is rooted in the metaphorical understanding of a city as a living organism, this chapter traces the evolvement of the idea and its related practice. Moreover, this chapter analyzes the tensions implicit and explicit in the development of the idea and the changing practices along with it. By doing so, this chapter intends to answer the questions: how could a city be understood as a living organism? What influence does this understanding have on the disappearance and regeneration of vernacular space? With the wholesale pattern of regenerating vernacular space in the background, does the idea and practice of organic renewal offer alternative politics in regenerating alleyways and courtyard houses?

This chapter mainly uses the planning writing on organic renewal published between 1989 and 2014 as primary texts. The planning writing is retrieved from the China National Knowledge Infrastructure, one of the largest online full-text academic database of Chinese scholarship, which among many other subjects, indexes almost all pieces of writing on organic renewal from the early days of the emergence of the idea to the very present. The temporal ending point 2014 reflects the time when the main body of this chapter was drafted. Specifically, this chapter investigates the planning writing by senior and junior planning professionals from Tsinghua University and the planning writing that deals with the renewal cases of alleyway and courtyard house in Beijing. To place one focus on the planning writing of Tsinghua professionals is because an initial overview of the data from the China National Knowledge Infrastructure shows a larger number of publications from Tsinghua than other research institutes. A deeper reading into the planning writing also reveals that the first few advocates of organic renewal are either Tsinghua faculty or Tsinghua trained planners, and the exploration of organic renewal plays a part in the school’s education.322 To place another focus on the planning writing on Beijing cases

322 For more about faculty members at Tsinghua School of Architecture and their connections with organic renewal, see their profiles at "Profiles of Faculty Members, School of Architecture, Tsinghua University," http://www.arch.tsinghua.edu.cn/chs/data/shizi/.

121 is because this thesis has a theme on the disappearance of Beijing alleyways and courtyard houses. The geographical focal points coincide.

The chapter are divided into four main sections. The first section focuses on Liangyong Wu’s formalist organic renewal and the planner-architect model to outline the early days of organic renewal. The second section discusses Ke Fang’s complex organic renewal and the user-oriented model as an evolvement inspired by the theory of complexity. The third section investigates the subsequent interpretative organic renewal and various technic improvements of regeneration models. The fourth section discusses the potential divergence in the development of organic renewal on the role of individuals in the regeneration projects. This part also further reveals the possible alternative politics implicit in organic renewal.

Studying planning writing on organic renewal, this chapter intends to provide a brief history of the evolvement of organic renewal and a critical reflection on the idea and practice’s role in regenerating alleyways and courtyard houses. In brief, this chapter has the following findings. First, organic renewal has so far developed through three stages, the formalist, the complex, and the interpretive ones. Second, different understandings of what is organic about a city have inspired changing models of regeneration that empower planners, communities, and collaborative bodies of actors respectively. Third, the divergence on the individual’s role creates the room for potential conflicts between a planner’s vision and a community’s need. The divergence and possible conflicts may be the roots of alternative politics that decide whether organic renewal is successful in preserving the vernacular space.

• Formalist organic renewal and the planner-architect model

The idea of organic renewal was initiated in the research of the planning of Shichahai (什刹海) in 1979 and realized in the two phases of Ju Er Hutong (菊儿胡同) renewal project, 1989-1993. Shichahai is located in the North of the inner city of Beijing, and Ju Er Hutong is to the East of Shichahai. Both are neighborhoods of alleyways and courtyard houses. At this stage, what was organic about the regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses was mainly understood as the continuation of the formalist features of traditional Chinese city building. Accordingly, the planner-architect was supposed to play a central role in facilitating the continual line of formalist development in renewal practices.

122

Shichahai and Ju Er Hutong projects were both led by Liangyong Wu, “China’s most influential architect and urban planner” at the present.323 Wu was born in 1922, graduated from the National Central University in Chongqing in 1944, and gained a Master’s degree in Architectural and Urban Design from the Cranbrook Academy of Art, in Bloomfield Hills, Michigan, 1949.324 At the time of the Shichahai and Ju Er Hutong projects, Wu was the former Chair of the Department of Architecture, Tsinghua University.325 He was also the founder of the Institute of Architectural and Urban Studies at Tsinghua. His major publications till the time of the renewal projects discussed in this chapter included Urban and Rural Planning (1960),326 An Outline of the

Ancient Chinese Urban History (1986),327 The General Theory of Architecture (1990),328 and

The Old City of Beijing and Its Ju Er Hutong Neighborhood (1994).329

For the theme of this dissertation, alleyways and courtyard houses, and the topic in this chapter, organic renewal, the following discussion of formalist organic renewal is mainly based on the Ju Er Hutong project, the first case in practice that was called organic renewal, and Wu’s writing about it. Ju Er Hutong is an ancient neighborhood in the Northern part of the inner city of Beijing. Its history could be dated back to Yuan Dynasty around the middle to the late thirteenth century. Till the late 1980s, the eight-hectare area in Wu’s renewal project still preserved the courtyard house system and the fish-bone pattern of streets from the past dynasties. However, hundreds years of repairs and redevelopment resulted in crammed new functions in the alleyways and courtyard houses. Moreover, the buildings were dilapidated, and the courtyard system was buried by rudimentary and temporary add-on constructions. In addition, the narrow

323 Ian Johnson, "China’s Fog Weighs Heavily on Shoulders of Its Premier Architect," The New York Times, 2015/02/06/ 2015. 324 "Liangyong Wu Profile," http://www.arch.tsinghua.edu.cn/chs/data/shizi/. 325 Hao Wu, "Yidai Jianzhu Dashi Wu Liangyong Zhuyao Gongxin Yu Chengjiu 一代建筑大师吴良镛主要贡献与成就," http://news.sciencenet.cn/htmlnews/2012/2/260010.shtm. 326 Liangyong 吴良镛 Wu, Chengxiang Guihua 城乡规划 (Beijing: Zhongguo jianzhu gongye chubanshe 1961). 327 Liangyong Wu, A Brief History of Ancient Chinese City Planning (Kassel: Gesamthochschulbibliothek, 1986). 328 Liangyong 吴良镛 Wu, Guangyi Jianzhuxue 广义建筑学 (Taipei: Dijing Chubanshe, 1992). 329 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong.

123 alleyways from two to five meters in width were not compatible with the contemporary transportation requirements, for example, the two-way traffics of cars.

In regenerating Ju Er Hutong, Wu and his team aimed to address the community’s urgent needs of functional upgrade of the buildings and the planner-architect’s cultural desire to maintain the heritage look of the alleyways and courtyard houses that were passed down from the Yuan Dynasty. Upon the completion of the first phase of the project, the new courtyard house complex (四合楼, thereafter si he lou) that Wu customarily designed was awarded the gold medal of architectural excellence by the Architects Regional Council Asia (1992). The whole project was also acknowledged by the World Habitat Award (1992) for its financial and planning innovation.

Writing about Ju Er Hutong project, Wu first described the idea of organic renewal metaphorically:

A city is an organic vehicle for millions of people’s life and work. The cells that form the urban organs metabolize incessantly. Some last longer for their strong architectural material and structure. Some wear out easily because of their relatively crude material and structure. Urban cells are regenerating in a non- stoppable manner, which is a general law. Take housing for instance, we always maintain and repair houses that are in an overall good condition, but gradually eliminate the dilapidated, substituting new houses.330

In this passage, Wu compares a city to an organic entity, and the original Chinese term that he used is you ji.331 You ji in the Chinese language carries two clusters of meanings. One is in the sense of chemistry that refers to hydrocarbons and any variants of hydrocarbons, which are usually from petroleum, natural gas, and coal tar.332 The other meaning of you ji is in the sense of biology or life science. It refers to all the biological beings that have life, commonly including

330 Ibid., 63. 331 Ibid. 332 See “you ji wu”, Ci Hai, ed. Zhengnong Xia and hui Ci hai bian ji wei yuan (Shanghai: Shanghai ci shu chu ban she, 2002). 185

124 humans, animals, and plants.333 You ji in the biological sense demonstrates two characteristics. First, regarding the composition of the entities, they are based on proteins and nucleic acids. Second, these materials combined together and through metabolism could demonstrate symptoms of life, for instance, growth, reproduction, propagation, and mutation.334 According to the context, by you ji, Wu means the latter, the biological sense, which corresponds to the later discussions of “cells” and regeneration in the same paragraph.

Comparing a city to an organic entity is not Wu’s own invention. In the 1950s, the modernist master architect Frank Lloyd Wright (1867–1959) started to use the concept “organic architecture”,335 and in some of his works, Wright used concrete cantilever to create the impression of a natural, tree-like form to make not only the ornament but also the structure of a building resembles the forms from nature, thus appearing to be more organic.336 In the 1960s and 1970s, the idea of urban metabolism originated in Japan was also very popular in the international architectural circle because it envisioned a peaceful unity between cities and nature, a unity “like a single living organism”.337 More directly, Wu quoted the Finnish architect Eliel Saarinen (1873-1950) as an inspiration for his planning principle of organic order. Saarinen’s organic principle emphasizes the organic order of architecture, which he believed to be the reason that a “town or city can be healthy”.338 Without the organic order, for instance, a tightly compact city core or confused urban zones, would cause slums to spread, as if cancerous tissues would spread over a living body.339 Wu also quoted urban historian Lewis Mumford (1895-

1990),340 urban critic Jane Jacobs (1916-2006),341 and architect and design theorist Christopher

333 See “you ji ti”, ibid. 1408. 334 Ibid. 335 Frank Lloyd Wright, The Natural House (New York: Bramhall House, 1984). 3 336 Kenneth Frampton, Modern Architecture: A Critical History, vol. 4 (Thames and Hudson London, 1980). 188 337 Meike Schalk, "The Architecture of Metabolism. Inventing a Culture of Resilience," Arts 3, no. 2 (2014). 338 Eliel Saarinen, City, Its Growth, Its Decay, Its Future (New York: Reinhold Pub. Corp, 1943). 18 339 Ibid. 15 340 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong. Chapter 2 341 Ibid. Chapter 5

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Alexander (1936-)342 to support his theory of organic renewal. The relations among them will be discussed more in the later part of this chapter.

In the quoted passage that this part starts with, in the framework that a city and its development could be understood as a living organism, Wu specifically compared architecture to the urban cell and equated the deterioration of architectural features with the aging and dying of a cell. Quoting the example of housing, he further compared the renewal of houses to the regeneration of cells. On the one hand, Wu associated the existence of non-organic constructions with the life and death of cells, emphasizing the independence of (dis)continuation of urban architecture, free from human intervention. On the other hand, he stressed human agency in the maintenance and renewal of architecture, considering human intervention an important part of the organic regeneration of urban cells.

To clarify the confusion regarding the role of human intervention, Wu designed a working model in which the planner-architect holds a central position to discover and follow the organic path of the urban transformation. In other words, Wu thought that the development of urban spatial forms had its own logic that was independent of human intervention, and the agency of the planner-architect should be exercised to reveal and realize the rule both at present and in further urban development.

In the practice of Ju Er Hutong project, Wu himself is the planner-architect. He located the organic path in the morphology of Chinese classic and vernacular architecture and city planning. Before the official launch of Ju Er Hutong project in 1989, Wu had studied the components and compositions of Chinese city planning and architectural design for a decade through the research projects, for example, the Shichahai renewal. Analyzing the Chinese traditional urban space, he differentiated six levels of spatial forms: room, building, courtyard house, neighborhood, large neighborhood, and city. (Figure 4-1) These forms are ordered from the simplest to the more complicated.343 For instance, a room is a relatively small unit in a building, yet it contains furniture, decoration, and other details to complete the space within it. One level up is a building,

342 Ibid. Chapter 5 343 Ibid.

126 as several rooms could function as the basics to arrange the space in a building that contains a number of rooms. One level higher from the building is the courtyard house. Usually, four buildings oriented toward four different directions and surrounding a courtyard could form a single-courtyard house unit. Examples of courtyard house unit that enclose more than one courtyards and sprawl over large hectares of land also exist in Chinese history. For instance, the royal palace, the official’s residence, and the wealthy businessman’s house. These multi- courtyard houses essentially are formed by single-courtyard house units. In Figure 4-1, the very abstract example of the courtyard house level that is given by Wu is a multi-courtyard house with three single-courtyard house unit placed in an “L” shape that is rotated clockwise for 180 degrees. Single-courtyard houses and multi-courtyard houses combined together form the level above the courtyards. That is a neighborhood. Along the same line of combination, several neighborhoods compose a bigger neighborhood with larger population, and different sizes of neighborhoods clustering together and connected by side streets and main roads finally create a city. Therefore, the highest two levels of urban forms in Wu’s analysis are larger neighborhoods and cities.

In the six-level system of room, building, courtyard house, neighborhood, large neighborhood, and city, Wu elaborated the basic spatial forms on each level. More importantly, he emphasized the combination of forms on the same level and the flexible uses of forms across the levels to

Figure 4-1 Six levels of Chinese urban forms344

344 Ibid.

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128 create modules of design. For instance, single-courtyard house is one of the basic forms on the level of courtyard house. It is a combination of buildings from the lower level. As a separable component, single-courtyard house also has the ability to be assembled into multi-courtyard houses, and further into neighborhoods, large neighborhoods, and eventually cities. In this sense, the basic spatial form of each level can be viewed as a module that is convertible, removable, combinable, and interchangeable for variant assemblage of different functional and design purposes.

For Wu, the transformation from a room to a city is not a mechanic process of addition and deduction but an evolution from cells to a complex organ. Therefore, he attributed the organic nature of a Chinese city to the traditional urban spatial forms, especially to the forms’ modularity and flexibility and the various functions made possible by them.

Wu’s focus on Chinese architecture and city planning has its parallel in his predecessor Liang Sicheng. In the 1950s, Liang was the celebrity architectural historian and theorist in China. He was also a passionate advocate for the integrated preservation of the city of Beijing. Wu worked with Liang to found the department of architecture at Tsinghua University, and then took the position of the chair of the department after him. Wu is a follower of Liang’s preservationist thinking. When commenting on the planning of the city of Beijing, Wu quoted Liang’s evaluation that “Beijing was the incomparable achievement in urban planning”.345 He also quoted Liang and endorsed his idea of integrated preservation that to preserve the city of Beijing is to “protect individual palaces, halls, and towers but also to protect the surrounding environment”.346 Liang’s idea offered values for Wu’s study of the Chinese classic architecture and city planning in the context of Beijing.

Wu’s understanding of Chinese architecture and its relation to city planning echoes with later theoretical inquiries into Chinese art in general. For example, in the late 1990s, the German art historian, Lothar Ledderose, when discussing the Chinese timbre-frame architecture, along with other forms of Chinese art, for instance, script, bronze vessels, funerary sculpture, and porcelain,

345 Ibid. 5 346 Ibid. 7

129 also pointed out that modular production is within all variety of Chinese art forms.347 Ledderose argued that in traditional China, standard elements were frequently brought together to form a module. These modules were then combined to form a unit. The units then form a series, then many series are finally linked to create a modular mass.348 In Wu’s context, the standard elements are the components on each level of the six-level system. Modules and units are the components on the higher levels of the system, for instance, buildings and courtyard houses. Series are those even larger components on even higher levels—neighborhoods and cities. On the highest level in the system, the city itself is also a modular mass that contains several variants of units and a number of linked series. Viewing the creation process of timbre-frame architecture from the modular mass’ perspective, Ledderose made a similar point to Wu that the creation of architecture does not resemble the existing forms in the nature (mimesis) but create along the principles of nature—variation, mutation, and change—thus to produce organisms.349

In the design and planning of the Ju Er Hutong project, Wu and his team focused on the forms on the level of courtyard house in the six-level system. They came up with the design of si he lou.350 Si he lou is a regenerated module of the classic courtyard houses (Figure 4-2). It keeps the central courtyard to protect trees on site but upgrades the typical one-story houses into two to three stories. More stories efficiently increase the floor area ratio to improve the floor space per capita. The height difference between two-stories houses and three-stories ones in one courtyard unit creates more outdoor space – for example, garden terraces on the third floor that make use of the roof top of the second floor. Besides the number of stories, si he lou also modified the roof slope, which not only creates attic space but, to some extent, also imitates the typical courtyard house roof.

Turning to the forms on the level of neighborhood, Wu and his team faced the problem of facilitating the human, bike, and automobile traffics among a number of si he lou. The solution

347 Lothar Ledderose, Ten Thousand Things : Module and Mass Production in Chinese Art (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2000). 348 Ibid. 349 Ibid. 7 350 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong.

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Figure 4-2 Si he lou351

351 Ibid.

131 that Wu and his team adopted was the use of mid-lanes (jia dao).352 This idea originated from the alleyways between two paralleled palaces in ancient Chinese cities. Wu inserted mid-lanes to separate groups of si he lou in rows (Figure 4-3). The modification not only reproduces the street pattern of older times but also creates wider roads intended for pedestrians, cars, ambulances, and fire engines.

Based on the module of si he lou and the module of mid-lane connected neighborhoods, the Ju Er Hutong renewal consequently applied seven variations of si he lou patterns, among which six were residential forms and one was a factory. The flexibility of these modules to house industrial functions, for Wu and his team, also demonstrates the advantage of following the organic path to combine, adapt, and vary.

The Ju Er Hutong project exemplifies at least three essential steps in the practice of organic renewal, and each step is highly demanding for the planner-architect. The first step is preparative. At this phase, the planner-architect is required to accurately induce the aesthetics of urban spatial forms, which later functions as the principle of organic path in the design and planning. The second step is to establish a module that is not only representative of the organic development of the aesthetics but also suitable for contemporary use. In the case of Ju Er Hutong, it calls for the designer’s professional skills to transform the typical courtyard house to si he lou in order to practically solve the problem of the floor area ration, ventilation, natural lighting, and privacy. The third step is the application of the module and combination of modules on a large scale to form a neighborhood. At this phase, the planner-architect’s task is to consider issues such as different uses of land, community building, sense of security, and preservation of the local social structure comprehensively. In this sense, the agency of the planner-architect – especially regarding his or her aesthetic and formalist sensitivity, professional techniques, and ethical involvement – is vital to the practice of organic renewal.

352 Ibid.

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Figure 4-3 Illustration of the pattern of the mid-lane and courtyards353

The crucial role of the planner-architect is even more discernible in the relations among the various parties, namely the government, the developer, and the community, involved in a renewal project. (Figure 4-4) For the government, the planner-architect is a consultant; for the developer, they form the acting planning and designing team; and for the community, the planner-architect offers assistance to articulate their needs and also suggests solutions to their problems. The importance of planner-architects, on the one hand, lies in their central role in mediating and reconciling the requirements and expectations of all the three parties. On the other

353 This illustration is a reproduction of Liangyong Wu’s own illustration. Ibid.

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Figure 4-4 The planner-architect centered working model354

354 Ibid.

134 hand, their significance depends on their making the “correct”355 decisions out of the varied requirements and expectations of the three parties. “Correctness” here is based on negotiation and professional reasoning that accommodate the continuity of architectural and planning forms.

In this planner-architect organic renewal model, does the community play a role? Is it considered by Wu part of the urban organism? The community’s role in the Ju Er Hutong project was mediated through the planner-architect. To be specific, the community’s needs were represented by the results of the pre-project surveys. Similarly, the community’s experience of si he lou and the mid-lanes as direct users were also represented by the outcome of the after-project surveys. For the Ju Er Hutong project, the pre-project survey was designed to examine the community’s current housing condition and provide a basis for the following regeneration. It collected information on demography, housing condition, living standards, user’s behavioral pattern, and user’s expectation of the regeneration. According to the results of the survey, the community’s voice outstood on two aspects. First, satisfaction with the current housing condition. None of the community member was satisfied with the current condition. Moreover, 62 percent of the members in the survey described it as “unbearable”.356 Second, privacy. The survey demonstrated that the interpersonal relation was relatively close in the original community. Within the surveyed courtyard compound, residents knew each other’s names, occupations, the schools that the kids went to, the frequent guests of some households, and even the frictions among members of other households. However, the closeness was a result of overcrowdedness and lack of enough private space. When asked “would you prefer a smaller private open space (e.g. yard, patio, etc.) or a larger communal yard”,357 100 percent of the surveyed residents chose a smaller private open space. A year after the completion of the first phase of Ju Er Hutong regeneration, the planner-architect conducted another survey to study the user’s experience in the newly-designed si he lou and mid-lanes. Compared with the previous community opinions on housing condition and privacy, the after-project survey showed that none of the residents now felt the courtyards were overcrowded. 80 percent of the surveyed residents thought si he lou was

355 Ibid., 183. 356 Ibid. Chapter 8 357 Ibid.

135 a safe environment. 67 percent felt that si he lou was quiet. 70 percent shared that “they closed the curtains only at night”.358 The community’s changed perception about living in courtyards was a proof that the organic renewal of Ju Er Hutong did improve the satisfaction and privacy of the residents. Moreover, the after-project survey found out that the regeneration project itself became a community activity that linked the residents together, and the layout of communal courtyards also increased the interactions among neighbors. Therefore, the planner-architect concluded that the first phase of the Ju Er Hutong project, to some extent, helped to cultivate a sense of neighborhood that the original and new residents could relate to.359 Even though Wu himself did not directly define the community’s role in organic renewal and the urban organism, the results of the pre-project and after-project surveys implied that the planner-architect model regards the community’s needs for adequate living space, privacy, and a sense of neighborhood as an important component in regenerating alleyways and courtyard houses.

