The Impact of the Political Regimes on the Interpretation of the Proto- Czechs, the Oldest Generation of the Czech Elites and the Interwar Czechoslovak Elites

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Impact of the Political Regimes on the Interpretation of the Proto- Czechs, the Oldest Generation of the Czech Elites and the Interwar Czechoslovak Elites SWS INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY SWS Journal of Social Sciences and Art ISSUE 3, 2020 SWS Journal of Social Sciences and Art THE IMPACT OF THE POLITICAL REGIMES ON THE INTERPRETATION OF THE PROTO- CZECHS, THE OLDEST GENERATION OF THE CZECH ELITES AND THE INTERWAR CZECHOSLOVAK ELITES Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lucie Cviklová Philosophical Faculty, University of Hradec Králové, Czech Republic https://doi.org/10.5593/sws.iscss.2020.7.1/s01.03 ABSTRACT The role of the Proto-Czechs, the oldest generation of the elites and the interwar elites in the national memory can be advanced by showing the examples of the impact of the political regimes on the interpretation of the symbolic role of the individual elite members. The contribution draws on those concepts and methodological approaches that have been employed by the number of historians and historical sociologists such as historical consciousness, collective (social) memory and national memory; a major incentive for choice of the individual elite members were several sociological researchers on the Czech elites. The pluralist debates about the impact of the Czech elites and their contributions were launched in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and developed by the several generations of the Czech and the foreign historians. This thesis about the impact of the political regimes on the interpretation of the contributions of the Czech elites can be illustrated by (1)the current importance of the Proto-Czech elites such as Saint Wenceslaus I. [Svatý Václav], (Saints) Cyril and Methodius, Božena Němcová and Karel Havlíček Borovský, (2)the popularity of the members of the interwar political elite such as the economist Alois Rašín, the journalist Milena Jesenská, the politician Františka Plamínková and the diplomat Zdeněk Fierlinger, (3)the positive and negative reponse to the actions of the communist elites such as Rudolf Slánský, Klement Gottwald, Alexander Dubček and Gustav Husák and (4)the evaluation of the members of the communist counter-elite and later democratic elite such as Václav Havel and Petr Pithart. Keywords: Administrative Elites, Communist Elites, Cultural Elites, Czechoslovakia, Historical Consciousness, Interwar Elites, National Memory, Political Elites, Post-Communist Elites and Proto-Czech Elites. INTRODUCTION Czechoslovak elites in the historical Comprehension of the interpretation consciousness or in the collective memory of the Proto-Czechs and the interwar can be facilitated by the classification or DOI 10.35603/SSA2020/ISSUE3.02 - PB - - 11 - DOI 10.35603/SSA2020/ISSUE3.02 SWS INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY ISSN: 2664 - 0104 SWS Journal of Social Sciences and Art ISSUE 3, 2020 SWS Journal of Social Sciences and Art placement of the Czech elites in the distinct Party [Národní strana svobodomyslná] historical periods and by the examples of from 1907 to 1914, his later involvement the impact of the political regimes on the with the Czech Realist Party [Česká interpretation of the symbolic role of the strana realistická] and his struggle for the individual elite members. (A)The first type independence for the Czechs and the of the Czech elites is several generations Slovaks from the Austria–Hungary. The of the intellectuals or the patriots who Czech interwar debates put emphasis on aimed at the nation–building and later his international recognition as the head of at the foundation of Czechoslovakia [1]. the provisional Czechoslovak government, (B) The second category is the elites of his first success in the presidential elections interwar Czechoslovakia [2]. (C) The third and his later re–election in 1920, 1927 sort of the Czech elites is the artificially and 1934. After the communist takeover created communist nomenklatura ruling in 1948, the criticism of the Masaryk’s elite [3]. (D) The fourth group of the Czech contribution for the Czech nation and elites is the Czech post–communist elite the efforts to remove him from the Czech and its individual segments: it has been collective memory can be explained by composed of the former communist his criticism of Marxism; in the number of nomenklatura, the newcomers and the the Czech towns his statues were taken former counter–elite; e.g. the dissenters down and replaced by the dignitaries against the Czechoslovak ‘frozen’ post– from the Communist Party of the Soviet totalitarian regime [4]. Union such as Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, Andrei Alexandrovich The discourses on the importance of Zhdanov and the others. On the other the Proto-Czech elites and the oldest hand, the post-communist historical generation of the Czech elites played and media discourses reintroduced and the important role in the Czech National reinforced his symbolic importance as Revival and later in the interwar period. the ‘founder of Czechoslovakia’ and the After the communist takeover in 1948 these ‘father liberator’ [5]. perspectives were partially submitted to the criticism by the communist historians. On