FOCUS FOCUS Bo Xilai: His Descent Into Darkness
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China Data Supplement
China Data Supplement October 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 29 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 36 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 45 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR................................................................................................................ 54 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR....................................................................................................................... 61 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 66 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 October 2008 The Main National Leadership of the -
Hong Kong SAR
China Data Supplement November 2006 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries 47 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations 50 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR 54 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR 61 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan 65 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 November 2006 The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU Jen-Kai Abbreviations and Explanatory Notes CCP CC Chinese Communist Party Central Committee CCa Central Committee, alternate member CCm Central Committee, member CCSm Central Committee Secretariat, member PBa Politburo, alternate member PBm Politburo, member Cdr. Commander Chp. Chairperson CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference CYL Communist Youth League Dep. P.C. Deputy Political Commissar Dir. Director exec. executive f female Gen.Man. General Manager Gen.Sec. General Secretary Hon.Chp. Honorary Chairperson H.V.-Chp. Honorary Vice-Chairperson MPC Municipal People’s Congress NPC National People’s Congress PCC Political Consultative Conference PLA People’s Liberation Army Pol.Com. -
The Mishu Phenomenon: Patron-Client Ties and Coalition-Building Tactics
Li, China Leadership Monitor No.4 The Mishu Phenomenon: Patron-Client Ties and Coalition-Building Tactics Cheng Li China’s ongoing political succession has been filled with paradoxes. Jockeying for power among various factions has been fervent and protracted, but the power struggle has not led to a systemic crisis as it did during the reigns of Mao and Deng. While nepotism and favoritism in elite recruitment have become prevalent, educational credentials and technical expertise are also essential. Regional representation has gained importance in the selection of Central Committee members, but leaders who come from coastal regions will likely dominate the new Politburo. Regulations such as term limits and an age requirement for retirement have been implemented at various levels of the Chinese leadership, but these rules and norms will perhaps not restrain the power of Jiang Zemin, the 76-year-old “new paramount leader.” While the military’s influence on political succession has declined during the past decade, the Central Military Commission is still very powerful. Not surprisingly, these paradoxical developments have led students of Chinese politics to reach contrasting assessments of the nature of this political succession, the competence of the new leadership, and the implications of these factors for China’s future. This diversity of views is particularly evident regarding the ubiquitous role of mishu in the Chinese leadership. The term mishu, which literally means “secretary” in Chinese, refers to a range of people who differ significantly from each other in terms of the functions they fulfill, the leadership bodies they serve, and the responsibilities given to them. -
Chongqing Is Not the Only Place That Has Fallen
A4 Wednesday, December 19, 2012 FOCUS In the dungeon of Bo Xilai In the first of a four- part series, Revisiting Chongqing, we look at one of the earliest and most high-profile victims of the disgraced party chief’s crackdown on so-called gangsters ................................................ Keith Zhai in Chongqing [email protected] In mid-July 2009, 21-year-old Li Jun , freshly graduated from an American university, tried to call her father in Chongqing from a Greek restaurant in down- town New York. She could not reach him but thought, “that’s all right, maybe he’s in a meeting”. In fact, her father Li Qiang , once one of the southwest- ern municipality’s most success- ful businessmen, had been shackled to a metal chair by police mounting the mainland’s largest anti-triad campaign in decades. A stocky man with a round face and big eyes, he was forced to sit in the straight- backed, custom-made chair which was too small for him, for 76 days. In addition he had heavy leg irons around his ankles and his wrists were in manacles, his daughter and a fellow prisoner said. A black robe was often draped over his head most of the time. For the first five days and six nights he was not given any food or water, or allowed to go to the bathroom. The fellow prisoner said Li was scared to sit on a bed after weeks on the chair, introduced by then Chongqing police chief Wang Lijun and widely used to torture suspects in the ruthless crackdown he oversaw. -
China's Politics in 2007: Power Consolidation, Personnel Change