In summary, at the initial stage of the development of organic renewal, the idea centered on the continuation of the level of spatial forms of traditional Chinese city building in planning and architectural style. In practice, as Wu and his team interpreted, in order to organically renew the alleyways and courtyard houses as a major part of the city of Beijing, they needed to apply the si he lou modules and combine the modules to suit the present use of the space. Focusing on forms, Wu’s organic renewal views the planner-architects as the guardian of the organic continuation of the architectural and planning style. They become the empowered professionals, holding the central position in both the design process and construction practice.

• Complex organic renewal and the user-oriented model

Following Wu Liangyong’s idea of organic renewal and the iconic Ju Er Hutong project in the early 1990s, the rest of the 1990s witnessed a rise of smaller-scale renewal projects initiated by courtyard house owners themselves. At this stage, what was regarded as organic about the city was the residents’ interaction, participation, and self-determination. Viewing residents as the individual agents in a complex urban system, the idea of complex organic renewal empowers

358 Ibid. 359 Ibid.

136 residents and users rather than the planner-architect who holds the key to architectural and planning forms.

A representative advocate for the idea of complex organic renewal is Ke Fang. Ke Fang was Liangyong Wu’s doctoral student at Tsinghua University, 1994-1999. He has also been trained at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in a special program for urban and regional studies, 2000-2001. After school and professional training, Ke Fang’s career focuses on global developmental projects initiated by the World Bank in South Asian and Southeast Asian countries. He worked for the bank as urban transport specialist from 2007 to 2015. At present, Ke Fang holds a position of manager at the Investment Operations Department in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, specializing in project management and project pipeline management.360

The idea of complex organic renewal was studied and elaborated in Ke Fang’s doctoral project on the suitable way to organically renew the residential districts in the old city of Beijing.361 The main arguments and data of this project were published in a monograph titled The Renewal of the Old City of Contemporary Beijing (2000).362 The following part on complex organic renewal is mainly based on the writing resulted from Ke Fang’s doctoral project and the later publication.

Ke Fang reframed organic renewal with the theories of complexity. More specifically, the city “organism” is reinterpreted as a complex system that is diversified, self-organized, and dynamically balanced. Fang’s metaphor that a city is an organism compares a city not only to biological entities but also to other complex systems, such as a thermodynamic system, an ecosystem, or computational intelligence.

360 "方可 ke Fang | Linkedin," https://cn.linkedin.com/in/kefang2002?trk=public_profile_card_url https://www.linkedin.com/in/kefang2002/. 361 Ke 方可 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径" (Ph.D. Thesis 博士, Tsinghua University 清华大学, 2000). 362 Dangdai Beijing Jiucheng Gengxin Diaocha Yanjiu Tansuo 当代北京旧城更新(调查研究探索), 第 1 版 ed. (Beijing: Zhongguo jianzhu gongye chubanshe, 2000).

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According to Fang, the common traits between a complex system and a city are self-organization (zi wo zu zhi), adaptability, and dynamism.363 A complex system comprises a large amount of independent agents, self-organization means that the rich interaction among these agents allows the system as a whole to undergo spontaneous adjustments. A series of adjustments give the system’s collective properties that transcends the individual agents themselves.364 Adaptability describes a complex system’s ability not only to respond to stimuli (e.g. a chemical, a change of temperature, a new environment, etc.) passively but also actively to turn the changed situation to the system’s advantage.365 Lastly, dynamism is an attribute of a complex system gained at the edge of chaos, a balance point in which the components of the system neither lock in nor dissolve into turbulence. In this balance, the system sustains its own existence and provides space for self-organization and adaptability.366

To map these three traits onto an urban system, complex organic renewal maintains that residents are the most basic and active agents in the system. They make plans, adapt them, and implement them for their own benefit, according to their practical needs in a changing environment. Therefore, the interaction and participation of residents undergird the dynamism of a city’s spatial transformation. In this sense, complex organic renewal argues that urban residents are the origin of organic renewal. Observing their agency and facilitating their participation is thus critical for the practice of organic renewal.

Although expanding the understanding of urban organism to complex systems, Fang reiterated the planning principles of organic renewal that Wu proposed:

363 "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径," 269. Ilya Prigogine, Order out of Chaos: Man's New Dialogue with Nature (1984). M Mitchell Waldrop, Complexity: The Emerging Science at the Edge of Chaos (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992). 364 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径." Prigogine, Order out of Chaos: Man's New Dialogue with Nature. Waldrop, Complexity: The Emerging Science at the Edge of Chaos. 365 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径." Prigogine, Order out of Chaos: Man's New Dialogue with Nature. Waldrop, Complexity: The Emerging Science at the Edge of Chaos. 366 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径." Prigogine, Order out of Chaos: Man's New Dialogue with Nature. Waldrop, Complexity: The Emerging Science at the Edge of Chaos.

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The so-called “organic renewal” is to observe the project’s requests, adopt a suitable size and scale, and handle the relationship between the current needs and future development properly. Organic renewal suggests improving the quality of planning and design in order to gain a relative completeness for each renewal project. In such a way, the sum of numerous relative completeness could facilitate the general amelioration of the Old Beijing environment, thus to achieve the result of organic renewal.367

According to the previous discussion of Wu’s formalist organic renewal and the practice of Ju Er Hutong project, this articulation of the organic renewal planning principles could be understood along four threads. First, “the project’s requests”. They could include the requirements from three parties, the government, the developer, and the community. Furthermore, another very important request is from the planner-architect’s professional perspective on the continuation of the formalist features of the original space. Second, “suitable size and scale”. This is represented in the divided phases of the Ju Er Hutong project. Instead of demolishing and relocating the alleyway and courtyard house neighborhood in a wholesale manner, an approach to the “suitable size and scale” is in a piecemeal manner, regenerating the neighborhood incrementally. Third, the balance between the current needs and future development. To handle this relationship “properly” entails to analyze the requirements of the involved parties in detail and give a timeline to realize the improvement without leaving space for future changes. Lastly, the collective impact of organic renewal. Through the principles of being pragmatic about the project’s requirements and piecemeal changes, Wu envisioned a series of organic renewal projects that transforms the vernacular space incessantly and incrementally, as if a biological organism regenerated itself.

Built upon Wu’s ideas, Fang elaborated his planning principles of complex organic renewal in five aspects. First, “reading the city”.368 For Fang, a city’s complexity is oftentimes non-linear and invisible. To understand it, a planner-architect needs to “read” the city and analyze its

367 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong. 198 368 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径." 259

139 complex system in detail. Therefore, the primary preparation for organic renewal is to survey the area in question for its population, economy, natural environment, built environment, and property right composition. The “reading” of the complexity should also be able to provide an estimation of the social economic impact of the renewal project itself.

Second, the “top-down and bottom-up” methods.369 As Fang observed, the contemporary planning of Chinese cities are predominantly conducted in a top-down manner, as if it was the sole responsibility of the government and the professional planners. Using this method only to approach a complex urban system could lead to the overlook of the fine details of the dynamism in the urban space. Therefore, top-down plans should be supplemented by bottom-up plans to thoroughly incorporate the actual uses of urban space. “Bottom-up” here denotes that the plans could be inspired by and originated from the communities and their daily uses of the space.

Third, “designing with the old city’s fabric”.370 Fang promoted that a system of building codes is a great tool to preserve the historic look of the old city. The codes do not aim to preserve the old city image as it was, or to model the new buildings after the old ones. They are for the purpose of maintaining the residential area’s original function, gradually reducing the density of population, and protecting the distinctive cultural spatial features of the old city’s architecture, road system, open space, and landscape.

Fourth, “step-by-step approach”.371 In Fang’s opinion, as a complex system, a city has a dynamic balance with all its individual agents constantly adapting, thus the whole system adjusting accordingly. The step by step approach has the ability to respond to the constant adaptation and adjustment. The essence of this approach is to plan phase by phase. The result of the first phase planning would serve as the precondition of the second phase, the result of the second phase the precondition of the third phase, so on and so forth in a similar fashion. This chained-up design effectively reflects the gradual and continual transformation of a city, thus to a larger extent, preserving the complexity of a city as a living organism.

369 Ibid. 261 370 Ibid. 262 371 Ibid. 265

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Fifth, “small and flexible plans”.372 Fang explained a small plan as a small-scaled customized renewal plan that addresses the user’s practical needs more closely. A small plan is also more economical because the one-time cost could be substantially reduced due to the reduced size and scale of the project. In this sense, small and flexible plans are a better push for users’ agency and participation design.

Fang’s five planning principles for complex organic renewal in many ways echo Wu’s planning principles for formalist organic renewal. For instance, Fang’s principle of small plans is a concrete answer to Wu’s advocacy for suitable size and scale. Because of the complex organic renewal’s emphasis on the urban individuals as agents of change, Fang’s principle has an added dimension of highlighting smallness as an economically favorable choice for the individual users. Another example. Fang’s principle of step-by-step approach addresses Wu’s call for a balance between the current needs and the future development. With the phase-by-phase method, the kind of planning that Fang promoted is not to draw a blue print once and for all and one size and for all, but to plan with changes and adjustments over time and by different requests. By this means, the future development is gradually realized through the current needs represented by each phase of planning. Furthermore, Fang’s treatment with the fabric of the old city inherits Wu’s main concern with the formalist continuation of the old city. By suggesting compiling series of building codes to guide the planning process, Fang offered an institutional way to approach the formalist features of the vernacular architecture and a city’s historic looks.

However, what differentiates Fang from Wu is his point of view from the individual agents of a complex system, here namely, the alleyway and courtyard house user’s point of view. Fang’s principle of “bottom-up” plans specifies that a top-down planning would possibly overlook the complex dynamism in urban space that is subject to regeneration. By emphasizing a bottom-up perspective from the actual space users, Fang made it possible to discuss the user’s agency, the community participation, community building, and multi-agency cooperation in regenerating vernacular space organically.

372 Ibid. 269

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Promoting residents’ participation and users’ agency, complex organic renewal supports micro- renewal (xiao gui mo gai zao).373 It is a model focusing on mini-scale projects. The size of the project could be one room, one house, or one courtyard. Micro-renewal also emphasizes the user’s participation and the direct co-operation between the user and the planner-architect. Such practice often results in the minimal interruption of the existing spatial form and direct solutions to the user’s practical problems. In the 1990s, micro-renewal was experimented with in single courtyard houses or single family projects, such as No. 8 Ban Chang Hutong, No. 5 Nan He Yan, and No. 4 Mao Er Hutong.374

On medium- and large-scale renewals, complex organic renewal envisions a community co- operative model. The concept of community co-operative renewal is borrowed from the idea of community architecture in Britain, stemming from examples such as the Lea View House375 and the Black Road scheme, Macclesfield.376 Although community architecture refers to a series of practices – including planning, design, development, and other forms of community technical aids377 – its core idea is to have the people who live, work, and play in the environment assume

373 A related idea that may share the same English term (micro-renewal) is wei xun huan (微循环), which is literally micro-circulation. Micro-circulation is also a renewal concept emerging almost at the same time as complex organic renewal in the early 2000s. It is similarly built on the metaphor that a city is an organism. This concept advocates micro-scale projects and emphasizes the dynamic shift between preservation and renewal. For example, a building that needs to be preserved may one day decay and disappear. On the contrary, a building that only needs to be renewed may in the future accumulate enough cultural historical meaning that it is worthy of preservation. Micro- circulation is not the focus of this section because it is not closely related to complex organic renewal, and it is not centered on user participation. For micro-circulation, see Xiaolong 宋晓龙 Song, "Wei Xunhuan Shi Baohu Yu Gengxin: Yi Zhong Shiying Beijing Lishi Jiequ Baohu De Xin Gainian ‘微循环式’保护与更新——一种适应北京历史街区保护的新概念," 北京规划建设 Beijing Gui Hua Jian She, no. 1 (2000). Xiaolong 宋晓龙 Song and Yan 黄艳 Huang, "Wei Xunhuan Shi Baohu Yu Gengxin: Beijing Nan Bei Chang Jie Lishi Jiequ Baohu Guihua De Lilun He Fangfa "微循环式"保护与更新——北京南北长街历史街区保护规划的理论和方法," Chengshi guihua 城市规划, no. 11 (2000). 374 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径," 228. 375 Ian. Colquhoun, Riba Book of British Housing : 1900 to the Present Day, ed. Ian. Colquhoun and Royal Institute of British Architects. (London: Architectural Press, 2008), 81, 82. 376 Ibid., 203, 04. 377 Nick Wates and Charles Knevitt, Community Architecture (Routledge Revivals): How People Are Creating Their Own Environment, Reissue edition ed. (Routledge, 2014), 17.

142 an active part in the environment’s creation and management, and the involvement of the people oftentimes leads to better results in the regeneration of the space.378

Learning from community architecture, Fang’s complex organic renewal in the form of community co-operative model suggests novel principles of practice that encourage and facilitate users’ participation and interaction. The principles include resident participation, equal cooperation, self-help, careful renewal, small and flexible planning, appropriate technology, and new professional skills.379 These principles stem from the belief that residents are knowledgeable users of their own environment, and their agency is to be discovered and acknowledged. Residents need to build up their confidence as masters of their own environment through individual renewal practices (self-help). Their attachment to the old environment is natural and should be understood and respected (careful renewal). Their opinions and changing requirements should be seriously considered (resident participation, small and flexible planning). Most importantly, residents require empowerment in order to voice their opinions, feelings, and requirements on an equal footing with the government, professionals, and developers, who may be politically and financially more powerful than the residents in the renewal area (equal cooperation).

Placing community and residents at the center of renewal projects, Fang’s model of organic renewal changes the role of the planner-architects. (Figure 4-5) In Wu’s own visualization of his planner-architect model (Figure 4-4), the government, developer, and communities are at the three vertices of a triangle, whereas the planner-architect is placed at the center of the triangle,

378 Ibid., 18. 379 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径," 299.

143

Figure 4-5 The community centered working model380

380 Dangdai Beijing Jiucheng Gengxin Diaocha Yanjiu Tansuo 当代北京旧城更新(调查研究探索).

144 demonstrating that he or she plays the important role of mediating and coordinating the three parties. Moreover, the planner-architect has to design new buildings and draft plans that continue the formalist features of the vernacular space, based on the combination and negotiation of the three parties’ requests. However, in Fang’s user-oriented model, where the planner-architect is used to be now is the place of the residents and communities. In other words, the planner- architect is no longer at the center of the organic renewal model. They no longer hold the professional authority in the model. On the contrary, they act as an enabler, facilitator, and educator, offering accessible technological suggestions for organic renewal. They are there to help the residents recognize and realize their own agency during the renewal process.

In summary, in the later part of the 1990s, the theory of organic renewal developed a theme to view the city as a complex system. It discovered the potential of urban residents within renewal projects, since residents were regarded as individual agents of a complex system, the source of the vitality and complexity of the system. In practice, to redevelop organically alleyway and courtyard house neighborhoods was to acknowledge the agency of the users. Their varied needs, different sources of funding, and flexible operative models were foregrounded. They were empowered as the dynamic agents of urban regeneration.

• Interpretative organic renewal and the technical turn

Starting from a metaphorical understanding of a city as an organism, organic renewal has readily been adopted into the Chinese professional discourse of planning since the early 1980s. A growing body of scholarship is exploring the meanings of organic renewal and its possible ways of application after Liangyong Wu and Ke Fang. The number of research and reports on organic renewal has been increasing over the years. In 1989, there was only one journal article on organic renewal, but the number was steadily increasing and reached its first peak in 2010 with 41 theses, 43 journal articles, and 9 news reports. Only two years later, the number climbed to its second peak in 2012 with 34 theses, 57 journal articles, and 17 news reports. Moreover, the momentum continued into 2013 with 102 research and news reports in total (Figure 4-6). Among these studies, organic renewal cases have expanded to almost all corners of the nation. The geographical distribution of the cases covers 26 areas out of the 34 provincial level administrative areas, with Beijing, Shaanxi, Zhejiang, Jiangsu, Shandong, and Hunan ranked the top five most studied regions (Figure 4-7).

145

Figure 4-6 The number of publications on organic renewal381

381 "The China Natinal Knowledge Infrastructure ", cnki.net.

146

Figure 4-7 Provincial distribution of case studies382

382 Ibid.

147

Following the interventions of Wu and Fang, the development of organic renewal entered a stage of variation and technical improvement. From 2000 onward, what was considered organic about inner city redevelopment lacked a consensus but presented different possible interpretations. Meanwhile, the practice of organic renewal was no longer limited to a single-focused planner- architect centered model or community-centered model. Many attempts were made to balance the user factor and the planner-architect factor in these projects.

The primary sources discussed in this section are mainly research reports either about the regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses, or about the renewal of cultural historic urban quarters. These sources are chosen by two standards: one, they investigate the regeneration of the city of Beijing directly or indirectly; two, they are representative works of the Tsinghua trained cohort of designers, architects, and planners, as there is an organic renewal tendency in their professional education initiated by Liangyong Wu and Ke Fang. Since the publication of their researches, the authors of these planning writing have taken career paths that are quite concentrated in the field of design and planning. For instance, Yuanxin Liu, who intended to upgrade and develop Wu’s design of si he lou, has become an interior designer.383 Xing Zhao, who studied the institution and policies of organically renewing Beijing cultural historic districts, has become a professional planner at Beijing Urban Planning and Design Institute.384 Manliang Liu, who researched the organic renewal models that are different from Wu’s and Fang’s, has been working as an architect at the Tsinghua Architectural Design Institute.385 Their planning writing and that of many other planners and designers like them have created new trends and understandings of organic renewal.

In the 2000s, without a representative figure and a dominant voice, the interpretations of organic renewal revolved around a combination of the keywords of life, history, and culture, elaborated in a fragmented manner by different practitioners. In one case, the organic essence of a city is

383 "Liu Yuanxin Profile 刘媛欣的首页," http://sns.id-china.com.cn/user/44672. 384 "Beijing Jiucheng Gaizao: Guihua Zhihou De Shijia Hutong 北京旧城改造：规划之后的史家胡同." 385 Chenglei 李成磊 Li and Min 赵敏 Zhao, "Zhongguo Dangdai 80 Hou Qingnian Jianzhushi Diaocha Baogao (Shi'er): Laizi Qinghua Daxue Jianzhu Sheji Yuan De Li Chenglei 中国当代 80 后青年建筑师调查报告(十二) — —来自清华大学建筑设计院的李成磊."

148 interpreted as life. It is argued that the life of a city derives from its environmental context, historical information, and cultural atmosphere. A good renewal model aims at maintaining a city’s history and culture, whereas a bad renewal model interrupts the contextuality and terminates the life of a city.386

In another case, what is organic about a city is considered to lie in the holistic harmony of nature, humanity, and regional culture. Ying Hu, the author of this particular planning writing tries to define the nature factor in the harmony as geological conditions, local climate, and ecological conditions. She tends to understand the humanity factor as local cultural traditions and general moral codes. She views the regional culture as a mixture of locality, everydayness, and the social features of a certain region. Defining the factors in the harmony as such, Hu therefore argues that the fundamental principle of organic renewal is to respect the interrelations of the three factors in each individual project.387

Yet another interpretation holds that the rules of urban development are both transcendental and historical at the same time. For instance, Hongfei Qiu argues that after Liangyong Wu, there was a consensus that new construction should not be built through tearing down all the old buildings. She maintains that this consensus should be held as a transcendental rule in urban development. On the other hand, Qiu thinks that changes made to the city is also out of the specific historical conditions. She states that despite the transcendental rule, the historical trajectory of a particular place should also be respected in urban renewal. Therefore, Qiu argues that renewal projects that are organic should follow both rules.388

386 Zhengxiong 赵正雄 Zhao, "Zhong Guan Cun Ke Yuan Wuli Suo Si Tong Qiao Hai Dian Tushu Cheng Chengshi Kongjian Chu Tan 中关村中科院物理所、四通桥、海淀图书城城市空间初探" (Master thesis 硕士, Tsinghua University 清华大学, 2002). 387 Ying 胡莹 Hu, "Gaodeng Yuan Xiao Chuantong Xiaoyuan Qu Youji Gengxin De Sikao Yu Chuangzuo Chu Tan 高等院校传统校园区有机更新的思考与创作初探" (Master thesis 硕士, Zhongguo jianzhu sheji yanjiu yuan 中国建筑设计研究院, 2008). 388 Hongfei 裘鸿菲 Qiu, "Zhongguo Zonghe Gongyuan De Gaizao Yu Gengxin Yanjiu 中国综合公园的改造与更新研究" (Ph.D. thesis 博士, Beijing linye daxue 北京林业大学, 2009).

149

These examples show that interpretative organic renewal is generic and inclusive, suggesting a multitude of understandings of the urban organism, besides the formalist and complexity before them.