The pluralist debates about the role the other hand, after 1989 the mainstream of the Czech interwar elites and their post-communist historians contributed contributions were launched in the First to the merger of the current discourses Czechoslovak Republic and later were with the previous pre-communist ones. criticized by the official communist line The telling example was the assessment and by the communist historians. On the of the actions that had been initiated other hand, the post–communist positive by the statesman of the Austria–Hungary and negative interpretation of the role of and the founder of Czechoslovakia the individual elite members more or less Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk. The early Czech merged with the original pluralist interwar discourses positively assessed Masaryk’s perspectives. An illustrative example was participation in the Reichsrat from 1891 the evaluation of the decisions that had to 1893 with the Young Czech Party been made by the Czech politician and [Mladočeši], officially National Liberal statesman Edward Benesch. The early DOI 10.35603/SSA2020/ISSUE3.02 - 12 - - 13 - DOI 10.35603/SSA2020/ISSUE3.02 SWS INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY SWS Journal of Social Sciences and Art ISSUE 3, 2020 SWS Journal of Social Sciences and Art Czech discourses positively assessed his METHODOLOGY position of a Secretary of the National The paper partially ignores the mainstream Council in Paris and his collaboration sociological analysis of the elites; e.g. the with the first president of the post– problems of the social stratification and war Czechoslovakia Tomáš Garrigue the demarcation of the national and the Masaryk; he was seen as one of the local elites by the mainstream sociological leading organizers of the independent researches. Furthermore, it draws on Czechoslovakia and as the active those concepts and the methodological contributor to its development. Despite the approaches that have been employed fact that the German interwar intellectuals by the number of the historians and the historical sociologists, i.e. historical held him responsible for the break–up of consciousness and collective memory. The the Central Europe after the World War I, historical consciousness, conceptualized the Czech ones positively evaluated his by the Czech historian Miroslav Hroch positions at the Czechoslovak political and the number of other social scientists, scene: they highlighted the fact that he is usually understood as the connection was the first and longest-serving Foreign among the interpretation of the past, the Minister of Czechoslovakia, represented understanding of the present and the Czechoslovakia at the 1919 Peace visions for the future [7]. The concept of the Conference in Paris, lectured at the collective (social) memory has referred to Charles University and was the second shared representations of a group’s past; president of Czechoslovakia. The early its employment has not been reduced radical post–war debates embraced his to the historical and the sociological decision to expel the Germans from the analyses and has been enriched by the liberated Czechoslovakia and partially anthropological an historical perspectives. drew on the democratic traditions in the More specifically, the paper opens a interwar period. Nevertheless, later the wider perspective from which to evaluate official communist historians were critical the individual members of the interwar of his participation in the Czechoslovak and the communist elites in the former government–in–exile, his commitment Czechoslovakia; its major point of departure to the Western democratic principles is historical consciousness or collective and their embodiment or influence in his memory of Czechs and their opinion on first and second presidency. While some the national elites. A major incentive for Czech post–communist historians pointed the choice of the individual elite members out Benesch’s efforts in the organization of was several historical and sociological researchers on the Czech elites; some of government in exile and his contributions them relied on the structured questionnaires to Operation Anthropoid to assassinate and some of them also involved the open Reinhard Heydrich, the other ones held questions. Czechs more or less positively him responsible for the expulsion of the assessed some of the Czech political Germans and the Hungarians as well as elite members such as Edward Benesch for the introduction of the communist rule or Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and had a in Czechoslovakia [6]. neutral or negative attitude to the number of the other ones such as Emil Hácha [8]. DOI 10.35603/SSA2020/ISSUE3.02 - 12 - - 13 - DOI 10.35603/SSA2020/ISSUE3.02 SWS INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY ISSN: 2664 - 0104 SWS Journal of Social Sciences and Art ISSUE 3, 2020 SWS Journal of Social Sciences and Art RESULTS: THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE was enhanced by the gathering places SYMBOLIC MEANING OF THE PROTO- such as the cafés, the reading rooms CZECH ELITES, THE OLDEST GENERATION or the theatres and the access to the OF THE CZECH ELITES AND THE INTERWAR target bilingual population in the small CZECHOSLOVAK ELITES IN THE HISTORICAL settlements was eased or speeded by the CONSCIOUSNESS relatively small distances among them. Prague was the most important centre 1.