Briefing Series – Issue 33 CHINA’S POLITICS IN 2007: POWER CONSOLIDATION, PERSONNEL CHANGE AND POLICY REORIENTATION Gang CHEN Liang Fook LYE Dali YANG Zhengxu WANG © Copyright China Policy Institute January 2008 China House University of Nottingham University Park Nottingham NG7 2RD United Kingdom Tel: +44 (0)115 846 7769 Fax: +44 (0)115 846 7900 Email: [email protected] Website: www.chinapolicyinstitute.org The China Policy Institute was set up to analyse critical policy challenges faced by China in its rapid development. Its goals are to help expand the knowledge and understanding of contemporary China in Britain, Europe and worldwide, to help build a more informed dialogue between China and the UK and Europe, and to contribute to government and business strategies. 1 Summary 1. The year 2007 witnessed the convening of the 17 th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). General Secretary Hu Jintao further consolidated his power by bringing his trusted officials into the Political Bureau and having his “Scientific Development” concept enshrined in the Party Constitution. 2. Nevertheless, the Party Congress was not a landslide victory for Hu, who reportedly made a compromise with the Shanghai Clique and the Princelings Group by making Xi Jinping the frontrunner to succeed him in five year’s time. 3. Li Keqiang, two years younger than Xi and favored by Hu, joined the Standing Political Bureau Committee. He is to become vice premier in March 2008 and expected to succeed Wen Jiabao as premier five years later. 4. Besides Xi and Li, several new Political Bureau members in their 50s, including Li Yuanchao, Wang Yang, Bo Xilai and Wang Qishan, have the potential to stay in the core leadership for another ten years and may even stand a chance to become General Secretary or Premier. -
The Leadership of China's Four Major Cities
Li, China Leadership Monitor, No. 21 The Leadership of China’s Four Major Cities: A Study of Municipal Party Standing Committees Cheng Li The leadership of China’s four provincial-level cities, Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and Chongqing, is arguably the most important sub-national decision-making body in the country. The top leadership positions in these four major cities are high-powered steppingstones for further promotions. For this reason—and also for these cities’ pacesetting role in China’s economic and sociopolitical development—factional politics has been particularly dynamic. Recently, senior leaders of all these cities went through a major reshuffling. This study focuses on the newly reappointed municipal Party standing committees, including their organizational compositions, members’ generational attributes, and the factional distribution of power. This analysis can serve as a preview of the leadership changes in the upcoming 17th Party Congress. In an increasingly urbanized world, major cities have often served as the pacesetters for economic and sociopolitical development.1 China is certainly not an exception. Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and Chongqing, the four provincial-level municipalities directly under the central government (zhixiashi), have all served as vanguards and engines of China’s economic growth. In recent years, these four super-large cities have all witnessed dynamic transformations, and their changes not only have a strong impact on the politics and economy of the country, but also have profound implications beyond China’s borders. Beijing, China’s capital, is in the midst of preparations for the 2008 Olympic Games—the country’s “coming-out party” on the international stage. Shanghai, with its distinct cosmopolitan legacy, has reemerged in the span of about 15 years as one of the world’s most forward-looking cities. -
Data Supplement
2/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan Institut für Asienkunde Hamburg CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 32 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 34 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 36 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 39 Taiwan Political LIU JEN-KAI 41 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 2/2006 Dep.Dir.: CHINESE COMMUNIST Li Jianhua 03/07 PARTY Li Zhiyong 05/07 The Main National Ouyang Song 05/08 Shen Yueyue (f) CCa 03/01 Leadership of the Sun Xiaoqun 00/08 Wang Dongming 02/10 CCP CC General Secretary Zhang Bolin (exec.) 98/03 PRC Hu Jintao 02/11 Zhao Hongzhu (exec.) 00/10 Zhao Zongnai 00/10 Liu Jen-Kai POLITBURO Sec.-Gen.: Li Zhiyong 01/03 Standing Committee Members Propaganda (Publicity) Department Hu Jintao 92/10 Dir.: Liu Yunshan PBm CCSm 02/10 Huang Ju 02/11 Dep.Dir.: Jia Qinglin 02/11 Gao Junliang 00/10 Li Changchun 02/11 Guo Yiqiang 04/05 (Changes are underlined) Luo -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
Journal of C urrent Chinese Affairs China Data Supplement May 2009 People’s Republic of China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan China aktuell China Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 44 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 47 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR................................................................................................................ 51 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR....................................................................................................................... 58 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 63 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2009 The Main National -
Goals and Implications