As the interpretation of what is organic about a city varied, the reflection and rethinking of the Ju Er Hutong project emerged. One thread of the rethinking is that the specifications of the new Ju Er Hutong design are flawed so that they could not meet the residents’ day-to-day needs.389 For example, Wu’s si he lou reduces the total size of a courtyard unit but increases the height of the surrounding buildings. As a result, the si he lou does not receive as much sun light as the traditional one. Accordingly, a user’s perception of the openness of the courtyard in si he lou could be negatively influenced.390 Moreover, Wu’s si he lou uses the standard of 9-12 square meters of floor space per capita and 70-85 square meters per unit.391 This standard is a budget standard that aims to keep more sitting residents on site and reduce the relocation rate. However, as living standards rise over time, this design seems too economical for some users, and they usually complain about the small size of the living room and bathrooms. These complaints lead to explorations into revised designs of si he lou such as the one proposed by the interior designer Yuanxin Liu.392 (Figure 4-8).

389 Yao 王瑶 Wang, "Jiu Cheng Lishi Wenhua Pian Qu Jing Guan Baohu Yu Gengxin 旧城历史文化片区景观保护与更新" (Master thesis 硕士, Beijing linye daxue 北京林业大学, 2007). 390 Peng 郝鹏 Hao, "Beijing Jiu Cheng Chidu De/Di Fenxi Yu Youji Gengxin Yanjiu 北京旧城尺度的分析与有机更新研究" (Master thesis 硕士, Beijing gongye daxue 北京工业大学, 2007), 105. 391 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong, 169-73. 392 Yuanxin 刘媛欣 Liu, "Beijing Chuantong Si He Yuan Kongjian De Youji Gengxin Yu Zai Zao Yanjiu 北京传统四合院空间的有机更新与再造研究" (Master thesis 硕士, Beijing linye daxue 北京林业大学, 2010), 75-79.

150

Figure 4-8 A revised design of Si he lou393

393 Ibid.

151

Another thread of the reflection of the Ju Er Hutong project is that it fails to maintain the original social composition of the communities in the renewed area.394 The award-winning status of the Ju Er Hutong project and the positive publicity in the media helped to push the market demand for the Ju Er Hutong units. In addition, the property price rises over time at the location. Some original residents decide to rent out their si he lou for extra income. The in-flow and out-flow of the tenants changes the demography of the original community. As the real estate price rises higher and higher, there even seems to be a tendency of the in-flow of the well-off families but out-flow of the average-income tenants.395 This tendency generates the discussion over whether the practice of Ju Er Hutong project should be applied to other alleyway and courtyard house communities, and whether it would be a promotion of residential segregation by income.

For these critiques, the key to organic renewal is the preservation of historic outlook and the maintenance of the original community. However, this understanding contradicts the natural process of decay, change, regeneration, and growth, that the idea of urban organism represents. Copying from the classical courtyard houses and maintaining the original social structure are like capsuling the cells of an organism at a certain stage of development. It denies decays and resists change and social regeneration.

As the interpretation of organic renewal varied, the working models and regeneration techniques also diversify. To some extent, the diversification offers an opportunity to correct the above- mentioned self-contradictory understanding of urban organism. In other words, multiple attempts took place at this time to explore the working models and improve the regeneration procedures. This makes it possible to measure an organic renewal project on multiple fronts, for instance, sustainability, adaptability, and social equality, instead of being confined to the only standards of formalist features and social authenticity. It is also possible to improve the regenerating techniques in the organic renewal procedures, for example, the pre-project survey and the after- project impact evaluation. This is the topic of the immediate following part of this chatper.

394 Wang, "Jiu Cheng Lishi Wenhua Pian Qu Jing Guan Baohu Yu Gengxin 旧城历史文化片区景观保护与更新." 395 Hui 吴卉 Wu, "Chengshi Gengxin Zhong De Guangyi Guihua Yu Sheji Qingxiang 城市更新中的广义规划与设计倾向" (Ph.D. thesis 博士, Tianjin daxue 天津大学, 2012).

152

With the rise of interpretative organic renewal, the diversification of working models and improvement of regenerating procedures made a strong presence in the planning writing. This tendency is what is called the technical turn in this section. The technical turn was manifested, for instance, in the fields of pre-project survey, various working model, and after-project evaluation.

Regarding pre-project surveys, in the previous decades, they were established as an essential tool in organic renewal to understand the context of the project site, such as land usage, composition of property rights, and quality of the architecture. The technical turn has witnessed a widening and deepening of survey topics, which helped to form a clearer picture of the current status of project sites. Take the Ju Er Hutong project in the 1980s and 1990s and the Xi Si Bei project in the 2000s as a comparison. (Table 4-1) The Ju Er Hutong project surveyed four aspects of the area, namely: land use, infrastructure, quality of the architecture, and population. The Xi Si Bei project generally maintained these four aspects in its survey, though within a widened scope. For instance, in the Ju Er Hutong project, the survey on the quality of the architecture was mainly confined to the quality of the structure, material, roof, and paint of individual buildings. Whereas in the Xi Si Bei project, the survey expanded to examine the quality of the street design and courtyard units. What else was especially examined was the areal atmosphere of the architectural style. Another aspect with widened scope during the technical turn was population. In the Ju Er Hutong project, the survey was concerned with the total population, density, and average population per household; while in the Xi Si Bei project, the survey not only covered these questions but also collected data on the users’ renewal preferences. For example, it considered which renewal method the user would choose among the options of self-help repairs, relocation, or large lump redevelopment. Furthermore, the Xi Si Bei project also analyzed the users’ community identification – for instance, the correlation between ownership types and identification, income levels and identification, square space per capita and identification. The latest template of a pre-project survey exemplified in the Xi Si Bei project promised a thorough

153

Table 4-1 The comparison of pre-project survey between Ju Er Hutong and Xi Si Bei project396

Ju’er Hutong Xi Si Bei

Land use V V

Infrastructure V Not emphasized

Quality of architecture V V*

Population V V*

Eoncomy V*

* With widened scope grasp of the spatial, architectural, cultural, economic, and social structure of the renewal area, which could function as the premises of a more adaptive renewal to the community.397

In the 1980s and 1990s, formalist organic renewal and complex organic renewal suggested two predominant models, the planner-architect model and the user-oriented one. The technical turn catalyzed various new practices that broke down the working modules in the previous models and rearranged them on a case by case, project by project basis. For instance, the architect Manliang Liu suggested that according to the primary initiator of a project, at least five working models could be distinguished.398 The initiators could be initially divided into two groups: single-initiator and collaborative initiators. Under the category of single-initiator, the primary

396 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong. Xing 赵幸 Zhao, "Beijing Jiu Cheng Lishi Juzhu Jie Qu Baohu Yu Youji Gengxin De Xitong Xing Celue Yanjiu 北京旧城历史居住街区保护与有机更新的系统性策略研究" (Master thesis 硕士, Tsinghua University 清华大学, 2010). 397 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong. Zhao, "Beijing Jiu Cheng Lishi Juzhu Jie Qu Baohu Yu Youji Gengxin De Xitong Xing Celue Yanjiu 北京旧城历史居住街区保护与有机更新的系统性策略研究." 398 Manliang 刘蔓靓 Liu, "Beijng Jiucheng Chuantong Juzhu Jiequ Xiao Guimo Jianjinshi Youji Gengxin Moshi Yanjiu 北京旧城传统居住街区小规模渐进式有机更新模式研究" (Master thesis 硕士, Tsinghua University 清华大学, 2006).

154 initiator could be further divided into specific institutions, namely: government, developer, and residents. Each specific institution counts for one type of renewal model. Under the category of collaborative initiators, based on the leading collaborator in the projects, two sub-categories are differentiated: the government and the ownership-held collective. Ownership-held collective could refer to a company, a community group, or a department of the government, which holds the ownership of the targeted area and housing. The two sub-categories count as another two types of working models.

The detailed categorization of the working models provides a framework to compare and evaluate the performance of different renewal approaches. In addition to the planner-architect and user-focused perspectives, the technical turn has explored a series of properties that the renewal practice could be measured against in order to decide the practice’s scale on organic renewal. For instance, Liu also suggested an index with which renewal practices could be measured against the following eight essential properties of urban organic renewal: sustainability of funding, diversity of contributors of funding, adaptive scale, multiplicity of the means of renewal, improvement of the built environment, preservation of the cultural historic value, stability of social structure before and after the renewal, and community participation.399 Of these eight properties, the first two are concerned with pre-project preparation, the second two the renewal of planning itself, and the last four with the results of the project. If we apply the index to, for instance, the above-mentioned five working models as shown in Table 4-2, the result would be that a government-initiated or ownership-held collective-initiated collaborative renewal is best in terms of organic renewal. They are the only models, among all five, that represent all eight properties.

399 Ibid.

155

Table 4-2 Index of organic renewal models400

Working models Single- Collaborative- initiator initiators

Govern- Deve- Resident Government Ownership- ment loper held collective

Sustainability of funding V V V

Diversity of the contributors V V of funding

Adaptive scale V V V

Multiplicity of the means of V V V renewal

Improvement of the built V V V V V environment

Preservation of the cultural V V V* V V* historic value

Stability of social structure V V V before and after the renewal

Community participation V V V

* The preservation codes of city planning should be closely supervised though

400 Ibid.

156

Besides the approaches of pre-project survey and new understandings of the organic renewal working models, the after-project evaluation also witnessed changes in the technical turn. Previously, it was concerned with how the project changed the quality of the built environment and the use of the space, especially from the individual household’s point of view. During the technical turn, planners, researchers, and architects started to be aware of the lasting impact of the project on the societal level. For example, the after-project evaluation of Ju Er Hutong renewal surveyed on questions, for instance, whether the square space per capita is increased, whether the household is satisfied with the layout of the new home, if the relocated residents have their housing requirement satisfied, whether neighbors interact with one another, and if they feel safe in the new environment.401 In comparison, a new evaluation model emerged in the late 2000s to suggest another six themes for the after-project survey questions. The themes include the change of the region’s function, the change of social structure, social impact, social equality, difficulty level of the project, and the damage of the cultural historic value of the original built environment.402 These added themes highlight the relations among individual households and the social cost of the renewal practice. It poses question, for example, whether the project deteriorates the segregation between the rich and the poor as in the theme of “social equality”. It could also pose question whether the project causes collective resistance as in the theme of “social impact”. To be consistent with Wu’s formalist organic renewal and Fang’s “designing with the old city’s fabric”, the added themes similarly suggest questions, for example, whether the historic architectural style is damaged during the regeneration, as in the theme “the damage of the cultural historic value of the original built environment.”

During the technical turn, it is also worth noticing that along with the development in working models and procedures, in planning writing several researchers have attempted to apply organic renewal to variegated subfields other than vernacular residential areas represented by alleyways and courtyard houses. In terms of different functional space, for instance, Ying Hu, Hongfei Qiu, Zhengxiong Zhao and many others have experimented organic renewal in non-residential

401 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong. 402 Chun 吴春 Wu, "Daguimo Jiu Cheng Gaizao Guocheng Zhong De Shehui Kongjian Chong Gou 大规模旧城改造过程中的社会空间重构" (Ph.D. thesis 博士, Tsinghua University 清华大学, 2010).

157 projects, for instance, campuses,403 parks,404 and commercial spaces.405 Regarding the scale of the project, Lei Shi, Wei Xu, Yao Wang and others have tried to invoke organic renewal to understand and offer solutions to single-residence renewal,406 large neighborhood regeneration,407 and even larger scale old city landscape renewal.408

Interpretative organic renewal and the technical turn have widened the theoretical and practical scope of organic renewal. New interpretations have brought in new concepts, such as history, culture, and life, to elucidate the multiple meanings of the analogy between a city and what is organic. The fragmented nature of these interpretations has dismantled the theoretical centers built upon forms, aesthetics, and the theory of complexity in the previous decades. In practice, it has allowed flexibility to set aside the dominance of the planner-architect or the user group, and singled out a specific procedure to improve (e.g. pre-project surveys, hybrid types of working models, etc.). In a sense, organic renewal is not considered from the perspective of a single best model or one strong actor. Instead, it generates a series of principles or properties, inclusive of

403 Hu, "Gaodeng Yuan Xiao Chuantong Xiaoyuan Qu Youji Gengxin De Sikao Yu Chuangzuo Chu Tan 高等院校传统校园区有机更新的思考与创作初探." Xiaorun 冯晓润 Feng, "Gao Xiao Jianzhu Wuding Kongjian Heli Hua Liyong Yanjiu 高校建筑屋顶空间合理化利用研究" (Master thesis 硕士, Beifang gongye daxue 北方工业大学, 2013). Zhenya 孙振亚 Sun, "Gao Xiao Jianzhu De Fuhe Hua Sheji Yanjiu 高校建筑的复合化设计研究" (Master thesis 硕士, Beijing jianzhu daxue 北京建筑大学, 2013). 404 Qiu, "Zhongguo Zonghe Gongyuan De Gaizao Yu Gengxin Yanjiu 中国综合公园的改造与更新研究." 405 Zhao, "Zhong Guan Cun Ke Yuan Wuli Suo Si Tong Qiao Hai Dian Tushu Cheng Chengshi Kongjian Chu Tan 中关村中科院物理所、四通桥、海淀图书城城市空间初探." 406 Lei 石磊 Shi, "Beijing Chuantong Si He Yuan Zai Xiandai Shenghuo Moshi Xia De Gengxin Tansuo 北京传统四合院在现代生活模式下的更新探索" (Master thesis 硕士, Zhongguo jianzhu sheji yanjiu yuan 中国建筑设计研究院, 2008). Chenjia 贺臣家 He, "Beijing Chuantong Si He Yuan Jianzhu De Baohu Yu Zai Liyong Yanjiu 北京传统四合院建筑的保护与再利用研究" (Master thesis 硕士, Beijing linye daxue 北京林业大学, 2010). 407 Jun 陈珺 Chen, "Fuzhou San Fang Qi Xiang Wen Mo/Mai De/Di Baohu Yu Yanxu Tansuo 福州三坊七巷文脉的保护与延续的探索" (Master thesis 硕士, Fujian nong lin daxue 福建农林大学, 2005). Wei 许玮 Xu, "Lishi Jie Qu Gengxin Gaizao Zhong Yizhi Jianzhu De Zai Liyong Chu Tan 历史街区更新改造中异质建筑的再利用初探" (Master thesis 硕士, Beijing jiaotong daxue 北京交通大学, 2011). Hengxing 李恒兴 Li, "Beijing Bai Zhi Fang Jie Qu Gengxin Yanjiu 北京白纸坊街区更新研究" (Master thesis 硕士, Beifang gongye daxue 北方工业大学, 2012). 408 Wang, "Jiu Cheng Lishi Wenhua Pian Qu Jing Guan Baohu Yu Gengxin 旧城历史文化片区景观保护与更新." Yulong 张玉龙 Zhang, "Beijing Da Zhalan Lishi Wenhua Jie Qu De Xiao Juchang Sheji Yanjiu 北京大栅栏历史文化街区的小剧场设计研究" (Master thesis 硕士, Tsinghua University 清华大学, 2013). Juanyao 刘隽瑶 Liu, "Zhenghe Yu Zhi Bu 整合与织补" (Master thesis 硕士, Tsinghua University 清华大学, 2013). Zelin 刘泽霖 Liu, "Beijing Yu He Lishixing Jianzhu Baohu Yu Gaizao Jishu Yanjiu 北京玉河历史性建筑保护与改造技术研究" (Master thesis 硕士, Shenyang jianzhu daxue 沈阳建筑大学, 2013).

158 architectural forms, individual agency, collaboration, and many others, against which the scale of organic renewal of a certain project could be measured and analyzed.

• The divergence and the alternative politics

In the past four decades, organic renewal evolved over three stages, Wu’s formalist organic renewal, Fang’s complex organic renewal, and the interpretive organic renewal. Despite the shared focus on exploring what is organic about a city and how to regenerate alleyways and courtyard houses organically, the theorists and practitioners of organic renewal have drawn on eclectic sources to develop their own ideas. For example, Ke Fang quoted Donald Appleyard and Allan Jacobs’ advocacy to envision a new urban prospect that emphasizes livability.409 Xing Zhao resorted to Paul Davidoff’s promotion of pluralism in planning to argue for community participation.410 Both Liangyong Wu and Chun Wu viewed Eliel Saarinen’s concept of organic decentralization as a valuable predecessor of their organic renewal.411 Moreover, the sources that were brought in to shape the idea of organic renewal are not confined to planning writing only. For example, Ke Fang, Manliang Liu, and Chun Wu, all celebrated the economist Ernst Friedrich Schumacher’s idea of “smallness”412 to support their investment in small scale and flexible alleyway and courtyard house renewal plans.413

Beyond this eclecticism of influence, despite the different theoretic focuses, working models, and technic procedures, formalist, complex, and interpretative organic renewal share two major

409 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径." Donald Appleyard and Allan Jacobs, "Toward an Urban Design Manifesto," IURD Working Paper Series (1982). 410 Zhao, "Beijing Jiu Cheng Lishi Juzhu Jie Qu Baohu Yu Youji Gengxin De Xitong Xing Celue Yanjiu 北京旧城历史居住街区保护与有机更新的系统性策略研究." Paul Davidoff, "Advocacy and Pluralism in Planning," Journal of the American Institute of planners 31, no. 4 (1965). 411 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong. Wu, "Daguimo Jiu Cheng Gaizao Guocheng Zhong De Shehui Kongjian Chong Gou 大规模旧城改造过程中的社会空间重构." Saarinen, City, Its Growth, Its Decay, Its Future. 412 Ernst Friedrich Schumacher, Small Is Beautiful: A Study of Economics as If People Mattered (Random House, 2011). 413 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径." Liu, "Beijng Jiucheng Chuantong Juzhu Jiequ Xiao Guimo Jianjinshi Youji Gengxin Moshi Yanjiu 北京旧城传统居住街区小规模渐进式有机更新模式研究." Wu, "Daguimo Jiu Cheng Gaizao Guocheng Zhong De Shehui Kongjian Chong Gou 大规模旧城改造过程中的社会空间重构."

159 underlying tendencies, incrementalism and regionalism. In the study of the history of American urbanism, Emily Talen has defined incrementalism as a school of planning thinking that emphasizes small scales, incremental changes, and preservation. The representative writers of this school include, among many other, Jane Jacobs and Christopher Alexander (1936-).414 Talen has also defined regionalism as one of the other themes of planning thinking that situates cities in the regional context. Lewis Mumford is recognized as one of the representative writers on this theme. (Talen 2005)415 The idea of organic renewal in the context of alleyway and courtyard house renewal relate to the these two divergent tendencies through its direct and indirect reference to Jacobs, Alexander, and Mumford in the formation of the idea at different stages of its development.

Complex organic renewal and renewal models that highlight the user’s agency and community participation are mainly connected to Jane Jacobs, who was quoted by Liangyong Wu, Ke Fang, Xing Zhao and others in their writing.416 Jacobs envisioned cities as urban ecosystems.417 One of the major components of the urban ecosystem that she identified is the city dweller. These city dwellers are people possessing certain traits. They are from diverse origins and of varied purposes. They are people who know who they are, and where they want to go. Most importantly, when they are encountering hardships, they are capable of joining their effort and self-managing to deal with the problems. These city dwellers imbue the urban ecosystem with the features of diversity, in-flux, and resilience to disruptions.418

Formalist organic renewal and other models that value a certain unified vision of architectural and planning space are implicitly aligned with Lewis Mumford’s proposal of an ideal city, which

414 Emily Talen, New Urbanism and American Planning : The Conflict of Cultures (New York: Routledge, 2005); ibid. 415 Ibid. 416 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong. Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径." 417 Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (Vintage, 1961), xxvi. 418 Ibid.

160 appears in Ke Fang, Manliang Liu, Chun Wu, and others’ writing. 419 Mumford’s ideal city emphasizes an ideal human personality and envisions a regional pattern of planning to nurture such a personality. The ideal personality is a balanced one that is in dynamic interaction with the environment. It is capable of considering economic, aesthetic, parental and vocational experiences, and overall such a personality should be able to integrate each part into life as a whole.420 The suggested regional pattern is formed by regional cities and their connected surrounding regions. In this plan, cities are centers of business and culture. The surroundings are the countryside and country towns that serve as sites for factories and agriculture.421 Mumford’s proposal emerged at a time after the World War II when a number of intellectuals were deeply disappointed by the war and the inhumanities revealed during the war. Mumford himself had a rather depressing evaluation of the human condition at that time. He thought that humans were lured by absolute mechanical power and actually stretched cities into overgrowth and over- concentration. On the contrary, arts and the art of living were ignored.422 Thus, his ideal city was proposed as a social engineering project to correct humans’ demoralization through the concentration of power, wealth, and industrial technology so as to restore an ideal personality that is not fragmented by bureaucracy, professional specialization, and depersonalized technology. Mumford’s proposal imagines an ideal planner who has the strong moral, cultural, and professional qualifications. In coalition with the government, the planner would then design and implement the regional pattern to help foster the ideal personality. Formalist organic renewal and other similar models of organic renewal share with the Mumfordian proposal the moral elevation of the planner, positivity about strong government administration, and a belief in professional coalitions.