Recommended publications
  • The Great Fin-De-Siècle Crisis, 1897–1900
    CHAPTER 2 The Great Fin-de-Siècle Crisis, 1897–1900 In order to understand modern Prague and Czechoslovakia one needs to step back and view them in their context of space and time. Until 1918 this con- text was that of the Habsburg Empire. Prague was merely a provincial capital, Czechoslovakia an exotic concept few people would know or take interest in. What did exist was nationalism, in a German as well as a Czech form, and from the late 1800s also in a Jewish form, Zionism. The Habsburg Empire further provided some rudimentary representative structures and held ‘elections’ for them, as well as slowly reforming the administration to better fit the changing times. In 1867, the Habsburg Empire had been confederated into the Austro- Hungarian ‘Dual Monarchy,’ presided over by the Habsburg rulers in a per- sonal union as Austrian emperors and Hungarian kings. The exact political and economic relationship between the Cisleithenian Austrian and the Transleithenian Hungarian entities of the empire, however, was to be rene- gotiated every ten years. This eccentric compromise hurled the country into a political crisis in regular ten-year intervals, and ultimately rendered it politi- cally dysfunctional. That development was not without interest to Budapest— and Berlin—and precipitated Austria-Hungary’s disintegration.1 The Bohemian and Moravian Language Ordinances of 1897, which triggered the great fin-de-siècle crisis, were side effects of the negotiations of the Austro- Hungarian Compromise or Ausgleich. In 1896, the time had come to prepare for the third time for Austrian-Hungarian negotiations to begin in the next year, and Cisleithenian Prime Minister Feliks Kazimierz Count Badeni set out to design a stable new government for this purpose.
    [Show full text]
  • February 1948: Establishment of the Communist Regime
    I have just returned from the castle from meeting the President. Today in the morning, I submitted to him my proposal for ac- ceptance of the ministers´ resignations who resigned on 20 February of this year and at the same time I proposed to the President a list of people who should substitute for the gov- ernment and reconstruct it. I would like to inform you that the President accepted all my proposals as they were submitted. Comrades, all discharging letters as well as all letters of ap- pointment are signed by the President and I will countersign them soon. February 1948 21, Speech by Klement Gottwald, Prime Minister and Chairman of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, 25 February 1948 Measures of the Action Committees were measures that were taken based on their proposal or instead of them and they were made in the period from 20 February 1948 until the bind- ing force of this Act and which sought to protect or to secure the people´s democratic system or to purify public life; they Klement Gottwald are rightful, including in cases where they would not be in ac- in Prague - photo after cordance with the relevant regulations. the retouch of sentenced Act No. 213/1948 Coll. Vladimir Clementis The February 1948 events in Czechoslovakia were a logical result of the actions by the Czechoslovak Communist Par- ty-Communist Party of Slovakia, the leaders of which started systematically, even during the Second World War, to prepare to seize power in the state. Róbert Letz, historian FEBRUARY 1948 imprisonment and suppression.
    [Show full text]
  • The German National Attack on the Czech Minority in Vienna, 1897
    THE GERMAN NATIONAL ATTACK ON THE CZECH MINORITY IN VIENNA, 1897-1914, AS REFLECTED IN THE SATIRICAL JOURNAL Kikeriki, AND ITS ROLE AS A CENTRIFUGAL FORCE IN THE DISSOLUTION OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. Jeffery W. Beglaw B.A. Simon Fraser University 1996 Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts In the Department of History O Jeffery Beglaw Simon Fraser University March 2004 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. APPROVAL NAME: Jeffery Beglaw DEGREE: Master of Arts, History TITLE: 'The German National Attack on the Czech Minority in Vienna, 1897-1914, as Reflected in the Satirical Journal Kikeriki, and its Role as a Centrifugal Force in the Dissolution of Austria-Hungary.' EXAMINING COMMITTEE: Martin Kitchen Senior Supervisor Nadine Roth Supervisor Jerry Zaslove External Examiner Date Approved: . 11 Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further agreed that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by either the author or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without the author's written permission.