Li, China Leadership Monitor, No. 18 Reshuffling Four Tiers of Local Leaders: Goals and Implications Cheng Li Of the multitude of tasks confronting the top Chinese leadership, controlling local governments and training the future generations of CCP elites have the most intriguing and far-reaching implications. The Chinese leadership’s recent plan for a large-scale reshuffling of four tiers of local officials combined with its ambitious mid-career training programs indicate that Hu Jintao is concerned about both the short-term need to consolidate his own power and the long-term future of CCP rule. The upcoming reshuffling will likely provide Hu and his protégés with increased control in both the national and local leaderships, thus making them more effective at carrying out their populist developmental policies. However, the ever-changing domestic and international environment will likely, in the not-too-distant future, push the Chinese political system to be open enough to allow talented young people with diversified backgrounds to become part of the ruling elite. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) plans to reshuffle its four-tier local leadership (province, municipality, county, and town) in the next 12 months, from July 2006 to June 2007.1 All local party committees, including approximately 170,000 senior officials at these four levels, will go through a process of review, reappointment, and reelection.2 A significant number of local leaders will retire or step down to make way for newcomers. The Chinese authorities consider this upcoming reshuffling one of the three largest turnovers of local elites since China began its economic reform in 1978. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement January 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 57 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 68 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 74 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 81 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 85 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 January 2008 The Main National Leadership of -
The Fall of Chen Liangyu and the Survival of Jiang Zemin’S Faction
Li, China Leadership Monitor, No. 20 Was the Shanghai Gang Shanghaied? The Fall of Chen Liangyu and the Survival of Jiang Zemin’s Faction Cheng Li The fall from power of Chen Liangyu and the surprising persistence in power of most members of the Shanghai Gang suggest that something new is afoot in Chinese elite politics. While this development seems difficult to understand using a traditional factionalism model of zero-sum games in Chinese politics, it is less confusing if interpreted in the context of newly emerging norms of “inner-Party bipartisanship,” a hypothesis that notes that leaders associated with the coastal development strategy pursued by Jiang Zemin and Zeng Qinghong are now increasingly being balanced, but not overthrown, by those affiliated with the Chinese Communist Youth League networks headed up by Party secretary-general Hu Jintao. An examination of the fall of Chen suggests some of the new rules that are emerging to guide the country’s top leaders as they seek to manage inner- Party political conflict while maintaining rapid growth, social stability and one-party rule. Despite the official Chinese rhetoric that claims the recent purge of Chen Liangyu on charges of corruption had nothing to do with factional politics, it was in fact a major political victory for Hu Jintao’s camp.1 Chen, the former Party chief in Shanghai, was certainly notorious for his rottenness; he was, however, only one among several Politburo members with such a reputation. Other disreputable senior leaders still remain in power. If Hu Jintao wants to persuade the Chinese public and the outside world that his ongoing anti-corruption campaign is more than a political maneuver to remove some of his formidable rivals on the eve of the 17th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), he will still need to remove a lot more corrupt top officials from their posts. -
China Analysis
China Perspectives 2010/2 | 2010 Gao Xingjian and the Role of Chinese Literature Today China Analysis Thomas Vendryes and François Schichan Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5278 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5278 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2010 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Thomas Vendryes and François Schichan, « China Analysis », China Perspectives [Online], 2010/2 | 2010, Online since 01 June 2013, connection on 15 September 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5278 © All rights reserved Current Affairs s e v i a t c n i This section, prepared by the Asia Centre (www.centreasia.org), draws mainly on the press in Chinese, e aiming to reflect the point of view of the People’s Republic of China on international questions and h p issues related to Greater China. s c r e Carbon tax: p How the debate has fared Analysis by Thomas Vendryes based on: • Xiong Jianfeng, (1) “Experts debate the carbon tax: Can China bear the burden?”, Diyi caijing ribao - China Business News , 16 October 2009. • Tan Yao, (2) “Which carbon tax system should China adopt?”, Zhongguo jingji bao , 27 October 2009. • Fan Gan, (3) Liu Chunyan, (4) Sun Lijian, (5) “Time is ripe for China to adopt carbon tax,” Guoji jinrong bao no. 8, 13 October 2009. • Carbon Tax Research Team of the Research Institute for Fiscal Science, “Feasibility of imposing a carbon tax in China,” 21 Shiji jingji baodao , 16 July 2009. n 2007, China emerged as the world leader in green - using this pretext to apply breaks on Chinese exports.