419 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径." Liu, "Beijng Jiucheng Chuantong Juzhu Jiequ Xiao Guimo Jianjinshi Youji Gengxin Moshi Yanjiu 北京旧城传统居住街区小规模渐进式有机更新模式研究." Wu, "Daguimo Jiu Cheng Gaizao Guocheng Zhong De Shehui Kongjian Chong Gou 大规模旧城改造过程中的社会空间重构." 420 Lewis Mumford, City Development: Studies in Disintegration and Renewal. (Secker & Warburg, 1947), 151. 421 Ibid., 162. 422 Ibid., 151.

161

Mumford’s broken human personality in need of rescue by regional planning greatly contradicts Jacobs’ self-interested, self-governed, and responsible individuals. For Mumford, the deeply flawed individual is an inescapable reality following the World War II. On the contrary, the reasonable, creative, and self-governing individual is what Jacobs observed and relied upon in practice in the 1960s and 1970s. Whereas Mumford saw the necessity of a remedy to create a new and ideal human personality, Jacobs, instead, saw opportunities to learn from individuals and to liberate their creativity and capability. Accordingly, Mumford’s regional planning is a panoramic vision seeking the transformation of “flawed” individuals. However, the Jacobsian approach leans toward incremental changes from the street level to accommodate individual needs and community diversity. In this sense, Jacobs openly and strongly disagreed with Mumford’s regional plans. She thought Mumford’s proposal, like other Garden City derivative ideals, essentially promoted town planning and was anti-city. It operated by sorting out and bringing order through the repression of all plans but the planner’s utopian vision. It was lethal to the diversity and wholesomeness of the urban ecosystem that she observed from many megalopolis neighborhoods.423

Unlike the disagreements between Jacobs and Mumford that went public,424 their different views about the role of an individual space users are rarely foregrounded in the quest for urban organic renewal to regenerate alleyways and courtyard houses. However, similar tensions regarding the role of the individual run quietly through every stage of the development of the idea of organic renewal.

For formalist organic renewal, the Christopher Alexander’s pattern language and the Mumfordian ideal planner are combined in the same model. Alexander shares the view with Jacobs that city dwellers are autonomous individuals who are capable of create a space to meet their own needs. To help the dwellers and professional architects visualize this space, Alexander

423 Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, 23-34. 424 For a brief discussion about the public antagonism between Jacobs and Mumford as well as their common fronts, see Larry. Bennett, The Third City: Chicago and American Urbanism (London: The University of Chicago Press, 2010).

162 and his team generalized 253 patterns as the common language of design.425 Applying these patterns to design a space is similar to pick vocabulary, grammar, and syntax to form sentences and speeches to convey one’s thoughts and feelings. The process of design and the feelings in the designed space, as Alexander believes, could reveal the organic order of life in architecture and town building.426 In his aesthetic organic renewal project, Liangyong Wu dissected Chinese architectural forms and spatial arrangements as Alexander invented his pattern language. Using traditional modules and their contemporary variants, Liangyong Wu was able to create the si he lou and mid-lane to produce a continuation of architectural forms from the past to the present. When Alexander empowers individual space users with the pattern language, he expects to free the users’ feelings and reach the organic order through the users themselves. However, in Liangyong Wu’s renewal model, the emphasis on a highly-qualified planner-architect leaves the language of the organic order of the city almost exclusively to the professionals. This focus on professional exclusiveness brings aesthetic organic renewal closer to the Mumfordian vision of ideal planning. In this sense, formalist organic renewal reveals the tension that the ideal formalist continuity may clash with a module design that is truly rooted in the individual use of the space.

For complex organic renewal, the Jacobsian urban ecosystem is linked to an urban vision that respects individual agency, and at the same time implicitly preserves the original architectural forms and social relations. In the case of Ke Fang, on the one hand, complex organic renewal originates from the Jacobsian concept of diversity and ecology. Therefore, the user-oriented renewal model promotes private property rights, self-interest, self-help, and self-organization of the property owners. On the other hand, Fang implied that micro-renewal and the community co- operative model would somehow result in the unified goal of preserving the original social structure of the inner city. This implied vision actually narrows down the possibilities of complex organic renewal, or even overlooks the prospect that the individual user’s agency may work well against the preservation that Fang has positively predicted. For instance, it is highly possible that out of self-interest and self-help the users or user organization could have decided collectively to demolish the alleyways and courtyard houses and replace them with new

425 Christopher Alexander, Sara Ishikawa, and Murray Silverstein, A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction, vol. 2 (Oxford University Press, 1977). 426 Christopher Alexander, The Timeless Way of Building, vol. 1 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979).

163 apartment buildings. In this case, the interest of the user does not necessarily align with the interest of cultural and historical preservation.427 In this sense, the implied vision is not so much Jacobsian as Mumfordian – that is, unified, authoritative, and righteous. In other words, the tension is with complex organic renewal between a responsible anarchy advocated by Jacobs and a strong top-down planning promoted by Mumford.

During the technical turn, though the understanding of what is organic about a city became interpretative and the model of organic renewal turned multi-dimensional, the tension between a Jacobsian and Mumfordian influence was still discernable. For example, in the study of the index of organic renewal models, a government-initiated collaborative model was evaluated slightly better over the four other models. Even though the government-initiated collaborative model has exactly the same properties as the ownership-held collectively-initiated collaborative model, the former is preferable because it ensures more control over the homogeneous historic look of the built environment. (Table 4-2) The preference of a strong government administration to the collective agency of the house owners suggests a tension between two very different tendencies of urbanism: one is based on a flawed human personality (with the exception of the ideal planner), while the other is predicated on individuals’ self-organization.

Viewed through the lens of Jacobs and Mumford, organic renewal in China has adeptly appropriated their common invocations of organism, organic order, and ecology. Similarly,

427 Real demolition or renewal cases of this kind in alleyway and courtyard house areas escaped my knowledge as of the time this chapter was written, but a relevant case in Sichuan would show the probability of such cases. This demolition case happened in Dong Hu County, De Yang City, 2009-2011. The house owners in the demolition area organized a property owner committee to represent themselves and negotiate the compensation terms with the developer. More than 90% of the affected residents accepted the resultant compensation contract and signed the contract. However, a few residents that were not satisfied with the compensation terms refused to sign or move out. Their refusal to co-operate delayed the project, and the delay caused the majority who signed the contract to doubt that those who refused to move would get higher compensation. If they could get higher compensation by delaying the project, those who had chosen to co-operate earlier thought it was a loss to their interest. Therefore, a majority of residents petitioned the property owner committee to force the households who did not sign the contract to move. As a result, in 2011 the majority illegally forced the uncooperative few to be evicted. In this case, the users are aware of their interests. They have organized a committee to manage and negotiate their interests accordingly. However, the interests of the majority who signed the contract and the minority who refused to sign do not always align with each other. This demonstrates the fact that the interests of the users are diversified, divergent, and even conflicting. Similarly, on the issue of preservation, such divergence or conflict could also possibly happen. If it happens, whether alleyways or courtyard houses would be the priority to preserve, or like in the Sichuan case, preservation is within the minority’s interest and doomed to be sacrificed, these are the questions that could not be solved by complex organic renewal. For more details of the Sichuan case, see Yan 黄艳 Huang, "Linju Yuanhe Qiangchai Dingzihu 邻居缘何强拆钉子户," Liao Wang 瞭望, no. 8 (2014).

164 organic renewal also adopted their divergent conceptions of the individual and the individual’s role in the renewal practice. The tension between the influence of Mumford and Jacobs – i.e. between a homogeneous city plan and mixed-use neighborhoods; and between an ideal human personality yet to come and diverse expressions of individual agency – is evident in the notions of formalist organic renewal, complex organic renewal, and the technical turn of practice. In this sense, organic renewal practice of alleyways and courtyard houses may be an effort to synthesize the merits of the divergent or even contradictory tendencies emanating from incrementalism and regionalism. It may have also offered the cases to rethink the adaptability and compatibility of the two different tendencies in planning writing.

Despite the divergent undercurrents of incrementalism and regionalism, the idea and practice of organic renewal shares a common goal of exploring alternatives to the wholesale regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses that took off in Beijing from the early 1980s onward. Consequently, the development of organic renewal reveals possible alternative politics other than what wholesale regeneration suggests among the developer, local government, and the community.

In the planning writing, organic renewal rises as a product of rethinking the wholesale regeneration of vernacular space in Beijing. Wholesale regeneration, in Chinese da chai da gai or da chai da jian, literally meaning big demolition and big construction, is a way to renew the built environment by demolishing it as a whole and then re-planning and re-building the area into new spaces that are oftentimes completely different from the built environment existed before. At the early stage of organic renewal, wholesale regeneration was cautiously commented by Liangyong Wu as costly, drastic, non-sustainable, and detrimental to the preservation of vernacular and historic outlook.428 In other words, wholesale regeneration is on the opposite side of what organic renewal advocates—gradual changes, economical measures, and continuity of the vernacular forms.

428 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong.

165

In Wu’s times, because the influence of transferable land use right and commodification of housing429 was not fully realized in the cityscape, although wholesale regeneration was favored by the local government and some planners, actually finished projects applying the wholesale renewal method were only a few in Beijing, for instance, the Guanyuan residential district.430 However, at Ke Fang’s times, an emerging real estate market reaped the benefits of the wholesale regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses. As Fang observed, the wholesale renewal method brought out a series of economic, social, and planning issues, and the major problems among them manifested in three aspects. First, the rich economic, cultural, and social fabric of the original area was seriously damaged by the simplistic measures of wholesale renewal.431 Small businesses had to move out and lost their usual clientele. Neighborhood connections were interrupted because most of the residents had to relocate to different relocation housing sites. The representative measures of wholesale regeneration—cutting down all trees, demolishing all houses, and relocating all residents—were too simplistic to deal with the complexity and liveliness of the original area. Second, wholesale regeneration was a condition with which the developer could gain easy access to and control over the use right of the land of the renewed area. With changed function of the space and very few original community members, the renewed area reduced to the land underneath it and the land price attached to it. The single priority on land and land price encouraged the developer’s rent-seeking behaviors, for instance, accumulating lands rather than developing them, raising the land price, and disobedience of planning regulations in construction.432 Third, a wholesale regeneration project usually involve various groups of subjects with different interests, and these groups and interests were oftentimes hard to co-ordinate. To avoid difficulties and delays from the co-ordination of and negotiation among the groups, a developer would choose to ignore or downplay the public participation process prior to the project. Lack of public participation would result in further conflicts between the groups and the project, and it was also a source of inequality between the

429 For more about the establishment of leasable land use right and commodity housing in urban China, see the discussions of land system and housing system in Chapter 2. 430 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong. 431 Fang, "Tansuo Beijing Jiu Cheng Juzhu Qu Youji Gengxin De Shiyi Tujing 探索北京旧城居住区有机更新的适宜途径."101-103 432 Ibid. 110, 111

166 developer and the community members.433 In one word, the problems of wholesale regeneration came to the forefront in the 1990s and 2000s. They show a great contrast to the complex organic renewal principles in smallness, flexibility, community member’s self-help, and community building.

From formalistic organic renewal through complex organic renewal to the interpretative organic renewal, in the three decades of development, organic renewal is always theorized and practiced as the alternative or even remedy to the wholesale regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses. From a retrospective perspective, Jixiang Shan, a registered architect, the former director of the State Administration of Cultural Heritage of China, and the present director of the Museum of the Forbidden City, in the late 2000s, further summarized three major negative impacts of wholesale regeneration on vernacular space. First, it created generic architecture and generic district that were almost identical in different Chinese cities. The generic forms deprived the local of their distinct historical roots and cultural values in the cityscape.434 Second, the wholesale regeneration turned vernacular space renewal into real estate investment games. It was dominantly profit-driven and marginalizing the affected communities.435 Third, the wholesale regeneration usually embodied the local government’s ambition to boost economic growth in a rapid manner rather than any long-term planning that respected history, culture, and sustainability.436 Based on these understandings, Shan suggested that wholesale regeneration should be replaced by a way of renewal that emphasized daily maintenance and micro-scale regeneration, and most importantly, the renewal model had to respect the historic outlook and social structure of the neighborhood.437 Shan regarded organic renewal as such an option that could replace the wholesale regeneration model and minimize the negative impacts of

433 Ibid. 112, 113 434 Jixiang 单霁翔 Shan, "Cong Dachai Dajian Shi Jiucheng Gaizao Dao Lishi Chengqu Zhengti Baohu 从大拆大建式旧城改造到历史城区整体保护," Wenwu 文物, no. 6 (2006). 38 435 Ibid. 40 436 Ibid. 41 437 "Cong Da Guimo Weijiufang Gaizao Dao Xunxu Jianjin Youji Gengxin 从“大规模危旧房改造”到“循序渐进，有机更新”," Wenwu 文物, no. 7 (2006). 33

167 regeneration. In the planning writing in the late 2000s, Shan’s opinion was a representative view on the contrast between wholesale regeneration and organic renewal.

In rethinking the contrast between wholesale regeneration and organic renewal of alleyways and courtyard houses, theorists and practitioners of organic renewal outline two possible locales that micro-politics take place during wholesale regeneration. The first locale is between the profit- driven developer and the affected community. To maximize the return of investment, on the one hand, the developer intends to demolish the old constructions and relocate the community members as fast as possible; and on the other hand, the developer plans to build towers of condominiums and offices of very high density to produce more rentable or salable units. If the affected community delays the process of demolition and relocation, for instance, by disagreeing with the compensation contract or refusing to be relocated, the community’s interests are directly at odds with the developer’s.438 The second locale of micro-politics is between the growth- driven government and the affected community. Motivated mainly by economic growth out of the regeneration projects, the local government views the community members who do not co- operate because of the loss of their own interests as obstacles of local development.439 Facing a government that strongly promotes the wholesale regeneration as its political stakes, the affected communities oftentimes have to accept unfavorable compensation terms and even forced eviction.440 This type of conflicts between the local government and the affected community is a source of rights activism during and after alleyway and courtyard house redevelopment.441

Not fully immune to the conflicts and politics facing the wholesale regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses, organic renewal shed light on other positions and dynamics in the micro- politics of regeneration. First, organic renewal highlights the planner’s role, and the formalist

438 Reclaiming Chinese Society: The New Social Activism, ed. You-tien Hsing and Ching Kwan Lee (New York: Routledge, 2010). Qin Shao, Shanghai Gone : Domicide and Defiance in a Chinese Megacity (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2013). 439 Lu, "Guanyu Beijing Shi Jianshe Chaiqian Anzhi Banfa Cao'an De Shuoming 关于《北京市建设拆迁安置办法（草案）》的说明." 440 For more about the regulations on compensation and demolition, especially how the affected communities are placed on a disadvantaged position, see the discussions of demolition and relocation regulations in Chapter 2. 441 Reclaiming Chinese Society. Shao, Shanghai Gone.

168 organic renewal especially emphasizes the planner’s position in leading the design and coordinating the interests of different parities. The practitioners of the formalist organic renewal envision regeneration projects that prioritize the cultural historical continuity in the architectural forms, and they believe that this priority could be realized by giving the planner-architect professional authority and prominent position in the process of the projects. In this sense, the formalist organic renewal redefines a planner-architect’s role and rediscovers his or her agency. This implies that in the organic renewal model, the conflicts, between the profit-driven developer and the affected community, between the growth-driven government and the community, might be reconciled under the planner-architect’s supervision and mediation. From an opposite angle, this could also mean that since the planner-architect is foregrounded, the imbalance of power and conflict of interests might be shifted to the arena between the planner and the community.

Second, organic renewal reveals the diverse composition of the community and the various interests of its members. As complex organic renewal identifies community members, alleyway and courtyard house users, or the demolished and relocated, as the most active components in a complex urban system, the agency and capability of them are under the spotlight in the design of organic renewal models. Giving community members equal footing with the developer and planner and facilitating public participation in the project, complex organic renewal would probably invite different articulations of community interests, and sometimes, these interests could be conflicting. For instance, some households would prefer living in a modern style apartment building rather than maintain the historic outlook of alleyways and courtyard houses; other households would like to enjoy an alleyway and courtyard house living, however, they would not like to share the courtyards with other households. In this sense, complex organic renewal alludes to a field of micro-politics of compromise, negotiation, and even clashes among community members. It is an alert to the dismantling of any claim of collective interests of the alleyway and courtyard house community.

Third, despite the possible conflict between a growth-driven government and the affected community, organic renewal still leaves a prominent position for the local government in the renewal models. In particular, for the practitioners of interpretative organic renewal, among the various working models that they have studied, the collaborative model with a strong presence of the government has the advantage in securing the fund and preserving the historical forms of the architecture. (Table 4-2) This understanding of the positive influence of the local government

169 demonstrates that organic renewal has reimagined the dynamics among the developer, community, and government. Here the government is not so much a representative of the growth-driven state as an alliance with the planner and community.

In summary, in the planning writing of organic renewal, the practitioners have revealed the negative impacts of wholesale regeneration on the historical look, social structure, and economic future of the alleyway and courtyard houses. As an alternative to the wholesale regeneration method, organic renewal offers its own arena of politics attached to the common conflicts among the profit-driven developer, growth-driven local government, and the affected community. The alternative politics are based on the prominence of the planner-architect, rediscovery of the community interests, and a positive reimagination of the role of the local government. Therefore, the alternative politics brings to light the possible conflicts between the planner-architect and the community, the fractions among the community members themselves, and a new role of the government as organic renewal regulator rather than demolition and relocation enforcer.

• Conclusion

This chapter intends to understand the planning writing about alleyways and courtyard houses through a metaphor that a city is a living organism. In the previous sections, the chapter traces the development of a particular idea and practice of alleyway and courtyard house regeneration, organic renewal, that is derivative of the concept of urban organism. By demonstrating the trajectory of organic renewal, its underlying divergence, and the possible politics alternative to the wholesale regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses, this chapter outlines an understanding of the city that may slow down or stop the disappearance of the vernacular space in Beijing.

Emerging in the late 1970s, organic renewal has transformed over time to the present. It has emerged from inner-city redevelopment projects, specifically alleyways and courtyard house regeneration projects in Beijing. It first appeared in the form of a formalist organic renewal that located the organic development path in the continuation and appropriation of the essence of classic Chinese city building and vernacular architectural design. It therefore proposed design and planning principles of adaptive scale, gradual planning, and module design to largely maintain the spatial features of the classics (Wu Liangyong). In the 1990s and the early 2000s, the idea of organic renewal transformed into a complex organic renewal that portrayed the city as

170 a self-organized, adaptive, and dynamic complex system with the city dweller as its basic unit. Emphasizing the role of individual dwellers, complex organic renewal celebrated user initiated micro-renewal and user-organization centered community cooperative renewal (Fang Ke). As the idea evolved, urban organic renewal diverged into various interpretive modes about urban life, culture, history, and harmony. Consequently, the multitude of urban organic renewal projects inspired a variety of improvements of the technical details in practice (Hu Ying, Qiu Hongfei, Zhao Zhengxiong, etc.). Although the understandings of urban organic renewal diverged and dispersed, in practice, the principles of adaptive scale, gradual progression, public involvement, and appreciation of local styles have been consistent and of continual influence. These principles differentiate organic renewal from the wholesale regeneration and massive demolition by envisioning urban physical changes that respect the communities and the history.

In the evolvement of organic renewal, Wu’s planner-architect model places the planner- architects at the center of the regeneration practice. This model empowers them as the guardians of the organic continuation of the architectural and planning style. Implicitly, they also need to be the representatives of moral consciousness in the practice to balance the developmental goal and the community’s interest. Fang’s user-oriented model is built upon the agency of the users, especially their capability to create favorable urban space. The users are granted a leading role in regeneration, whereas the planner-architects are only enablers, assistants, and educators. For Wu’s model and Fang’s model the alliance between the planner-architect’s vision and the interest of the community is an underlying assumption that prevent building spectacles so as not to disrupt the original neighborhoods and the historic outlook of the cityscape. Although not challenging the alliance between the planner-architect and the community, interpretive organic renewal shifts its focus to value collaborative models of regeneration that does not emphasize either the dominance of the planner-architect or the users. In the practice of pre-project survey and post-project evaluation, the planner-architect still plays an important role to measure the scale of organic renewal. The implication is that the planner-architect monitors the scale of organic renewal—the more organic a regeneration project is, the less likely alleyways and courtyard houses would disappear en masse.

According to whom it empowers, organic renewal demonstrates two divergent tendencies of planning culture, incrementalism and regionalism. Incrementalism focuses on gradual changes and values individual agency, whereas regionalism emphasizes regional relations and highlights

171 central planning power. Through referencing to Jane Jacobs, Lewis Mumford, and Christopher Alexander, the practitioners of organic renewal in Beijing diverges on the view of urban individuals that they estimate to work with. The tension emerges between the assumption of a self-organized, self-determined, and active figure of urban space user and the imagination of a defected personality that is to be corrected by regional planning. Interestingly, in the evolvement of organic renewal, the tension is not foregrounded. In this sense, organic renewal could be understood as an effort to synthesize the merits of the divergent or even contradictory tendencies of both incrementalism and regionalism. It may have also offered the cases to rethink the adaptability and compatibility of the two different planning cultures in relation to design a better regeneration project.