    [Show full text]
  • Czechoslovakia and the Hungarian Revolution in 1956
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Repository of the Academy's Library i i i i West Bohemian Historical Review VII j 2017 j 1 Czechoslovakia and the Hungarian Revolution in 1956 István Janek∗ In 1956, the Czechoslovak authorities successfully suppressed all traces of a potential uprising. It can be stated that peace was not seriously disturbed in both the Czech and the Slovak territories, and no significant movement took place. The Czechoslovak society was not yet prepared for a political turn-over in the 50’s. The cautious change of direction in 1953 and the economic reforms had borne their fruits by 1956, which prevented the spread of the revolution to Czechoslovakia. The pull and let go tactic of the authorities worked. Czechoslovakia pulled through the critical year of 1956 and she got stronger. Slovak Hungarians could choose between their survival as a minority and an uprising in autumn 1956. A sober deliberation excluded all steps leading to a Hungarian revolution. The Slovak Hungarians still had vivid memories of suffering, which they experienced after 1945. Worries of being accused of irredentism were strong and any support of Hungarian revolution was unthinkable. [Czechoslovakia; Hungarian Revolution; 1956; minority question; Soviet Union; bilat- eral relations] Introduction Parliamentary elections were held in Czechoslovakia on 30th May 1948. Citizens could vote only for the united list of the National Front led by the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC). This list received 89.2 % of all votes. Those who disagreed with the united list threw a blank slip in the poll box.
    [Show full text]
  • Did Stalin Lure the United States Into the Korean War?
    NORTH KOREA INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTATION PROJECT E-DOSSIER #1 Did Stalin Lure the United States into the Korean War? By Donggil Kim and William Stueck June 2008 NKIDP e-Dossier no. 1 Did Stalin Lure the United States into the Korean War? New Evidence on the Origins of the Korean War Donggil Kim and William Stueck The following telegram from Joseph Stalin to Czechoslovak President Klement Gottwald on 27 August 1950 in which the Soviet leader explained his decision-making in the preceding months raises new questions about the origins of the Korean War. Did Stalin purposefully seek to entangle the United States in a military conflict on the Korean Peninsula? Did Stalin expect an intervention by the Chinese communists from virtually the beginning of the conflict? First published in the original Russian in Novaya I Noveishaya Istoriia in 2005,1 two experts, Beijing University Professor Donggil Kim and University of Georgia Professor William Stueck, provide an initial assessment of this potentially significant new finding. Kim argues that the document suggests that Stalin gave Kim Il Sung permission to attack South Korea on 25 June 1950 not because he felt the US would not get involved, but precisely because he wanted the US to become entangled in a limited conflict in Asia. Other scholars, by contrast, have emphasized that Stalin secretly approved Kim Il Sung`s plan to attack during the North Korean leader’s secret trip to Moscow in April 1950 – only after receiving his assurances that South Korea could be overwhelmed so quickly, in a matter of a few weeks, that Washington would be unable to rescue it.2 From the very beginning he envisioned a conflict involving not just the North Koreans, but also the newly established People’s Republic of China.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Decline of the New Czech Right
    Blue Velvet: The Rise and Decline of the New Czech Right Manuscript of article for a special issue of the Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics on the Right in Post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe Abstract This article analyses the origins, development and comparative success centre-right in the Czech Republic. It focuses principally on the the Civic Democratic Party (ODS) of Václav Klaus, but also discusses a number of smaller Christian Democratic, liberal and anti-communist groupings, insofar as they sought to provide right-wing alternatives to Klaus’s party. In comparative terms, the article suggests, the Czech centre-right represents an intermediate case between those of Hungary and Poland. Although Klaus’s ODS has always been a large, stable and well institutionalised party, avoiding the fragmentation and instability of the Polish right, the Czech centre- right has not achieved the degree of ideological and organisational concentration seen in Hungary. After discussing the evolution and success of Czech centre-right parties between 1991 and 2002, the article reviews a number of factors commonly used to explain party (system) formation in the region in relation to the Czech centre- right. These include both structural-historical explanations and ‘political’ factors such as macro-institutional design, strategies of party formation in the immediate post-transition period, ideological construction and charismatic leadership. The article argues that both the early success and subsequent decline of the Czech right were rooted in a single set of circumstances: 1) the early institutionalisation of ODS as dominant party of the mainstream right and 2) the right’s immediate and successful taking up of the mantel of market reform and technocratic modernisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Antagonism? the Transformation of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia and Its Relations to the Social Democrats