Moreover, compared with the wholesale regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses that renders them disappearing en masse, organic renewal offers new positions and dynamics in the micro-politics of regeneration. The wholesale regeneration projects oftentimes engender conflicts between the profit-driven developers and the affected communities, between the growth- motivated local government and the relocated communities. On this picture, organic renewal rediscovers the planner-architect’s coordinative position, alludes to the diverse interest groups in a single community, and reimagines the government’s presence as a positive factor in the regeneration. In other words, organic renewal enables new relationships among the planner- architect, government, developer, and community. By rediscovering the agency of the community members, it also indirectly attaches a cautious note to the internal fractions among different community members that may work for or against preserving alleyways and courtyard houses.

In short, this chapter has traced the development of organic renewal and analyzed the politics of this planning culture in the regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses in the last four decades. Organic renewal is essentially a planning idea that views a city as a living organism. Regardless of which actor it empowers in the working models that it develops, organic renewal advocates taking care of the city as one cares for life. Therefore, regenerations should be small- scaled, gradual, continual, and specific to the social architectural context rather than wholesale, intrusive, and one-size-fit-for-all. This understanding of regeneration in the planning writing may be a remedy to the massive disappearance of Beijing alleyways and courtyard houses.

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Heritage Development: Beyond Organic Renewal

Last chapter discusses the understanding of the metaphor urban organism in the planning writing from the 1980s to the 2000s. This chapter is a sequel to that understanding and intends to go beyond the planning writing and measure the influence of the same metaphor, urban organism, in the policy writing on heritage preservation, especially on alleyway and courtyard house preservation in Beijing. The central question that this chapter address is how the idea of urban organism manifests itself through the writing of organic renewal in the policy writing?

The primary sources of this chapter are various kinds of government documents, especially Beijing municipal government documents that are related to heritage preservation from the 1980s to the 2000s. These documents are publicly available through the official program of the transparency of the government information, regulated by the “People’s Republic China Government Information Transparency Regulations”442 which was issued in 2007 and became valid on May 1st, 2008. In other words, the documents are mostly made public online or in print voluntarily by the responsible departments of the government that generate them. Typical government documents that form the policy writing in this chapter include, for example, “Beijing Master Plan (1991-2010),”443 “Beijing Urban Center Control Plan”444, “Beijing Historical and

Cultural City Protection Plan,”445 “Beijing Historical and Cultural City Protection Plan in the

Eleventh Five Year Plan,”446 and many others.

By reading these documents in relation to the changing understandings of urban organism and the development of organic renewal, this chapter outlines the parallel between the policy writing

442 国务院 Guowu Yuan, "Zhonghua Renmin Gonghe Guo Zhengfu Xinxi Gongkai Tiaoli 中华人民共和国政府信息公开条例," (2007). 443 北京市人民政府 Beijing Shi Renmin Zhengfu, "Beijing Chengshi Zongti Guihua (1991-2010) 北京城市总体规划（1991-2010）," (1991). 444 "Beijing Shi Qu Zhongxin Diqu Kongzhi Xing Xiangxi Guihua 北京市区中心地区控制性详细规划," (1999- 09-01). 445 "Beijing Lishi Wenhua Ming Cheng Baohu Guihua 北京历史文化名城保护规划," (2002-09-18). 446 "Beijing Shi Shiyi Wu Shiqi Lishi Wenhua Mingcheng Baohu Guihua 北京市十一五时期历史文化名城保护规划," (2007-05-01).

173 and the planning writing. To be specific, this chapter demonstrates how organic renewal is applied and redefined in the establishment of an institution of heritage preservation centered on alleyways and courtyard houses. Moreover, this seeking of the metaphor urban organism in policy writing also reveals that how the meaning of the metaphor and its related organic renewal practice are limited to the designated heritage sites. This limitation may be another cause of the more common and massive disappearance of vernacular in comparison with a few focused courtyard house preservation cases.

This chapter has four main sections. The first section outlines the initial stage of the heritage policy of preserving Beijing as an integrated historical and cultural city. The second section discusses the emergence of a heritage preservation system that combines different procedures, for example, neighborhood designation, historical value definition, and planning principle suggestions. The third section continues to narrate how the preservation system became mature by covering more designated protection districts and offering new protection programs. The fourth section touches upon the latest picture of heritage preservation in the Beijing municipal government’s policy writing. It addresses the expansion of the preservation system, originally focusing on alleyways and courtyard houses, to include intangible heritage, world heritage, and more.

By tracing organic renewal in policy writing in parallel to the understandings of the urban organism in the planning writing, this chapter first offers a brief history of the establishment of a heritage system that incorporates organic renewal to some extent. Second, this chapter demonstrates how a metaphor of city travels in the urban writing and produce meaning. Third, it implies further questions in understanding the parallel between planning writing and policy writing for future studies. For instance, through what key figures the metaphor travels, is the travel involves contestation, especially with other policy ideas, and how does the policy writing influence its implementation?

• The initiation

As the idea of organic renewal emerged in the planning writing in the 1980s, in the vertical structure of government, there was a top-down manifestation of rising awareness of heritage preservation. One product of this awareness was the list of historical and cultural cities as guidance for urban heritage preservation.

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In 1982, the National Infrastructure Committee (国家基本建设委员会), the National Bureau of Heritage Management (国家文物事业管理局), and the National Bureau of Urban Construction ( 国家城市建设总局) submitted a proposal on the preservation of China’s historical and cultural cities.447 In this proposal, the three central government units defined a historical and cultural city as one that used to serve as the political, economic, cultural, or revolutionary center in China’s ancient or modern history. The proposal states that these cities preserve a large number of heritage objects and sites. To protect those objects and sites is to keep the “long history of the Chinese nation,” the “glorious tradition of revolution,” and the “rich Chinese culture.”448 The proposal also believes that to protect and manage the heritage well plays an important role in enriching the socialist culture and develop tourism.

However, the proposal identifies two major problems facing the historical and cultural cities under the contemporary circumstances of accelerated urban development. The first problem is that the expansion of cities has damaged traditional architecture, ancient tombs, and existing steles, to various degrees. Second, new constructions and designs in the urban centers do not respect the style of existing traditional and early modern architecture. Therefore, the historical look of the urban fabric is in danger.

On the one hand, there was diverse heritage in the historical and cultural cities identified by the proposal, but on the other, the heritage was in jeopardy. Against this background of the 1980s, the National Infrastructure Committee, the National Bureau of Heritage Management, and the National Bureau of Urban Construction suggested nominating several historical and cultural cities nationwide as the focuses of heritage preservation. In the proposal, the three government units named 24 candidates on the first list of China’s historical and cultural cities. These cities include Beijing, Chengde, Datong, Nanjing, Suzhou, Yangzhou, Hangzhou, Shaoxing, Quanzhou, Jingdezhen, Qufu, Luoyang, Kaifeng, Jiangling, Changsha, Guangzhou, Guilin, Chengdu, Zhunyi, Kunming, Dali, Lasha, Xi’an, and Yan’an. (Figure 5-1)

447 国家建委 Guojia Jianwei, "Guanyu Baohu Woguo Lishi Wenhua Mingcheng De Qingshi 关于保护我国历史文化名城的请示," (1982). 448 Ibid.

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On this list, Beijing is the first historical and cultural city. Its cultural and historical values were briefly defined in two aspects. First, it was the old capital in Jin (1115-1234), Yuan (1206-1368), Ming (1368-1644), and Qing (1644-1911) dynasty. Second, in Beijing are located various types of heritage sites, including the People’s Heroes Monument, the Forbidden City, the Ming and Qing Mausoleums, the Zhoukoudian Site, and many others.449

As the proposal suggested, in managing and developing historical and cultural cities, the government should balance the speed and style of the new constructions and the historical look of the city. The government also has to relocate the heavy industries in the city to control the pollution of the environment. More specifically, the planning department of the government needs to draft detailed protection plans of the cultural heritage.450

The Chinese State Council approved this proposal on historical and cultural cities in 1982. Following the initiation of this proposal, the State Council to the present has approved three lists of historical and cultural cities and many other additions to the lists.451 Moreover, the institution

449 Ibid. 450 Ibid. 451 城乡建设环境保护部 Chengxiang jianshe huanjing baohubu, "Guanyu Qing Gongbu Di'er Pi Guojia Lishi Wenhua Mingcheng Mingdan De Baogao 关于请公布第二批国家历史文化名城名单的报告," (1986). 国务院 Guowu Yuan, "Guojia Disan Pi Lishi Wenhua Mingcheng Mingdan 国家第三批历史文化名城名单," (1994). The examples of other additions to the historical and cultural city list include Taian (2007), Taiyuan (2011), and many others.

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Figure 5-1 The first historical and cultural cities in China

Source: Google Maps

177 of historical and cultural cities has developed into a series of procedures including submission, review, selection, nomination, monitoring, and revocation.452

Although there emerged a historical and cultural city institution that values Beijing’s rich heritage resources, the master plan of the city did not show heritage preservation at a prominent position in 1983. According to the official interpretation of the key points of the 1983 master plan of Beijing in The East City District Planning Gazetteer:

One planning goal is to …gradually expand the area of parks and green lands through heritage maintenance and renovation… Through the maintenance and renovation of heritage sites and old residential space, through the renewal of old and dilapidated houses, and through the construction of new streets, new residential districts, more small pieces of green lands could be built, and the streetscape could be diversified. Therefore, the cityscape could be more beautiful, and the quality of the environment could be improved.453

In this narrative, the heritage is not viewed as an independent category in the scheme of the master plan. It is viewed as an instrument, through the “maintenance” and “renovation” of which, the number of the green lands could be increased, and the overall cityscape could be beautified. In other words, the heritage is a supplement to the urban greens and more pleasant urban landscape.

About the implement of the 1983 master plan, as Qi Liu, an active official in the housing reform and capital planning committee at that time, observed, what is more relevant to the vernacular space in the inner city of Beijing is the relationship between the regeneration of the inner city and the continuation of the style of a historical and cultural city:

452 Chengxiang jianshe huanjing baohubu, "Guanyu Qing Gongbu Di'er Pi Guojia Lishi Wenhua Mingcheng Mingdan De Baogao 关于请公布第二批国家历史文化名城名单的报告." 全国人民代表大会 Quanguo renmin daibiao dahui, "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Wenwu Baohu Fa 中华人民共和国文物保护法," (2002). Article 14 and Article 69. "Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Wenwu Baohu Fa 中华人民共和国文物保护法," (2015). Article 14 and Article 69.条 453 Jianwei 仲建惟 Zhong, Ye 田野 Tian, and Ruiling 刘瑞玲 Liu, Dongchengqu Guihua Zhi 东城区规划志 (1993). 56

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Preservation of the heritage has significant meaning, but regenerate the old, and dilapidated housing also has very important meaning. First, the regeneration is the evidence that the proletarians are truly the main subject in a socialist system… Second, the regeneration is conducive to further protection of heritage and traditional architecture… Third, the regeneration is helpful to realize modernization of the city… Fourth, the regeneration will create new patterns and new faces of the city…454

This passage could be understood as Liu’s personal defense of the regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses over the more cautious move of preservation. In this passage, although Liu acknowledged the significance of heritage preservation at first, he still placed regeneration of the inner city at a more prioritized position. The reasons that he listed are many. One, regeneration is what the “proletarians” need more, and taking care of this need exemplifies the advantage of the socialist system. Two, the regeneration could demolish old and dilapidated houses around the heritage building thus to create a consistent environment for the heritage sites themselves. Three, the regeneration would modernize the old and dilapidated houses with cables, heating, sewage, electricity, and other facilities. Lastly, to replace the single-story inner city houses with low- rises, high-rises, and skyscrapers would create an urban image that represents the contemporary times. Liu concluded that in the relationship between the regeneration and the preservation suggested by the historical and cultural city proposal the first and foremost issue is not the preservation but the slow speed of single-story houses regeneration. Given the location of the regeneration that Liu addressed, most of those single-story houses would be alleyways and courtyard houses.

The key points of the 1983 master plan of Beijing and one of the official opinions on inner city preservation at its times, to some extent, did not match the importance and enthusiasm of heritage preservation initiated by the list of historical and cultural cities. However, in the State Council’s response to the 1983 master plan of Beijing, the issue of heritage was brought to the front. In the response, the State Council states:

454 Qi 刘岐 Liu, "Guanyu Shishi Beijing Chengshi Zongti Guihua De Jige Wenti 关于实施北京城市总体规划的几个问题," Chengshi wenti 城市问题 1 (1984). 8

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Beijing is the capital and a historical and cultural city. The planning and development of Beijing must reflect the Chinese national history and culture, the revolutionary tradition, and the uniqueness of a socialist capital. Regarding revolutionary sites, objects of heritage, ancient architecture, and significant archaeological sites, proper preservation is required. Within the vicinity of these sites and objects, the volume and cluster of buildings must be in accordance with the sites and objects. Beijing Old City needs to be gradually renewed by neighborhood. … The renewal should aim at improving the modernization of the infrastructure, inheriting and developing Beijing’s tradition as a historical and cultural city, and also making an effort in innovation.455

This statement pronounces the preservation of Beijing heritage as a very important urban planning and development goal. It also offers general guidelines for how to define the heritage and what to do to preserve its spatial representation. The heritage consists of three components: Chinese national history and culture, the revolutionary tradition, and the socialist culture. Even though the specification of these components is not elaborated in this document, the measures that should be taken to preserve their spatial embodiments are clear. First, to preserve the original objects, ruins, and sites relevant to the heritage. Second, to make the style of the surrounding architecture harmonious to the heritage. Third, to redevelop Beijing Old City to further modernize the overall infrastructure.

These brief directions and general guidelines with the nomination of the historical and cultural cities in the background started to create a welcoming policy environment for the development of organic renewal, especially in the case of heritage building preservation and heritage site redevelopment. Alleyways and courtyard houses, as potential heritage sites, benefited greatly from these policies. Linking back to the planning writing at the same time, they also became the prominent subject in the discussions over organic renewal.

455 国务院 Guowu Yuan, "Guanyu Beijing Chengshi Jianshe Zongti Guihua Fangan De Pi Fu 关于《北京城市建设总体规划方案》的批复," (1983-07-14).

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• The municipal moves

Liangyong Wu’s Ju Er Hutong project, the epitome of the idea of urban organism and the representative case of organic renewal, in the 1990s had gained worldwide recognition after its completion. Meanwhile, the brief directions and general guidelines in the Beijing master plan and the historical and cultural city institution began to take shape in concrete moves to preserve urban heritage. These moves fall into four categories: declarative, descriptive, regulatory, and legislative.

The declarative move is the government decision in the policy writing to designate specific historical neighborhoods for further protection plans. Beijing municipal government firstly published a list of 25 neighborhoods in the Old City as the focus area of protection. The list includes Nan Chang Street, Bei Chang Street, Nan Chi Zi, and other 11 neighborhoods in the Royal City area (皇城). Besides the Royal City, the focus area also contains Shi Cha Hai (什刹海), Nan Luo Gu Lane (南锣鼓巷), Da Sha Lan (大栅栏), and other eight neighborhoods in both the inner and outer Old City.456 (Figure 5-2) These places were officially regarded as locales where heritage objects and historical sites are densely located. In a number of these places, especially those near and within the inner and outer Old City, the architectural and planning forms are dominantly alleyways and courtyard houses.

456 The 1990 list and the 1999 version have slight difference. In the 1990 version, Niu Street and Summer Palace- Yuan Ming Yuan are included. In the 1999 version these two areas are replaced by Dong Si San Tiao-Dong Si Ba Tiao and Xian Yu Kou. 北京市人民政府 Beijing Shi Renmin Zhengfu, "Beijing Shi Diyi Pi Lishi Wenhua Baohuqu Mingdan 北京市第一批历史文化保护区名单," (1990-11-23). "Beijing Chengshi Zongti Guihua (1991-2010) 北京城市总体规划（1991-2010）."

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Figure 5-2 25 Neighborhoods of focused preservation457

457 "Beijing Jiucheng Lishi Wenhua Baohu Qu Fenbu Tu 北京旧城历史文化保护区分布图," http://www.dili360.com/cng/map/145.htm.

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Based on the focus area, secondly, the municipal government outlined in “Beijing urban master plan (1991-2010)” ten particular themes (hereafter the “ten themes”) represented by these neighborhoods that called for preservation and revitalization. The themes include:

• The North-South axis of the Old City

• The small-box-on-big-box outline of the Old City layout

• The natural waterways within and without the city

• The chess-board road system

• The color tone of Beijing vernacular architecture

• The skyline

• Traditional landscape. e.g. mountain views over the Yin Ding Bridge (银锭桥), the bird view from Mt. Jing (景山) overlooking the White Pagoda (白塔) in the North Lake (北海), the Bell Tower (钟楼), the Drum Tower (鼓楼), the Temple of Heaven (天坛), and Zheng Yang Gate Tower (正阳门箭楼), etc.

• Street views

• Public squares

• Ancient trees 458

Among the “ten themes,” more than five are related to alleyways and courtyard houses. For instance, “chess-board” (no. 4) is a metonym for the vertically and horizontally intertwined networks of alleyways. The “color tone” (no. 5), a major part of it, refers to the gray, black, and green palette of courtyard houses outside the Royal City. The “skyline” (no. 6) specifically refers to the horizontally expanding roof lines formed by the single-story courtyard houses. The views listed as examples as the “traditional landscape” (no. 7) all of them are outlook points higher than the alleyway and courtyard house neighborhoods. Seen from the outlooks, the lower alleyways and courtyard houses form a vast canvass that foregrounds the focal point of the views. The “street views” (no. 8) could be understood as the unique alleyway views supplemented by shops and the surrounding courtyard houses. Moreover, the “ancient trees” (no.

458 "Beijing Chengshi Zongti Guihua (1991-2010) 北京城市总体规划（1991-2010）."

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10) except for those located in ancient temples and palaces, a significant number of them are located in the alleyway and courtyard house neighborhoods.459 In one word, alleyways and courtyard houses are exactly the embodiment and subject of the preserved ten themes of the historical neighborhoods.

The descriptive move denotes the government effort of defining the particular cultural historical values of the designated neighborhoods in the policy writing. To elaborate on the “Ten themes,” the municipal government subsequently drafted a protection and control plan. The “Beijing Old City Historical and Cultural Protection Districts Protection and Control Plan” (hereafter the “Protection and control plan”)460 evaluates the cultural historical values of the listed neighborhoods, following the thematic frame of the “ten themes.”

It groups the 25 neighborhoods into 11 districts, and in each district, the “Protection and control plan” specifically identifies the individual buildings of heritage and elaborates their architectural context. For instance, in the protected district of Shi Cha Hai, the “Protection and control plan” identifies the former residence of Soong Ching-ling (宋庆龄 1893-1981), the former residence of Guo Moruo (郭沫若 1892-1978), the Bell Tower, the Drum Tower, and the Prince Gong Mansion (恭王府), together with other 30 or so individual buildings as heritage sites. The policy writing acknowledges these sites’ history that Shi Cha Hai was a palace site in Jin (金 1115- 1234), a prosperous marketplace in Yuan (元 1271-1368) and a district of mansions of prestigious families in Ming (明 1368-1644) and Qing (清 1644-1911). The “Protection and control plan” also acknowledges the presence of plenty of natural waters in the district and the diagonal patterns of alleyways shaped by the waterways. Pinpointing individual heritage buildings and identifying the historical geographical context of the district, the “Protection and control plan” has defined what to preserve about Beijing urban heritage and how to interpret its values.

Another example is Nan Luo Gu Xiang district. In the policy writing, it states that:

459 Hoa, Reconstruire La Chine. 460 "Beijing Shi Qu Zhongxin Diqu Kongzhi Xing Xiangxi Guihua 北京市区中心地区控制性详细规划."

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Nan Luo Gu Xiang was built in Yuan Dynasty. After hundreds of years of transformation, it still keeps the fish-bone pattern of the alleyways. It is a complete fish-bone pattern in the Old City’s neighborhoods. Nan Luo Gu Xiang is also a very typical traditional courtyard house neighborhood in the Old City of Beijing. The long and rich history of this neighborhood leaves behind a number of good-quality traditional courtyard houses, celebrity mansions, ancient gardens, decorative mountains and stone, and steles. In this neighborhood, there are currently five municipal heritage sites, 12 district heritage sites, including the residence of Queen Wanrong of Qing Dynasty, the residence of Mao Dun, Ke Garden, and En Garden, and other 20 or so historical sites.461

Nan Luo Gu Xiang is North-South lane located in the North East of the Old City near the North- South axis of Beijing. Regarding the spatial form, it functions as the vertical link of a series of horizontal alleyways. Those lanes altogether form the typical fish-bone pattern of vernacular alleyways. What is worth mentioning is that Liangyong Wu’s Ju Er Hutong project is based on one of the North East horizontal lanes in this area. As elaborated in the quoted policy writing, the feature of this historical neighborhood lies in its vernacular architectural forms, to be specific, the courtyard houses, the alleyways, and the gardens. The historical value of this neighborhood also lies in those historical figures who used to live there. For instance, Queen Wanrong (1906- 1946) is the last queen before the Qing Dynasty fell. Mao Dun (1896-1981) is a prolific writer and editor in modern Chinese literary history, who is mostly remembered as an advocate for literary realism and world literature among the less-developed countries.

From the example of Shi Cha Hai and the example of Nan Luo Gu Xiang, one common strategy seen in the definition of the cultural historical values of a designated district in the “Protection and control plan” is selection—the selection of architectural features and the selection of historical evidence. Coincidentally, the selection is centered on vernacular space and the historical figures that are related to those places.

461 Ibid.

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Besides designating historical neighborhoods and defining cultural historical values, another move of urban heritage preservation is regulatory. It refers to the identification of preservation principles for the historical neighborhoods. In the “Protection and control plan,” they boil down to four principles, authenticity, contextualization, gradual planning, and revitalization:

Preserve the authentic heritage sites, respect the overall look of the neighborhood, and protect the historical factors of the space (e.g. architecture, walls, alleyways, river ways, and trees, etc.)

…

Adopt the method of gradual renewal; Avoid demolishing all and reconstructing all. Do not view counterfeiting as protection. Regarding the architecture that interrupts the historical look of the area, the original status of the authentic architecture should be restored.

Improve the facilities and living condition within the range of preserving the historical look.462

According to the quoted elaboration on the preservation principles, authenticity indicates protection of the authentic condition of the individual buildings and their historical contexts. Contextualization further emphasizes the original architectural context of the focus area. Therefore, contextualization strongly discourages wholesale (re)development because it would probably disregard the chess-board road system and the existing ancient trees. Since the principle of authenticity and contextualization both disagree with wholesale (re)development, gradual planning becomes the promoted alternative solution. It mainly deals with small scale projects and expects to transform the focus area one tiny step at a time. The principle of authenticity, contextualization, and gradual planning are intended for preservation of the exterior look of the focus area, and revitalization suggests that the internal functions of the protected buildings could also be gradually renewed to adapt to the current demand and use.

462 Ibid.

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The four protection and (re)development principles largely echo with the organic renewal practices derivative of the idea of urban organism, and specifically proposed by the formalist organic renewal, the complex organic renewal, and the multiple dimension of organic renewal models. For instance, contextualization speaks to “reading the city” and “designing with the old city’s fabric,” two planning principles suggested by Ke Fang. Contextualization and Fang’s principles share the basic idea that (re)development should be considerate to existing cityscape and paying respect to the historical architectural style that prevails in the area.463 Another instance, gradual planning, and revitalization also play an essential part in the organic renewal suggested by Liangyong Wu. These two principles are phrased as suitable scales, the collective impact of small size projects, and the concern with historical forms that satisfies the current spatial demands.464

Regarding the terms used and the content behind them, identifying the preservation principles of the historical and cultural city is the closest link with the idea of the urban organism through the principles of planning suggested at different stages of the development of organic renewal. In other words, this is the overlapping of the planning writing and the policy writing.

The last of the four concrete moves of urban heritage preservation is legislative. In addition to the master plan and the protection and control plan, Beijing local legislative body, the Municipal People’s Congress passed the “Beijing Urban Planning Regulation” in 1992 to support the concepts and measures embodied in the municipal plans.

The policy writing of the finalized regulations outlines the municipal’s planning system and defines the relationship between the Old City regeneration and new area development. The regulations also specify the details of the implementation of the planning policies. At last, the regulations list the fines and punishment in case of the violation of the articles.

Regarding urban heritage preservation, the writing goes:

Article 24 …

463 For more about Fang’s principle of organic renewal, see chapter 4. 464 Wu, Beijing Jiu Cheng Yu Ju'er Hu Tong, 68.

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In the projects of redevelopment in the Old City, the renewed plan or new proposed design should inherit, protect, and develop the traditional look, urban layout, architectural style, and garden landscape of the historical and cultural city. The government should designate heritage sites, control zones, and cultural historical protection districts. It should also set up codes for the height, volume, style, and color of new constructions in order to employ integrated preservation of vernacular architecture and neighborhoods that reflect the local culture.465

By this article, the focus of heritage preservation is emphatically in the Old City, and the feature of the Old City is generalized as “traditional look,” “urban layout,” “architectural style,” and “garden landscape.” Moreover, this article directly incorporates the protection codes on height, volume, style, and color palette suggested by the complex organic renewal principles; it also indirectly outlines the government role as a positive enforcement of heritage preservation, as argued by some planners in the technical turn of organic renewal.466

In summary, the enactment of the regulation legally acknowledges the idea of historical and cultural city preservation, especially the idea of integral preservation (整体保护). It also provides legal basis for the municipal’s practice of establishing protected heritages sites, control zones, and architectural style codes. It was until this 1992 regulations that Beijing municipal infrastructure of historical and cultural city preservation was administratively and legislatively completed.

• Expanded programs

Turning into the 2000s, the development of the idea of organic renewal in planning writing experienced a momentum of explaining urban organism in the framework of the theory of complexity. Then the idea of organic renewal gradually opened up to multiple interpretations of

465 北京市人民政府 Beijing Shi Renmin Zhengfu, "Beijing Shi Chengshi Guihua Tiaoli 北京市城市规划条例," (1992-08-11). 466 For example, in Manliang Liu’s study, the working model in which the government takes a leading role and collaborates with the community members and other actors is evaluated the most effective regarding the organic renewal criteria. Liu, "Beijng Jiucheng Chuantong Juzhu Jiequ Xiao Guimo Jianjinshi Youji Gengxin Moshi Yanjiu 北京旧城传统居住街区小规模渐进式有机更新模式研究."

188 the urban organism. At this time, architects and planners started to explore new techniques of organic renewal practice and new models for renewal projects. In parallel, the policy writing on historical and cultural city preservation in Beijing witnessed a series of development— designating more preservation areas, upgrading protection and control plans, and enhanced legislation.

Following the list of 25 preservation neighborhoods established in the 1990s, Beijing municipal government designated 15 more neighborhoods of protection in 2002. 467 These 15 new preservation zones include:

• The Royal City (皇城)

• Bei Luo Gu Lane (北锣鼓巷)

• Zhang zizhong Road North (张自忠路北)

• Zhang Zizhong Road South (张自忠路南)

• Fa Yuan Si (法源寺)

• Qing Royal Gardens, Haidian District (海淀区西郊清代皇家园林)

• Wanping City, Fengtai District (丰台区卢沟桥宛平城)

• Mo Shi Kou, Shijingshan District (石景山区模式口)

• San Jia Dian, Mentougou District (门头沟区三家店)

• Cuan Di Xia Village (爨底下村)

• Cha Dao City, Yanqing County (延庆县岔道城)

• Yi Lin Bao (榆林堡)

• The Ancient North City, Miyun District (密云区古北口老城)

• Yao Qiao Yu and Small Entrance Castle (遥桥峪和小口城堡)

• Jiao Zhuang Hu, Shunyi District (顺义区焦庄户)

467 北京市人民政府 Beijing Shi Renmin Zhengfu, "Beijing Dier Pi 15 Pian Lishi Wenhua Baohuqu Mingdan 北京第二批 15 片历史文化保护区名单," (2002-09-18).

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The 15 places on the list added numbers to the preservation neighborhoods within the boundaries of the Royal City and the Old City. For example, Bei Luo Gu Lane, Zhang Zizhong Road North, and Zhang zizhong Road South are all located in the inner-city with alleyway and courtyard house neighborhoods in the vicinity. (Figure 5-3) The 15 new protection areas also added a few locations in the suburban Beijing. For instance, Qing Royal Gardens and Cuan Di Xia Village are in the Western suburb of Beijing; Yu Lin Bao in the North West; Jiao Zhuang Hu in the North East. These new additions expand the category of historical and cultural preservation districts from inner-city alleyways and courtyard houses to rural villages and historical counties, whose architectural features may not be represented by vernacular architecture.

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Figure 5-3 Beijing urban heritage preservation area468

The yellow, orange, and red areas mark out the preservatoin area.

468 "Beijing Chengshi Zongti Guihua 2004-2020 北京城市总体规划（2004-2020）," (2005-01-27).

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Increasing protection sites both within and without the city proper called for updated planning and protection regulations. At this time, more policy writing became available, and the major ones, from the most general to the specific, regarding their regulatory scopes, include:

• “Beijing urban master plan (2004-2020)” (2005)469

• “Historical and cultural city preservation plan in Beijing’s tenth five-year plan (2001- 2005)” (2001)470

• “Beijing historical and cultural city preservation plan” (2002)471

• “Beijing Old City 25 historical and cultural preservation district protection plan” (2002)472

• “Beijing Royal City protection plan” (2003)473

• “Beijing Old City cultural historical areas housing maintenance and repairs regulation (tentative)” (2003)474

On the macro level, these plans reiterate the ten themes outlined in the 1991 Beijing master plan. More importantly, they initiate specific programs in the process of preservation. Three such major modules, for example, are the Old City integral preservation, designated heritage site protection, and early modern architecture protection.475 The Old City program emphasizes protecting the complete spatial features of Beijing Old City. It reiterated that the city of Beijing in Ming and Qing is the “pearl of China’s ancient capital building.”476 Therefore, the emphasis

469 Ibid. 470 "Beijing Shi Shiwu Qijian Lishi Wenhua Ming Cheng Baohu Guihua 北京市十五期间历史文化名城保护规划 ," (2001-12-19). 471 "Beijing Lishi Wenhua Ming Cheng Baohu Guihua 北京历史文化名城保护规划." 472 "Beijing Dier Pi 15 Pian Lishi Wenhua Baohuqu Mingdan 北京第二批 15 片历史文化保护区名单." 473 "Beijing Huangcheng Baohu Guihua 北京皇城保护规划," (2003-04-18). 474 "Beijing Jiucheng Lishi Wenhua Baohu Qu Fangwu Baohu He Xiushan Gongzuo De Ruogan Guiding (Shixing) 北京旧城历史文化保护区房屋保护和修缮工作的若干规定（试行）," (2003-11-18). 475 "Beijing Shi Shiwu Qijian Lishi Wenhua Ming Cheng Baohu Guihua 北京市十五期间历史文化名城保护规划 ."; "Beijing Chengshi Zongti Guihua 2004-2020 北京城市总体规划（2004-2020）." 476 "Beijing Chengshi Zongti Guihua 2004-2020 北京城市总体规划（2004-2020）." Article 61

192 for preservation was the “traditional pattern, space, and style of the city.”477 As suggested by the ten themes of protection in the 1990s’ policy writing, this decade’s policy writing restated that the “particular alleyway and courtyard house traditional architectural forms of Beijing should be protected.”478

The designated heritage program stresses the maintenance, repairs, and management of the heritage sites that are officially designated. Most of these sites are open to the public as tourist attractions. For the protection of these sites, the policy writing suggested at least two major measures. One is to survey the sites and keep a listing of the objects, architecture, and other relevant items that need to be preserved.479 The other is to maintain the historical look of the surroundings of the protection sites by “identifying the protection zone of the heritage site and improving the control zone of construction near it.”480 In these zones, the specific steps are “adapting or demolishing the architecture and constructions that do not meet the protection criteria.”481

The early modern architecture program addresses the architectural remains of the recent history in the city. For instance, the Republican era architecture and the socialist architecture of good- quality. These architectures “represent the historical development of the city”;482 therefore, they are “indispensable content of historical and cultural city preservation.”483

Differentiating protection programs outlines different subjects and purposes of preservation. It brings out more particular issues that are varied but significant to each program. For instance, how to protect Beijing Old City as a whole during the massive dilapidated housing redevelopment program, how to compete for the title of World Heritage site, and how to promote

477 Ibid. Article 61 478 Ibid. Article 61 479 Ibid. Article 63 480 Ibid. Article 63 481 Ibid. Article 63 482 Ibid. Article 64 483 Ibid. Article 64

193 archaeological discoveries at urban redevelopment locations. These issues are not common among different types of heritage sites. Differentiating protection programs helps to target various characteristics of different types of heritage.

On the micro level, these plans elaborate the “ten themes” of preservation from the 1990s on four fronts of practice. First, the plans concretely define the historical and heritage value of the newly designated neighborhoods. For instance, Bei Luo Gu Lane is defined as the proximity of Shi Cha Hai, Nan Luo Gu Lane, and Guo Zi Jian. Thus Bei Luo Gu Lane is the important background of the Royal City and an indispensable part of the North-South central axis.484

Second, these plans specifically name and categorize the unique locations of Beijing cityscape. For instance, for the purpose of preserving the waterways and waterscape, the plans list six categories, around thirty locations of rivers, canals, lakes, and other waterscapes. For instance, under the category of the moat, there are four locations, Bei Hu Cheng He (北护城河), Nan Hu Cheng He (南护城河), Bei Tu Cheng Gou (北土城沟), and Tong Zi He (筒子河). Under the category of ancient water reserve, there are also four locations, Lian Hua He (莲花河), Chang He

(长河), Lian Hua Chi (莲花池), and Yu Yuan Tan (玉渊潭).485

Third, the plans classify the architecture of preservation into different classes to facilitate the application of matching preservation standards. Based on the consideration of both structural quality and cultural historical value, six classes are applied: heritage, protection, improvement, maintaining, renewal, and decoration. The first two classes require to be completely preserved, and the rest four classes are expected to be renewed and modified, according to the relevant detailed control plans.486

Fourth, some of the plans also show concern about the intangible heritage. For instance, “Beijing historical and cultural city preservation plan” (2002) regards historical street names as an

484 "Beijing Lishi Wenhua Ming Cheng Baohu Guihua 北京历史文化名城保护规划." 485 Ibid. 486 "Beijing Jiu Cheng 25 Pian Lishi Wenhua Baohuqu Baohu Guihua 北京旧城 25 片历史文化保护区保护规划 ," (2002-03-01). "Beijing Huangcheng Baohu Guihua 北京皇城保护规划."

194 important part of the traditional urban culture. Therefore, they are supposed to be kept without random renaming. Additionally, the 2002 plan also notices that traditional entertainment, business culture, and street culture are active components in the culture of Beijing Old City. Thus Beijing opera, provincial guilds, traditional brand names all deserve preservation.487

As the preservation subjects, categorization, and measures were more clearly outlined in the municipal plans in the first half of the 2000s, the concepts and ideas presented in these policies were eventually legalized in the “Measures for the Protection of the Historical and Cultural Landmark of Beijing.”488 This regulation writing became effective on May 1, 2005. It had marked a further step on the legislation of urban cultural historical preservation.

In the early 2000s, a series of policy writing on historical and cultural city preservation expanded the content of heritage and enlarged the scope of what to be preserved. It also established new protection programs to cover the additions to the understandings of heritage in the policy writing. Regarding the preservation principles underlying the policy writing, “Historical and cultural city preservation plan in Beijing’s tenth five-year plan (2001-2005)” (hereafter the “Tenth five-year plan”) summarizes them as:

Regarding the historical and cultural city, the municipal government intends to combine integral preservation and focused area preservation together.

Regarding the Old City, the municipal government follows the idea that protecting the ancient capital’s physical characteristics and cultural atmosphere, and at the same time, improving the infrastructure, living conditions, and the urban functions.

Regarding the historical and cultural preservation districts, the municipal government, on the one hand, emphasizes protection of the original status and on the other facilitates organic renewal projects.

487 "Beijing Lishi Wenhua Ming Cheng Baohu Guihua 北京历史文化名城保护规划." 488 北京市人民代表大会 Beijing Shi Renmin Daibiao Dahui, "Beijing Lishi Wenhua Ming Cheng Baohu Tiaoli 北京历史文化名城保护条例," (2005-03-25).

195

Regarding authorized heritage sites, the municipal government explores effective protection measures and reasonable reuses.

The municipal government leads all protection and preservation projects. The municipal government also encourages public participation that includes various social actors.489

These principles first divide the preservation subjects into four categories, the historical and cultural city, the Old City, the historical and cultural preservation district, and the heritage site. Regarding the physical size of the heritage, this categorization follows the order from the largest to the smallest. The historical and cultural city occupies the most land, and within it, there are the old urban quarters, the authorized preservation areas, and the heritage sites. Regarding the scope of the preservation cases, this categorization lists from the most complicated to the relatively less difficult ones. The historical and cultural city preservation may involve all the issues that the preservation of the old urban center and authorized districts may have since the smaller heritage sites and the relatively simple cases essentially comprise the subjects of historical and cultural city preservation.

Based on the categorization, the “Tenth five-year plan” outlines the particular preservation principles for each category. For instance, integral preservation, focused preservation, protection combined with regeneration, and reuse. Beyond these keywords, there is a pair of threads— protection of the original historical look and contemporary adaptation—underlying all the principles. For the historical and cultural city preservation, both integral and focused preservation speak to the protection of the original historical look. The implication is that outside the focused areas and the designated integral preservation components, the emphasis is not preservation but contemporary adaptation and creative reuses. For the Old City, authorized district, and authorized heritage preservation, the pair of threads are even clearer in the writing’s paralleled use of protection and regeneration, original look and renewal, preservation and reuses.

489 Beijing Shi Renmin Zhengfu, "Beijing Shi Shiwu Qijian Lishi Wenhua Ming Cheng Baohu Guihua 北京市十五期间历史文化名城保护规划."

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In other words, the relationship between protection and adaptation is the central issue that is addressed by the preservation principles.

Protection or adaptation, and how? This is the question that the metaphor urban organism directly and indirectly addresses. Viewed as a living organism, the city has its rhythm of life and death, development and regeneration. Following this thinking, during the development of organic renewal in the planning writing, architects and planners have explored various ways to deal with this pair of threads.

In the policy writing on heritage preservation here, it is obvious that the preservation principles are heavily borrowed from the planning writing on organic renewal. Besides the direct quote of “organic renewal” from the planning writing and “public participation” promoted by Ke Fang, the concern of the past physical forms and the contemporary needs, the historical aesthetics and their continuation nowadays, these are the deeper connections between the planning writing and policy writing. In this sense, the writing of the preservation principles and the organic renewal writing shares the same root in the idea of urban organism.

• An established heritage system

Till the 2000s, the municipal government of Beijing had designated 40 districts or focus areas of cultural and historical preservation under the rubric of historical and cultural city preservation. To facilitate the management, maintenance, preservation, and regeneration within these areas, the municipal government had produced and revised more than ten major documents of policy writing. These pieces of writing not only identify the sites, architecture, entertainment, and customs as the media of cultural heritage but also categorize them into various preservation programs for targeted protection. With the emergence and development of policy writing on heritage preservation, a general picture of the heritage system soon became available.

When the policy writing in “Historical and cultural city protection plan in Beijing’s eleventh five-year plan (2006-2010)”490 (hereafter the “Eleventh five-year plan”) came out in 2007, it

490 "Beijing Shi Shiyi Wu Shiqi Lishi Wenhua Mingcheng Baohu Guihua 北京市十一五时期历史文化名城保护规划."

197 became a comprehensive account of the programs, issues, principles, and practices prescribed and suggested on the municipal level in the past decades.

This piece of writing first reviews the heritage policies and outcomes in the last municipal five- year plan. One of the outcomes is generating detailed policy writing to suit different subjects and purposes of preservation. The produced writing, for example, includes “Historical and cultural preservation district protection plan,” “Beijing 15 historical and cultural preservation districts protection plan,” “Beijing Royal City protection plan,” and many others. Most of the listed writing in the “Eleventh five-year plan” becomes the primary sources for the discussions in this chapter. Another outcome is the repairs of heritage sites and renewal of their surrounding environments. According to the “Eleventh five-year plan,” since May 2000, the municipal government had spent 330 million RMB in this aspect. Consequently, this investment “paid off the ‘debts’ on heritage preservation accumulated in the past decades.”491

Among other outcomes of heritage policy writing reviewed in the “Eleventh five-year plan,” what is worth mentioning is that the protection of alleyways and courtyard houses occupies a prominent position:

For the protection of courtyard houses in the Old City, since 2002, the municipal heritage department had surveyed over one thousand courtyard houses, analyzed their conditions, and collected all relevant parties’ opinions. Based on the survey results, the municipal heritage department selected 658 locations of courtyard houses to grant the protection status for focused preservation.

Since the end of 2003, the municipal planning department had conducted an alleyway survey and a protection study. The survey and study collected the data on the current conditions of alleyways, explored their historical transformation, and analyzed suitable protection policies. A side product of the study was Beijing alleyways protection exhibition.492

491 Ibid. 492 Ibid.

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This outcome demonstrates that alleyway and courtyard house preservation is an indispensable part of Beijing’s historical and cultural city protection plan. The vernacular architecture preservation was regarded as an independent category in the heritage policy writing. To be specific, the projects targeting alleyways and courtyard houses, as quoted above, include survey, interview, research, public education, and authorized protection.

In the “Eleventh five-year plan,” what is closely related to the preservation of alleyways and courtyard houses is the dilapidated housing redevelopment program. The policy writing points out:

Regarding the designated dilapidated housing districts within the area of the 30 historical and cultural preservation districts in the Old City, the municipal government would first cancel the redevelopment projects. Then the regeneration needs to follow the historical and cultural preservation plan. The regeneration should organically renew the dilapidated houses on micro-scale and in gradual steps. The regeneration should protect the original look of the districts and restore the original historical features.493

In this description, it is clear that all dilapidated housing redevelopment was brought to a halt because of the historical and cultural district protection in the Old City. Furthermore, the regeneration of alleyways and courtyard houses within the protected region must follow the principles suggested by the idea of organic renewal, small-scale, gradual, accumulative, and preserving the original historical forms.