    Vladimir Handl Institute of International Relations, Prague “Hard Left” and “Soft Left” Antagonism? The Transformation of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia and its Relations to the Social Democrats Presented at the 4th European Conference of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation in Warsaw, October 29 – 31, 2003 1. Transformation of the Czech Communist party..................................................................... 2 2. KSČM and its relations vis-à-vis ”Hard” and ”Soft Left” ..................................................... 5 2.1. Preferences for the “Hard Left” ...................................................................................... 5 2.2. Institutional Constraints ..................................................................................................6 2.3. Ideological Limitations ................................................................................................... 6 2.4. The Evaluation of History............................................................................................... 9 2.5. Political Constraints ...................................................................................................... 10 3. Conclusions:......................................................................................................................... 12 References ................................................................................................................................ 13 Parties and Social Movements Published by the Policy Research Department of the Rosa
    [Show full text]
  • Political Stability and the Division of Czechoslovakia
    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 8-1996 Political Stability and the Division of Czechoslovakia Timothy M. Kuehnlein Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Kuehnlein, Timothy M., "Political Stability and the Division of Czechoslovakia" (1996). Master's Theses. 3826. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3826 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICAL STABILITY AND THE DIVISION OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA by Timothy M. Kuehnlein, Jr. A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan August 1996 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The completion of this project was both a tedious and rewarding experience. With the highest expectations for the style and content of the presentation, I have attempted to be as concise yet thorough as possible in the presentation and defense of the argument. The composition of this thesis entails nearly two years of diligent work outside of general course studies. It includes preliminary readings in Central and East European affairs, an extensive excursion throughout the Czech and Slovak republics with readings in the theory of political stability, the history and politics of Czecho­ slovakia, in addition to composing the text. My pursuit was driven by a passion for the topic, a quest for know­ ledge and understanding, and the argument's potential for continued development.
    [Show full text]
  • Later and Different: the Development of Czech National Institutions in Moravia, 1848-1905
    LATER AND DIFFERENT: THE DEVELOPMENT OF CZECH NATIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN MORAVIA, 1848-1905 BY JESSICA ANNE PRESTLEY THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2010 Urbana, Illinois Adviser: Assistant Professor David L. Cooper ABSTRACT The Czech national movement in Moravia has been ignored by historians as a topic for inquiry. Although Bohemia and Moravia have shared a similar historical trajectory and close ties, there remains a lack of English-language scholarship on the dissemination of the Czech national identity in Moravia. While the establishment of cultural and political institutions was delayed, the case of Moravia is not a simple carbon copying and implementing of Bohemian-style institutions without consideration of the special regional environment. This work will attempt to provide the reader with an overview of the Czech national movement in Moravia between 1848 and 1905 by analyzing institutional and political development. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I would like to extend my gratitude to my adviser, Professor David Cooper, for his guidance, support, and patience throughout this project. His assistance during the writing process and correcting numerous Czech translations were invaluable. He provided encouragement on my endeavor to learn more about the unexplored history of Moravia during the nineteenth century. Without his support, this thesis would not have been possible in its end form. I would also like to thank Professor Maria Todorova for conducting an independent study course, allowing me to more closely examine the Czech national movement in Bohemia.