Based on the review of policy writing in the tenth five-year plan and its outcomes, the “Eleventh five-year plan” outlines the preservation programs in the next five years. These programs are world heritage, designated heritage site, cultural historical focus areas, Old City integral preservation, and municipal cultural historical resources. A continuation is that the “ten themes” of preservation (e.g. the axis, the street views, and the ancient trees, etc.) proposed by the 1991

493 Ibid.

199 master plan494 became the content in the Old City integral preservation program. Moreover, the grouping of the subjects of different programs is also a continuation of the concepts initially discussed in the policy writing in the early 2000s.495

Among the five programs, what is an expansion is the independent world heritage program. The “Eleventh five-year plan” states:

During the 2008 Olympic Games, the municipal government will complete the maintenance and upgrade of the surrounding areas of the Ba Da Ling Great Wall, the Summer Palace, the Temple of Heaven, and the Forbidden City.

…

The municipal government will strengthen the protection of the Zhou Kou Dian Site, compile a protection and development plan for the park of the Zhou Kou Dian site, and revise the management protocol of the site.

The municipal government will also actively work on the application of the World Heritage title for the Jiang-Hang Grand Canal.496

“The 2008 Olympic Games,” the specific time mentioned in the writing suggests that this program may be a result of the preparation of Beijing for the international sports event. It is reasonable to imagine that with the arrival the games, athletes, and tourists from all over the world would visit Beijing. During this time, the sites that have World Heritage titles in Beijing would become great tourist attractions, and they should be able to receive a large number of visitors. This may be the background of an expanded world heritage preservation program. Moreover, the sites mentioned in the quoted passage demonstrate that the program not only accentuates the importance of the places that already have the title but also pay attention to the

494 "Beijing Chengshi Zongti Guihua (1991-2010) 北京城市总体规划（1991-2010）." 495 "Beijing Chengshi Zongti Guihua 2004-2020 北京城市总体规划（2004-2020）." "Beijing Shi Shiwu Qijian Lishi Wenhua Ming Cheng Baohu Guihua 北京市十五期间历史文化名城保护规划." 496 "Beijing Shi Shiyi Wu Shiqi Lishi Wenhua Mingcheng Baohu Guihua 北京市十一五时期历史文化名城保护规划."

200 preparation and application of new world heritage sites, for instance, the Jing-Hang Grand Canal.497 It is also worth mentioning that in this program, a portion of the preservation work is related to alleyways and courtyard houses in the Old City since the vernacular architecture forms the immediate surroundings of the world heritage sites, the Temple of Heaven and the Forbidden City.

Besides the independent world heritage program, what is also new in the writing of the “Eleventh five-year plan” is a broad category of the municipal cultural historical resources. In the writing, these resources include tourist sites, historical lakes and waterways, the collective of classic gardens, and intangible heritage. To some extent, this list of resources overlaps with some themes in the “ten themes” of Old City integral preservation. For example, the historical lakes and waterways are listed in both writings. Additionally, the intangible heritage is an emerging category on the resource list. The “Eleventh five-year plan” specifies:

The municipal government will establish an evaluation system of the intangible heritage. The government will also start a survey of intangible heritage. By making use of the advantages of the museums in the great Beijing area, the government will reinforce the preservation of the intangible heritage.498

According to the statements here, the definition and evaluation of intangible heritage in Beijing were still in discussion in 2007. Therefore, the writing suggests to survey the intangible heritage first and utilize the existing museum resources to assist the preservation.

In the heritage system outlined by the “Eleventh five-year plan,” although various subjects of preservation are divided into five major programs for customized preservation, alleyways and courtyard houses as part of the Old City take an important role across the programs. In the cultural historical focus area program and the Old City integral preservation, the vernacular architectural forms are the natural subjects because they are the protagonists in the authorized areas in the inner-city, and they define the physical and cultural features of the Old City. In the

497 The Jing-Hang Grand Canal’s was granted the title of UNESCO’s World Heritage site in June, 2014. 498 Beijing Shi Renmin Zhengfu, "Beijing Shi Shiyi Wu Shiqi Lishi Wenhua Mingcheng Baohu Guihua 北京市十一五时期历史文化名城保护规划."

201 world heritage program, even though alleyways and courtyard houses are not the focal point, they form the immediate environment surrounding of the World Heritage Sites, for instance, the alleyways and courtyard houses near the Temple of Heaven and the Forbidden City. The existence and continued existence of alleyways and courtyard houses there are the necessary conditions for the World Heritage Sites to merge in and stand out in their historical surroundings. The emerging program of miscellaneous municipal cultural historical resources repeats the key points in the “ten themes” of Old City integral preservation, in which alleyways and courtyard houses play an indispensable part. Under this program, with the rising awareness on the preservation of intangible heritage, the names of alleyways and courtyard houses, the commercial space that they used to provide, and the festival customs that they had witnessed, all have the potential to be preserved as the intangible element of the vernacular space. In this sense, the heritage system in the policy writing represented by the “Eleventh five-year plan” directly and indirectly recognizes the position of alleyways and courtyard houses.

In the heritage system described in the “Eleventh five-year plan,” the historical and cultural city preservation principles reiterate the core information from the “Tenth five-year plan,” and it also produces some new narratives.

The “Eleventh five-year plan” narrates the preservation principles as follows:

Integral and all-front (全方位) preservation. The emphasis is the Old City integral preservation. The municipal intends to expand the scope of preservation to the great city area, the humanistic cultural area, and the historical landscapes.

Human-centered development. The municipal government has a goal of combine historical preservation with sustainable development. The preservation also needs to contribute to the improvement of urban residents’ living quality.

Balanced preservation and development. The municipal government, on the one hand, focuses on the preservation of the historical space in the city, on the other, it also emphasizes the improvement of the urban infrastructure and the expansion of the city’s functions. The municipal government will encourage suitable industries in the old city if the industry fits the urban environment there.

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Policies and regulations. One of the municipal government’s responsibilities is to actively improve the policies and regulations to ensure the historical and cultural city preservation is systematic and has long-term plans.

Diversified protection measures. The city is a complex organism. The municipal government advocates adopting diversified preservation measures to deal with different cultural and historical districts. Seeking truth from the facts, and making plans according to one’s capability.

Public participation. The municipal government encourages public participation and community building. The municipal government would work to improve the public’s ability in heritage management.499

Among these principles, the pair of historical preservation and contemporary development is articulated clearly, as did by the “Tenth five-year plan” before it. For instance, the principle of “human-centered development” emphasizes both preservation and development. “Human- center” here is interpreted as placing the residents’ (human) need of higher quality of living at the center. The implication is even that if the preservation could not contribute to the improvement of the residents’ living condition, it would not be successful preservation. In the principle of “balanced preservation and development,” literally, preservation and development have equal importance. On the municipal government’s agenda, preservation shares the same priority as the upgrade of infrastructure and economic revitalization in the inner-city area. Contrary to the common opinion that industries need to move out of the inner-city to restore the pre-industrial historical look of alleyways and courtyard houses, this principle invites those industries that do not interrupt the fabric of the alleyways and courtyard houses to boost the local economy of the inner-city.

Besides the relationship between preservation and development, what is significant in the principles is the incorporation of the language of urban organism. “The city is a complex organism.”500 By uttering so, the principle of “diversified protection measures” intends to prove

499 Ibid. 500 Ibid.

203 that a city is formed by various “organs” of different functions. The historical and cultural preservation districts are one of such “organs.” Therefore, they require differentiated treatment to solve their indistinct preservation challenges and maintain their unique historical characteristics. To view a city as an organism is the signature of organic renewal in the planning writing on alleyway and courtyard house regeneration. The direct evocation of the articulation here serves as the basis of customized and diversified protection measures for different historical and cultural preservation districts.

Lastly, the principle of “public participation.” In the “Tenth five-year plan,” a similar principle already exists. Then the policy writing emphasizes the authority of the municipal government in all protection and preservation projects. Under the dominance of the government, all social actors are welcomed to contribute to heritage preservation. This guide and participant relationship between the government and the social actors continues in the policy writing of the “Eleventh five-year plan.” A slight difference is that the authority and dominance of the government are backgrounded in the language. What is emphasized is its encouragement of public participation and responsibility for capacity building for the community to be involved in the heritage management.

Public participation is especially advocated in the idea of complex organic renewal because this thinking regards the residents, the individuals, and the community members as the source of energy and life of a city. In other words, complex organic renewal relies on the community members’ self-help, self-organization, and self-management to create a better urban life. The collaboration between the government and community is evaluated as a favorable working model in the technic turn of organic renewal. In the policy writing here, the principle of “public participation” is a clear connection with the thinking of urban organism and the practice of organic renewal in the late 2000s.

• Conclusion

This chapter sets out to explore how the idea of urban organism manifests itself as preservation principles in the policy writing on heritage preservation. Through reading the publicly accessible government documents—the municipal master plans, preservation regulations, and others— which are related to the heritage system, this chapter outlines the establishment of an institution of heritage preservation built upon the preservation of alleyways and courtyard houses.

204

Moreover, this chapter reveals the connections between the policy writing and the planning writing via the planning principles suggested by the organic renewal practice. This connection demonstrates the influence of the understanding that a city is an organism in the policy writing in question.

From 1982 when the first list of historical and cultural cities was available, to 2007 when the “Eleventh five-year plan” reviews the municipal government’s heritage system, the policy writing in Beijing has approximately experienced four stages. The stage before the 1990s was a time of the formation of the awareness of preservation. It prepared the policy writing for more specific categorization and regulation of heritage preservation. The second stage, the whole 1990s, witnessed early attempts of constructing the administrative and legal infrastructure of preservation. The municipal attempts mainly included designating authorized preservation districts, defining their cultural and historical values, establishing preservation principles, and legislating the heritage system. The third stage spans over the first half of the 2000s, in which the infrastructure of urban heritage preservation finally matured as more districts were included in the authorized preservation system, and more protection programs are available. In the last stage, especially after 2007, heritage preservation in the policy writing has developed into a system that covers different protection programs, for example, the world heritage program, designated heritage sites, cultural historical focus areas, Old City integral preservation, and municipal cultural historical resources. In these fully developed programs, intangible heritage and historical and cultural villages also became subjects of preservation.

In the heritage preservation system demonstrated by the policy writing, alleyways and courtyard houses always have a prominent position. In the beginning, alleyways and courtyard houses were regarded as the representative of the capital’s historical look. Then the policy writing developed the “ten themes,” for instance, the skyline, the color palette, and the plants, to elaborate most physical and aesthetic features represented by the vernacular architectural forms. These themes later function as the guidelines of the Old City integral preservation. Besides being an independent subcategory in the policy writing, the preservation of alleyways and courtyard houses also take parts in the preservation of the world heritage sites, cultural historical focus areas, and municipal cultural historical resources. Vernacular architecture is either a component of the preservation subjects or the necessary surrounding of the preservation subjects. The names of alleyways and courtyard houses, the customs that are popular in the vernacular space, and the

205 cultural events that used to be held in the locations, as the policy writing gives more attention to the intangible heritage, also become potential preservation subjects for new preservation programs.

In the four-stage development of policy writing, to some extent, the preservation principles synchronize with the development of organic renewal in the planning writing. Before the 1990s, the awareness of urban heritage preservation appeared in the policy writing around the same time when the idea of organic renewal was in forming in the planning writing. During the 1990s, the attempts to construct an infrastructure of preservation were made at a time when the formalist organic renewal was developed and succeeded in practice. At this time, the principles of organic renewal such as contextualization and gradual planning, theorized by Liangyong Wu, were directly adopted into the protection and control plan of Beijing Old City.501 In 2001, “organic renewal” was written into the “Tenth five-year plan” as one of the general guidelines of historical and cultural city preservation.502 This five-year plan also acknowledges the importance of public participation, which is derivative from the complex organic renewal, micro-renewal, and community co-operative renewal.503 After 2007, the emergence of rural sites as subjects of preservation coincided with the tendency during the technical turn, which is intended for applying organic renewal to a wider range of rural and other possible sites. The keywords from the planning writing on organically regenerating alleyways and courtyard houses, for instance, authenticity, contextualization, gradual planning, revitalization, sustainability, and adaptable reuse, are all readily recognizable in the policy writing on heritage preservation. (Table 5-1)

On this parallel trajectory, the correlation between the planning writing on organic renewal and the policy writing on heritage preservation displays two characteristics. One, organic renewal influences the practical principles of the policy writing that is to regulate heritage related urban (re)development. The idea of organic renewal and its developing forms are directly borrowed into the policy language. Two, the policy writing’s focus on heritage preservation gives the

501 "Beijing Chengshi Zongti Guihua (1991-2010) 北京城市总体规划（1991-2010）." 502 "Beijing Shi Shiwu Qijian Lishi Wenhua Ming Cheng Baohu Guihua 北京市十五期间历史文化名城保护规划 ." 503 Ibid.

206 impression that the best arena for organic renewal might be heritage-related sites and projects. If alleyways and courtyard houses are regarded as with no heritage values, organic renewal might not be the suggested solution. This limitation on organic renewal leaves out alleyways and courtyard houses or any other neighborhoods that are not recognized by the preservation programs. This is a passive factor that leaves these alleyways and courtyard houses decline and demolished.

Table 5-1 Temporal parallel of the policy writing on historical and cultural city preservation and the planning writing on organic renewal

Years Organic renewal Cultural historic city Preservation preservation principles

Prior to 1990s Preliminary Emergence of exploration designated cultural historic cities

1990-2000 Formalist organic Building the Authenticity, renewal administrative and legal contextualization, infrastructure of gradual planning, preservation and revitalization

2000 onward Complex organic Maturation of the Organic renewal, renewal administrative and legal sustainable infrastructure of development, preservation innovative reuse, and public participation

Interpretative organic Inclusion of intangible Authenticity, renewal and the heritage and cultural organic renewal, technical turn historic towns and and public villages participation

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Through the heritage system in the policy writing and the preservation principles’ link to organic renewal, one can see that alleyways and courtyard houses are at the origin of preserving Beijing as a historical and cultural city. The preservation of the vernacular space, especially the preservation principles in the policy writing, share with organic renewal the metaphorical thinking that a city is a living organism. This connection helps to map out the overlap of heritage preservation and the disappearance of alleyways and courtyard houses, in other words, the preservation of alleyways and courtyard houses as designated heritage. Moreover, this connection raises other questions, for example, through what key figures the metaphorical thinking travels back and forth in the urban writing, is the travel involves contestation, and how does the policy writing influence its implementation? This chapter leaves these questions for future studies.

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Epilogue

This dissertation investigates the cultural mechanism behind the disappearance of alleyways and courtyard houses in the urban development in Beijing in the past four decades. During the past four decades, the cityscape of Beijing had transformed at an unprecedented speed and on a massive scale. The image of a horizontal and tranquil city of alleyways and courtyard houses in the writing of Lao She and Zhou Zuoren, or a city of production and working class in the works of Liu Xinwu and Lin Jilan, had been replaced by sky-reaching office towers, expanding ring roads, and spectacular architectural designs exemplified by the CCTV headquarters, the SOHO Galaxy, and the National Center for Performing Arts.

The transformation of Beijing is a painful and confrontational process: alleyways and courtyard houses disappear en masse, and the communities deeply rooted in these vernacular architectural spaces decline. Between the 1990s and 2000s, a steadily growing number of publications documented how fast the original alleyways are torn down for new developments, how few of them are still standing, how hard the courtyard house owners struggle and protest to hold on to their properties and inherited homes, and how sentimental one could be facing the demolition of the place that anchors part of one’s life memories.504 The discussions over the decline of vernacular space in the publications attest to the social and cultural impacts of the phenomenon.

The disappearance of alleyways and courtyard houses can be studied within the framework of a structural analysis of the global political economy. China had joined the force of globalization about four decades ago. It has generated the discussion of a series of issues, to list but a few, the connection between China’s infrastructural development and the globally-expanding financial capital, the international flow of talents, the fast advancement of technology, the rise of information society, and the changing roles of the Chinese state. These issues and many others form the political economic background of the disappearance of Beijing alleyways and courtyard

504 For example, Xinmin 华新民 Hua, Wei Le Bu Neng Shi Qu De Gu Xiang: Yi Ge Lan Yan Jing Beijing Ren De Shi Nian Hu Tong Bao Wei Zhan 为了不能失去的故乡:一个蓝眼睛北京人的十年胡同保卫战, 第 1 版 ed. (Fa lv chu ban she 法律出版社, 2009). Fen 吴汾 Wu and Feng 匡峰 Kuang, eds., Shi Qu De Hu Tong 逝去的胡同 (Dong fang chu ban she 东方出版社, 2008); Si He Yuan Shi Guang 四合院时光 (Dong fang chu ban she 东方出版社, 2008). Yang Zhang, Film Imar, and chang Xi'an dian ying zhi pian, Xi Zao: Shower (China: Imar Films Co. Ltd., 1999). Kaige Chen, "A Hundred Flowers Hidden Deep," in Ten Minutes Older: The Trumpet (2002).

209 houses. The decline of vernacular space is an outcome of the coalition between the developer, the state, and an elite class of designing professionals that cross out the existing alleyways and courtyard houses for profit, political achievements, and personal fame. Through the lens of regeneration, one could also see that the coalition functions as a growth machine505 that values the land and houses only for their potential of creating higher rents but totally ignores their use values as shelters, homes, and places for lively everyday activities.

The disappearance of vernacular space could also be studied from the literary and cultural perspective, which focuses the agency of artistic and aesthetic intervention into the reality of regeneration and demolition. Braester argues that film and theatre as a useful means of action has not only preserved the past of the old cityscape but also created the reality of cityscape that one actually lives in.506 Visser contends that modern arts function as a channel of articulating the helplessness and confusion commonly felt during the demolition of alleyways and courtyard houses. The aesthetics in these art works produce a critical space of ethics, autonomy, and citizenry to question the official discourse of growth, demolition, and urban development.507

Based on both political economic studies and the literary-cultural approaches, this dissertation brings to the fore the less navigated cultural realms that bear a more complicated relationship with the capital on the one hand and the physical changes of cities on the other. These cultural realms, namely, architecture, planning, heritage preservation, and regulations of demolition and relocation, form a mechanism behind the decline of vernacular space represented by alleyways and courtyard houses. This mechanism directly mediates between the capital and the reality of the cityscape in Beijing. An investigation into such mechanism would complicate on the one hand the argument of capital determinism and on the other the theory of cultural resistance.

This dissertation argues that as intermediaries between a political economic model and the realization of a particular cityscape, the trends and development of ideas in the field of architecture, planning, heritage preservation, and demolition regulation respectively shape the

505 Molotch, "The Political Economy of Growth Machine."; John R. Logan and Harvey L. Molotch, Urban Fortunes: The Political Economy of Place, 2nd ed. ed. (Oakland: University of California Press, 2007). 506 Braester, Painting the City Red. 507 Visser, Cities Surround the Countryside.

210 decline of Beijing alleyways and courtyard houses in the past four decades. In other words, the cultural mechanism formed by these fields of thoughts and ideas provides cultural historical contingencies of the disappearance of vernacular space. Contrary to the common beliefs, some of the contingencies predate the reemergence of capital and market in China, while others rise with globalization and marketization, or even fight against them.

A probe into the architectural intermediary shows that the architectural perception of vernacular space marginalizes certain features of these architectural forms. This marginalization ultimately creates the forgetfulness that erases the vernacular space. Alleyways and courtyard houses are evaluated as a form of vernacular architecture but also examined in debates over national forms and various types of residential space. In these discussions, alleyways and courtyard houses are judged by their function, technology, and aesthetics. When the focus is on function and technology, alleyways and courtyard houses are usually esteemed as with functional and technological deficiency. They are therefore deemed to be demolished for other architectural forms more suitable for modern living. For instance, the international style and high-density apartment blocks. When the emphasis is on aesthetics, alleyways and courtyard houses could be appreciated for their structural features, color schemes, and decorative motifs. They are even considered as an important source of national forms. However, the aesthetic appreciation of vernacular architecture only rises in the late 1980s and takes constant attacks from pro- modernism architects. Failing to appreciate the formalistic beauty and understand the local technology of vernacular architecture, one would estimate that alleyways and courtyard houses do not deserve to be preserved.

A close look at the intermediary of regulations on land, house, demolition, and relocation reveals that the vernacular space users occupy a vulnerable position to demand their rights and benefits related to alleyways and courtyard houses, especially during redevelopment projects that requires demolition and relocation. Therefore, they could only make temporary or limited connections to the courtyard houses, even though they call them homes. In an era when the urban land and houses are state-owned or collectively-owned, a courtyard house user bears little permanent connection with his or her living space. She or he needs to move and be relocated whenever the state or a collective sees his or her relocation is beneficial for larger construction projects. In the times when housing is generally viewed as a commodity, a user of courtyard houses secures his or her connection to the housing through monetary means. That is to say, if one could pay the

211 matching price of the land and house, she or he could use or live in the courtyard house as he or she wishes. However, when a redevelopment project is planned by the developer and approved by the local government, the courtyard house user does not have institutional means to reject the redevelopment plans. Moreover, the plans do not always need to go through public hearing, according to the regulations. Additionally, a courtyard house owner in demolition seldom has a say in the selection of real estate appraisal agencies and demolition companies. This position further renders him or her disadvantageous in the whole process.

Regarding the planning intermediary, the idea and practice of organic renewal is discussed in this project as a possible way to preserve and revitalize the vernacular space. Organic renewal advocates gradual progress, suitable sizes, and consideration of existing architectural and social contexts in urban renewal projects. It is originated from research and practice on alleyways and courtyard houses. It is commonly regarded as a remedy to the large-scale redevelopment relying on massive demolition and relocation. The development of organic renewal has offered variations of thoughts and regeneration models, for example, formalistic organic renewal, planner-architect centered model, complex organic renewal, and so on so forth.

However, the tensions and politics within the development of organic renewal itself pose further questions rather than offer better solutions to the renewal of alleyways and courtyard houses. To be specific, some trends in organic renewal celebrates the central role of the planner-architect as a guardian of the formalistic continuation of alleyways and courtyard houses. It also loads the responsibility of social preservation on the shoulders of planners and architects. While other threads of organic renewal emphasize the self-organization and self-help of the alleyway and courtyard house communities during a renewal project. This divergence implies potential conflict between a professional elite-led approach and a community-based bottom-up approach. Additionally, a tendency in recent studies of organic renewal inclines to support the leading role of the government in vernacular architecture regeneration. In contrast, previously, the government’s dominant presence in alleyway and courtyard house regeneration was a cautious sign that the neighborhoods would be cleared out in a wholesale manner. This recent tendency aligned with the government seems to be ironically contradictory within organic renewal itself.

Lastly, on the heritage intermediary, from the 1980s to the 2000s, the heritage policies grew from the general principles of preserving Beijing as one of the nation’s cultural historical cities to an

212 established system of various programs to preserve palaces, streets, residential space, waterways, natural sceneries, world heritage sites, and intangible heritage. There is a clear thread of borrowing the language of organic renewal in the policies, especially pertinent to the Royal City and its surrounding conservation. However, from a different angle, these heritage policies voluntarily or involuntarily confine organic renewal to alleyways and courtyard houses that are officially recognized as historic buildings; whereas those buildings and communities located outside the designated protection zones would be deemed as cultural-historically valuesless. Therefore, they could be demolished without constraints in redevelopment projects.

The cultural mechanism formed by architecture, planning, heritage, and regulation, as intermediaries or sometimes parallels to the capital and market, has significant impact on individual cases of the disappearing of vernacular space. A brief examination of the Meishi Street case represented by Ou Ning’s documentary, “Meishi Street,”508 and the companion catalogue of Dazhalan project, “The Story of Zhang Jinli,”509 suffices to make the point.

Meishi Street is a North-South bound street at the East side of the Front Gate (Qianmen), the furthest gate at the South of the Tian’anmen Square and the Royal Palace. The street runs about 1 kilometer510 from Qianmen Street in the north to the Zhushikou West Street in the south. Along the way, Meishi Street connects about 23 alleyways on its East and West sides, including Paizi Hutong, Langfang 1st Alley, Shijia Hutong, and Peizhi Hutong, to name but a few. Meishi Street also cuts through the historical Dazhalan Commercial Street, in which are located many househeld brand-name stores of shoes, silk, hats, and Chinese medicine. Most of these stores’ histories date back to the Qing dynasty or even earlier. In the vincinity of Dazhalan and hundreds of years of business activities there, Meishi Street has gained its own popularity among small businesses, tourists, and migrants.

However, the alleyway and courtyard house neighborhoods on Meishi Street were subject to demolition and relocation in 2004. The rationale behind this redevelopment project is that the

508 Ning Ou et al., Meishi Street (New York, NY]: DGenerate Films, 2006). 509 Ning Ou, The Story of Zhang Jinli, 2006. 510 This length is calculated according to the measurement on the Google Maps and the legend.

213 nearby North-South bound street, Qianmen Street, is about to be reconstructed as a pedestrian zone to demonstrate the heritage of traditional businesses and its historic environment. The traffic on Qianmen Street needs to be redirected to Meishi Street, the nearest street that is parallel to Qianmen Street. Therefore, the width of Meishi Street should be increased from the original 8 meters to 25 meters. That is to say, any houses that are located within the designed 25-meter zone has to be cleared out.

After the initiation of the street widening project, a social survey on the neighborhoods in Beijing published by Beijing Academy of Social Sciences in 2005 further justified the project from the social economical angle.511 The survey demonstrated that the density of population in the Dazhalan area was too high, about 45,000 persons per square kilometer; the distance among houses was too close, creating fire hazards; the market was selling counterfeits and knock-offs; petty crimes concentrated in certain spots in the area; the average daily expenses for the majority of the residents in the neighborhoods were under 8 RMB (0.98 US dollars). The survey implied that the Dazhalan area had become an overcrowded slum of poverty, crime, and fire hazards. Given Dazhalan’s geographical closeness to the political and cultural symbol of the PRC, the Tian’anmen square, its deteriorating situation urged immediate government intervention.

The plan that the municipal and district government came up with has a focus on Meishi Street. For one, this street seemed to have less designated historic buildings to begin with. Assumably, there would be less resistance and obstacles to the demolition and relocation. Second, widening Meishi street to share the traffic on Qianmen street would result in more square kilometers of roads rather than residence, thus to significantly reduce the density of the population. Third, with a hindsight, the demolition brought in neo-traditional shop fronts and courtyard houses that forced the existing businesses to upgrade themselves.

Although the approval rate of the Meishi Street project was reportedly as high as 95 percent among the local residents,512 a few households chose to stay after the official eviction date to

511 Mingde 朱明德 Zhu, Beijing Cheng Qu Jiao Luo Diao Cha 北京城区角落调查 (She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she 社会科学文献出版社, 2005). 512 Meng 王猛 Wang and Yanyang 任艳阳 Ren, "Da Zha Lan Gai Zao: Chai Qian Yu Bao Hu Tong Bu 大栅栏改造：拆迁与保护同步," Ren min ri bao hai wai ban 人民日报海外版, 2006/05/17/.

214 show their resistance to the demolition and relocation. The documentary Meishi Street foregrounds three such cases.

The leading case is Zhang Jinli’s. Zhang Jinli is the owner of Jinli restaurant located at No. 117 Meishi Street. His restaurant is within the 25-meter zone of the street widening project, but he refuses to accept the compensation terms offered by the demolition company. No. 117 Meishi Street was bought by Zhang’s father Zhang Hongqun in 1954. Zhang Hongqun opened a tailor’s shop on the spot in the 1950s and 1960s. In 1991, Zhang Jinli took it over to open a restaurant till the time of the demolition. Because of the location’s closeness to the Dazhalan commercial area, the business of the restaurant was quite good even with all the demolition activities going on around. However, the demolition company appointed by the local government does not recognize the commercial uses of Jinli restaurant. It is only willing to compensate it as a regular residence. This means huge economic loss for the Zhang family. Moreover, the demolition company does not offer a compensation based on the accurate number of square meters of the houses that Zhang has. It excludes the courtyard, doorways, and a room in the South wing. In addition, the calculation of the compensation uses the dated market price back in 2001. It does not take in consideration the increase of the land use fees and the rising house values in 2004, the time of the eviction. Reduction of square meters and the use of a dated land and house price result in insufficient compensation for the Zhang family. Zhang Jinli as the representative of his family’s interest has constantly appealed the case to various involved government bodies and individual politicians, for example, the executive committee of People’s Congress on the municipal level, the anti-corruption bureau, the mayor and vice mayor of Beijing, and even the Prime Minister. Within 2005, this single year, the number of pleas that Zhang Jinli mailed out to those government bodies and politicians amounts to 48, which is almost pleading weekly to relevant parties.

Another case in the documentary is Liu Ruiping’s. Liu and her husband live at No. 175 Meishi Street. Her case is quite similar to Zhang’s in that the compensation offered by the demolition company does not recognize the commercial uses of the front part of the property. There would be a huge difference between compensating as commercial houses and residential buildings. In addition, the Liu couple questions the rationale behind the implementation of a wholesale demolition and relocation even beyond the 25-meter zone of the street widening. They have shown to the camera that in the official plan, only one third of their properties are included in the

215

25-meter zone for the designed new street, then what is the rationale to demolish the other two thirds outside the 25-meter zone? The Liu couple pits the official discourse of micro-renewal against the wholesale method of demolition and relocation that are about to happen in Meishi Street. They argue that the current project plan violates the publicly agreed and scientifically proven renewal principles of micro-renewal.

The third case centers on the Sun family. Sun Tiesheng, a veteran, and his wife live at No. 53 Langfang toutiao. The house that they own has two floors. Downstairs Sun runs a small bike repair shop, and upstairs are the family’s living quarters. The unfairness that Sun found in the demolition and relocation, similar to Zhang Jinli’s and Liu Ruiping’s case, is that his bike repair shop would not be compensated as a small business but a residence. Sun’s wife is quite straightforward about how the demolition company has mistreated them. As she puts it, the demolition company does whatever they want and deliberately overlook the fact that the downstairs is a bike repair shop; they use the excuse of preparing for the Olympic Games to demolish more alleyways and courtyard houses in order to occupy more for themselves. They also censor the news. Therefore nobody would know our side of story, and we also have no place to complain and appeal. Sun himself gives a more practical reason for their resistance to the demolition and relocation. That is the compensation by the means of the demolition company’s calculation is about 300 thousand RMB (36,750 US Dollars). With such amount of money, one may be able to buy an apartment in Xinjiang and Tibet, the less-developed provinces close to the borders, but one could not afford an apartment in Beijing. In other words, the demolition would render Sun’s bike repairs clientless and his family homeless.

Zhang Jinli’s, Liu Ruiping’s, and Sun Tiesheng’s resistance to the demolition and relocation, none is successful. They fail to gain the recognition of the commercial uses of their properties or a recalculation of the compensation. All three families have received the order of forced eviction and demolition. Zhang Jinli’s Jinli restaurant was demolished on March 14, 2006. Liu Ruiping’s property was torn down on February 15, 2006. Sun Tiesheng’s place was bulldozed on December 15, 2005. Before the forced demolition and after they exhausted all the administrative and legal means to appeal for their cases, all of them choose to publicly display the anguish and mistreatment that they had received. They wrote banners and slogans, painted them with ink on colorful paper, then posted them on the walls of their properties. By doing so, they received

216 sympathy from neighbors, passersby, and curious media. However, they could not stop the demolition and relocation.

This outcome of their resistance had actually been predetermined long before they embarked on this journey of resistance and protest. Their defeat is determined not only by the political economic estimation that they are less powerful and less important small property and small business owners in front of a much stronger growth coalition between the local government and developer. Their defeat is also determined by an intertwined cultural mechanism based on architectural, planning, heritage, and regulation writing, all of which have abandoned residents such as Zhang Jinli, Liu Ruiping, and Sun Tiesheng as alleyway and courtyard house users. They are the victims of a mode of capital accumulation, the accumulation by dispossession, as David Harvey has termed it. Moreover, they lost on cultural grounds, mediated through the types of urban writing that are discussed in the previous chapters of this dissertation.

Against the forgetting mechanism represented in architectural writing, Zhang’s, Liu’s, and Sun’s houses are under the scrutiny of the trialectics of function, technology, and aesthetics. The judgement based on the functional and technological aspect of their houses plays against their chances of staying or rehousing on the same location. According to the 2005 survey,513 functionally, those houses were not designed to support the high-density of the population; Technologically, it bears risks of fire hazards and suffers from insufficient supply of water and electricity. In the words of Zhang Lufeng, a professor in the School of Architecture at Beijing Architecture and Engineering University, who has been involved in the pre-project survey of the Dazhalan project, “the old courtyard house as a type of residence is a product of its contemporary social, cultural, economic, and production conditions, and when these conditions have all changed, there is no reason to hold back on the changes of the residence and the construction system.”514 Wang Maolin, the former chief planner of Beijing Dazhalan Yongxing Real Estate Company, states more clearly that the future image of the Dazhalan area should be high-end retailing flagships, offices, and hotels in traditional architecture. Therefore, to maintain

513 Zhu, Beijing Cheng Qu Jiao Luo Diao Cha 北京城区角落调查. 514 Jian 史建 Shi and Jian 崔健 Cui, "Guan Yu Da Zha Lan Mei Shi Jie De Fang Tan 关于大栅栏煤市街的访谈," Beijing gui hua jian she 北京规划建设, no. 02 (2006).

217 the old houses and the original low-income communities would only be a dream against the upcoming future.515

Compared with the dismissal by the forgetting mechanism in architectural writing, the idea and practice of organic renewal in planning writing seem to provide support for Zhang’s, Liu’s, and Sun’s cases. Gradual progression, suitable size, and consideration of the historical architectural environment, these renewal principles advocated by organic renewal suggest that the regeneration of Meishi Street should be incremental, focusing on individual household, and showing respect to the historical and contemporary uses of the space. In other words, an organic renewal project at Meishi Street would totally be the opposite of the massive demolition of Zhang, Liu, Sun, and others’ houses.

In a similar vein, the expansion of the idea of organic renewal in the policy writing on cultural and historical city preservation seems to favor the preservation of Zhang, Liu, Sun, and others’ houses in the Dazhalan area. In vicinity of the designated preservation district at Qianmen and Dazhalan, Meisi Street could be considered as the necessary surroundings of the designated district. Therefore, the orientation of the street, the appearance of the neighborhoods, and the thriving small businesses in the street deserve to be preserved.

Organic renewal and cultural historical city preservation had been the Liu couple’s weapons against the demolition. They questioned whether the Qianmen and Dazhalan preservation district would become isolated and inauthentic without its organic historical surroundings if the authentic neighborhoods were cleared away. As mentioned before, the Liu couple also questioned what kind of organic renewal it is if their properties outside the street widening zone should also be demolished. Liu clearly stated that given the time, they would take the initiative to renovate and upgrade their property in a truly organic renewal manner.

However, the invocation of organic renewal and heritage preservation could not stop the forced eviction and demolition. The official counter points to the Liu couple’s questioning are: first, although near the Qianmen and Dazhalan preservation district, there is rarely any historic building in Meishi Street. What was abundant there was low-end shops, cheap accommodation,

515 Ibid.

218 and overcrowded living quarters for urban low-income population and migrants. This does not match the future image of Qianmen and Dazhalan. Second, the buildings in Meishi Street contain a number of unregistered constructions that does not comply with the official features of alleyways and courtyard houses. For instance, the opening of doors facing alleyways, added second floors, and flat roof tops. Although these buildings are located in alleyways, they are not the subject of preservation. Instead, the structure of the streets and alleyways is the proper subject of preservation. In a word, those disputed houses circled out for demolition are neither historic buildings nor subject for organic renewal. The limited application of organic renewal and heritage preservation renders Meishi Street an easier target to be transformed to share the traffic from Qianmen street.

If the architectural, planning, and heritage writing still leaves some room for Zhang, Liu, and Sun to negotiate their rights and interests, the demolition and relocation regulation writing directly place them at the most disadvantageous position. First, Meishi Street is publicized as a street widening project for the improvement of the traffic in Qianmen Street and for the preparation of the Olympic Games. Considered as a project for the public’s benefits, Meishi Street widening leaves no way for Zhang, Liu, and Sun as affected house owners to argue for the cancellation of the project. Second, the Zhang, Liu, and Sun families represent a minority of community members in Meishi Street. There is no condition or regulation that supports the reopening of a hearing on the minority’s issues. It is as shown in the documentary, the majority of the neighborhood had agreed to or already relocated to the suburbs, Zhang, Liu, and Sun were very lonely in their resistance. Third, Zhang, Liu, and Sun’s conflict is directly with the demolition company and the appraisal agency. In a street widening project like the Meishi Street one, theoretically, the demolition company is appointed by the developer, and the appraisal agency is decided through bidding. The developer, demolition company, and the appraisal agency are ultimately approved by the local government. Zhang, Liu, and Sun’s disagreement with the demolition and appraisal agencies, in final analysis, is against the local government’s decision. On this chain of interests, it is nearly impossible to plea to the local government itself that what it is doing is wrong.

Marginalized by a whole cultural mechanism of architectural, planning, heritage, and regulation writing, Zhang, Liu, and Sun lastly resort to the public display of their anguish and mistreatment

219 through writing and posting banners and slogans. For instance, Sun, on the forced demolition date, posted on his outer wall:

The district government supports illegal demolition and relocation. It bullies and exploits a veteran. Their bully and exploitation have no way out. It will one day be punished by the law.

Similarly, Liu and her husband in the morning of the forced demolition, posted several posters at their shop front, and the posters repetitively state:

This house is outside the demolition red line. The demolition company bullies us into forced demolition. It does damage to the policy of harmony.

The political priority is the harmony between the government and the people. Forced demolition damages the harmony.

Among the different banners, slogans, and posters, Zhang’s messages are the most creative and persistent. Once he found a deserted mannequin on the rubbles of a demolished clothes store. He wrote on a t-shirt “I strongly demand to see the Official Bao,” Official Bao being a fictional historical figure who is considered as a trustworthy and fair judge in Chinese vernacular culture. Then Zhang dressed the mannequin with the t-shirt and hung it outside. Another time, Zhang printed out various photos of Mao Zedong. He imagined a scene in which Mao has read all the current demolition and relocation regulations and advised the local government on the Meishi Street project. In his posters, Zhang uses the photos of Mao on one side and captions them with his imagined suggestions that Mao gave to the local government on how to treat the residents fairly and how to obey the law and regulations.

The messages on the banners and posters in Meishi Street share some common tactics. First, they would directly reveal the wrongdoings of the government, the demolition company, or a particular local political figure. For example, Zhang wrote a banner that reads “The Bureau of Land is unreasonable on demolition issues.” He also posted a banner naming Luo Wen, Wu Zhiqiang, and others as committing perjury. Second, those public messages would speak highly of laws and policies, especially the Constitution that protects an individual’s property rights, and the policy of harmony that advocates rational negotiation among parties of different interests

220 rather than executing forced demolition. For instance, the Liu couple emphasized the policy of harmony in their posters, and Zhang spoke highly of the Constitution. Third, the forms of the messages could be as creative as the dressed mannequin and the fictional advice from Mao Zedong, but the undertone is always satirical. By revealing the unlawful treatment that the alleyway and courtyard house owners experienced, the messages express the hope that maybe one day those wrongdoings will be corrected if they are publicized. Invoking laws and policies, the messages demonstrate the sources of legitimacy that the demolished courtyard houses owners rely on. Showing those laws and policies, Zhang, Liu, Sun, and the owners alike present their hope to be treated fairly by law. Being satirical and creative in the messages of resistance, the posters and banners impress the audience with bitter message coated in amusing formats. The satirical tone gives those posters a wider appeal.

For film critic Yomi Braester, the banners, slogans, and posters are the talismans of Zhang, Liu, and Sun’s resistance.516 It is more than the talismans. They are space-writing out of no space in the cultural mechanism of architectural, planning, heritage, and regulation writing.

In the case of Meishi Street demolition and relocation represented by Ou Ning’s documentary and his Dazhalan project, the cultural mechanism of architecture, planning, heritage, and regulation revealed by this dissertation explains where the obstacles come from in Zhang, Liu, and Sun’s resistance, in what sense, their actions and claims are running into dead ends, how much desperation they are doomed to experience, and most importantly why their struggle would be a failure even before it started.

By discussing the cultural mechanism behind the disappearance of vernacular space represented by alleyways and courtyard houses, this dissertation reveals the essential intermediaries that directly influence the disappearance of these historical buildings. It also reveals why these buildings are so difficult to preserve from the individual courtyard house users’ point of view. First, this dissertation traces the architectural forgetting mechanism of vernacular spaces to the early 1950s that predates the reemergence of capital and market in China. Then, it outlines the structure of regulations that forces owners and users of alleyways and courtyard houses not to

516 Braester, Painting the City Red.

221 make permanent connections with the places that they live in. Regarding the alternative to massive demolition and relocation of alleyways and courtyard houses, the dissertation explores the tensions within the idea of organic renewal. These tensions to some extent explain why organic renewal is not as successful as it was expected. Furthermore, the dissertation discusses the establishment of a vernacular space preservation system within the heritage discourse. Although some alleyways and courtyard houses are lucky to be inscribed as heritage buildings, others without the heritage title are subject to more violent eviction and demolition.

Discussing the cultural mechanism formed by architecture, planning, heritage, and regulation offers a chance to comprehend what is between capital and the critical cultural reflections. By arguing that there are intermediaries between capital and the reality of a cityscape, this dissertation actually opens up new spaces to test ideas and practice that emphasize both architectural preservation and social preservation. Collective, the architectural, planning, heritage, and regulation writing pose more meaningful questions for further reseawrch. For instance, how the intermediaries could influence the mode of capital accumulation? How wide could the influence be? And what could an individual vernacular space owner and user do between the intermediaries and the capital?

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