    [Show full text]
  • Eva Taterova Researcher, Department of Territorial Studies Mendel
    Eva Taterova Researcher, Department of Territorial Studies Mendel University in Brno, Czech Republic [email protected] FINAL REPORT: VISEGRAD SCHOLARSHIP AT THE VERA & DONALD BLINKEN OPEN SOCIETY ARCHIVES Project title: Rudolf Slansky’s Trial from the Perspective of Radio Free Europe Research area: The informational environment of the period of the Cold War, East and West Research period: 30/6-31/7/2016 Research description Early 1950s were in the light of the political processes with the real or alleged opponents of the communist regime in Czechoslovakia. The worldwide attention received especially the show trials with Rudolf Slansky, the former General Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, and fourteen of his co-workers in 1951- 1952 (sometimes known as Prague Process in western media). The political processes in Czechoslovakia were not the first example of the purges in the communist parties in the countries of Eastern Block (e. g. the former ministry of foreign affairs of Hungary Laszlo Rajk was sentenced to death penalty in October 1949; Trajco Kostov, the former General Secretary of Communist Party of Bulgaria, was executed in December 1949). The research conducted in Open Society Archives in Budapest in July 2016 aimed to explore and to analyze the perspective of Radio Free Europe (RFE) on Rudolf Slansky’s trial in Czechoslovakia (November 1951 – November 1952). Two basic research questions were set in order to specify the research area: What information about the processes did RFE have at their disposal? 1 What was the perception of the contemporary situation in Czechoslovakia by RFE? A special attention was dedicated to the cases of two Israeli citizen Mordechai Oren, Shimon Orenstein, and the American reporter William N.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of the Czech Lands Is Full of Vicissitudes of Fortune, Tragic Turns, And, to Some Degree, Absurdities
    15th Annual J.B. Rudnyckyj Distinguished Lecture Friday, February 29, 2008 Planetarium Auditorium, Manitoba Museum Prague Spring in Modern Czech History By Dr. Jiři Pehe Director, NYU in Prague Prague, Czech Republic The history of the Czech lands is full of vicissitudes of fortune, tragic turns, and, to some degree, absurdities. It is the history of a small nation, which is located geopolitically in one of the most vulnerable spots in the world. As a result, especially in the 20th century, Czechs found themselves on a real rollercoaster of history. Despite the difficulties of interpreting Czech history as well as with remembering its various turns, there is, some say, an accessible key for unlocking it. Seemingly, all one needs to remember is two things: the word “defenestration” and the fact that almost all really important events of Czech history took place in years ending with the number 8. Since defenestration means “throwing a person out of a window”, one may wonder why something so bizarre should be such an important notion in any nation’s history. Yet, when we look back, there are indeed three cases of defenestration in Czech history, which signaled the arrival of major upheavals and revolutionary periods. The first defenestration occurred in 1419, when a crowd of demonstrators demanded that several of Jan Hus’s followers should be released from prison. When the city’s councilors refused to release the prisoners, the crowd burst into the Prague town hall and threw the councilors out of the windows. The councilors who survived the fall were beaten to death.
    [Show full text]
  • ČESKOSLOVENSKÁ STRANA LIDOVÁ 1945 - 1948 Postavení Jediné Nesocialistické Strany Mezi Dvěma Totalitami
    FAKULTA HUMANITNÍCH STUDIÍ UNIVERZITY KARLOVY V PRAZE BAKALÁŘSKÁ PRÁCE ČESKOSLOVENSKÁ STRANA LIDOVÁ 1945 - 1948 Postavení jediné nesocialistické strany mezi dvěma totalitami ZUZANA DVOŘÁKOVÁ Praha 2010 ___________________________________________________________________________ Vedoucí práce: PhDr. Roman Vondra, Ph.D. Obsah PODĚKOVÁNÍ ..................................................................................................................... 2 ÚVOD ........................................................................................................................................ 3 1. LIDOVÁ STRANA NA JEDNÁNÍCH V MOSKVĚ ........................................................ 5 2. KOŠICKÝ VLÁDNÍ PROGRAM ...................................................................................... 6 3. VLÁDA NÁRODNÍ FRONTY............................................................................................ 8 4. LIDOVÁ STRANA PROZATÍMNÍ NÁRODNÍ SHROMÁŽDĚNÍ ............................. 12 5. KŘÍDLA UVNITŘ LIDOVÉ STRANY........................................................................... 16 6. LIDOVÁ STRANA A PARLAMENTNÍ VOLBY 1946 ................................................. 20 7. AFÉRA KOLEM HELENY KOŽELUHOVÉ................................................................ 23 8. LIDOVÁ STRANA A ÚSTAVODÁRNÉ NÁRODNÍ SHROMÁŽDĚNÍ..................... 26 9. LIDOVÁ STRANA V GOTTWALDOVĚ VLÁDĚ........................................................ 30 10. MARSHALLŮV PLÁN ..................................................................................................
    [Show full text]