March 21, 1968 Memorandum from the Secretary of the Transcarpathian Oblast, Ukrainian CP About Tensions in Czechoslovakia
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February 1948: Establishment of the Communist Regime
I have just returned from the castle from meeting the President. Today in the morning, I submitted to him my proposal for ac- ceptance of the ministers´ resignations who resigned on 20 February of this year and at the same time I proposed to the President a list of people who should substitute for the gov- ernment and reconstruct it. I would like to inform you that the President accepted all my proposals as they were submitted. Comrades, all discharging letters as well as all letters of ap- pointment are signed by the President and I will countersign them soon. February 1948 21, Speech by Klement Gottwald, Prime Minister and Chairman of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, 25 February 1948 Measures of the Action Committees were measures that were taken based on their proposal or instead of them and they were made in the period from 20 February 1948 until the bind- ing force of this Act and which sought to protect or to secure the people´s democratic system or to purify public life; they Klement Gottwald are rightful, including in cases where they would not be in ac- in Prague - photo after cordance with the relevant regulations. the retouch of sentenced Act No. 213/1948 Coll. Vladimir Clementis The February 1948 events in Czechoslovakia were a logical result of the actions by the Czechoslovak Communist Par- ty-Communist Party of Slovakia, the leaders of which started systematically, even during the Second World War, to prepare to seize power in the state. Róbert Letz, historian FEBRUARY 1948 imprisonment and suppression. -
Issue Composition of Contentious Politics in the Visegrad Countries
At the Parliament or in the Streets? Issue Composition of Contentious Politics in the Visegrad Countries Work in progress; please contact us for the most recent version of the manuscript. Ondrej Cisar and Katerina Vrablikova [email protected] [email protected] Paper prepared for the ECPR General Conference, Université de Montréal 26 - 29 August 2015 (Panel: Party-Movements Interactions and the Policy Process: Beyond the Movements vs. Parties Dichotomy) Introduction In the last decades protest has rapidly grown and “normalized” as a standard component of conventional politics (Norris et al. 2006, Norris 2002, Meyer and Tarrow 1998, Teorell et al. 2007). In addition to political parties contentious/movement politics is one of the most important political forces in contemporary democracies. Surprisingly, we have thus far learned rather little about the interaction between parties and protest politics as the two fields have been mostly studied separately (McAdam and Tarrow 2013). There is a complete lack of such research in post-communist countries. While researchers have focused on the 1989 big protest events that accompanied the initial phase of democratization and a short period after that (see Glenn 2001, 2003, Ekiert and Kubik 2001, della Porta 2014), the research on political conflict in this region has solely been party-centered and mostly disregarded the role played by contentious politics. The goal of this paper is to examine interaction dynamics between party and protest politics in four post-communist democracies – the Visegrad countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) – as they provide the study with a great variation in the issue configuration of their political space. -
Scenario of the Exhibition: Tomasz Łabuszewski, Phd, in Cooperation with Anna Maria Adamus, Phd, Ewa Dyngosz, Edyta Gula and Michał Zarychta
STOLEN CHILDHOOD Scenario of the exhibition: Tomasz Łabuszewski, PhD, in cooperation with Anna Maria Adamus, PhD, Ewa Dyngosz, Edyta Gula and Michał Zarychta Graphic design: Katarzyna Dinwebel Reviewers: Bartosz Kuświk, PhD Waldemar Brenda, PhD Producer: Pracownia Plastyczna Andrzej Dąbrowski Photographs from the following archives: AKG images, Archive of the Institute of National Remembrance, Municipal Archive in Dzerzhinsk, State Archive in Warsaw, Archive of Polish Armenians, BE&W Foto, National Library, Bundesarchiv, Centre for Documentation of Deportations, Exile and Resettlements in Cracow, Foundation for Polish-German Reconciliation, Getty Images, Museum of the Second World War, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Polish Army Museum in Kołobrzeg, Warsaw Rising Museum, Regional Museum in Jarocin, Museum of the Castle of Górka Family in Szamotuły, National Digital Archive, Ośrodek Karta, Polish Photographers’ Agency Forum, Polish Press Agency, Underground Poland Studio, Documentary and Feature Film Studio, Association of Crimean Karaites in Poland. With special thanks to: Bogdan Bednarczyk, Janusz Bogdanowicz, Alina Głowacka-Szłapowa, Tomasz Karasiński, Kazimierz Krajewski, PhD, Ewa Siemaszko and Leszek Żebrowski, as well as the Institute of National Remembrance branch offices in Łódź and Poznań. Photograph on the front panel: Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance Despite their efforts, the authors of the exhibition did not manage to reach all authors of photographs used in the exhibition or holders of proprietary -
CERN/SPC/957 CERN-Council-S/069 Original: English 6 September 2010 ORGANISATION EUROPÉENNE POUR LA RECHERCHE NUCLÉAIRE CERNEUR
CERN/SPC/957 CERN-Council-S/069 Original: English 6 September 2010 ORGANISATION EUROPÉENNE POUR LA RECHERCHE NUCLÉAIRE CERN EUROPEAN ORGANIZATION FOR NUCLEAR RESEARCH Action to be taken Voting Procedure SCIENTIFIC POLICY COMMITTEE For Information th 268 Meeting - 13-14 September 2010 EUROPEAN STRATEGY SESSION OF COUNCIL For Information - RESTRICTED 10th Session 17 September 2010 REPORT FROM EUROPEAN PARTICLE PHYSICS COMMUNICATION NETWORK CERN/SPC/957 1 CERN-Council-S/069 1. Context The European Particle Physics Communication Network, EPPCN, established as part of the European Strategy for Particle Physics, meets twice a year and reports to the European Strategy Session of Council at its September meeting. Previous reports to Council have covered the establishment of the network and given reports on the network’s activities. This report covers matters arising from last year’s paper (CERN-Council-S/050), reports on activity, proposes an approach to multi-lingual communication from CERN, and discusses greater coordination with both ApPEC and the European Particle Physics Outreach Group (EPPOG). 2. Matters arising from last year’s paper Following the recommendation made by Council in September 2009, the AstroParticle ERA network, ASPERA, was invited to join EPPCN. Among its activities, ASPERA provides communication and outreach for ApPEC. Council had further recommended that the three Observers, Israel, Russia and Turkey that take part in the strategy session should be involved in EPPCN. Nominations for members for these States have not yet been received, and their seats remain vacant. 3. Activity report Communication of the start-up of the LHC on 10 September 2008 was designed to establish CERN and the LHC as globally recognized brands. -
A Comparative Analysis of Media Freedom and Pluralism in the EU Member States
DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT C: CITIZENS' RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS CIVIL LIBERTIES, JUSTICE AND HOME AFFAIRS A comparative analysis of media freedom and pluralism in the EU Member States STUDY Abstract This study was commissioned by the European Parliament's Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee. The authors argue that democratic processes in several EU countries are suffering from systemic failure, with the result that the basic conditions of media pluralism are not present, and, at the same time, that the distortion in media pluralism is hampering the proper functioning of democracy. The study offers a new approach to strengthening media freedom and pluralism, bearing in mind the different political and social systems of the Member States. The authors propose concrete, enforceable and systematic actions to correct the deficiencies found. PE 571.376 EN ABOUT THE PUBLICATION This research paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) and commissioned, overseen and published by the Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs. Policy Departments provide independent expertise, both in-house and external, to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies in shaping legislation and exercising democratic scrutiny over EU external and internal policies. To contact the Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs or to subscribe -
In March 1972 the Leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet
MueRecognitionller in Return for Détente? Recognition in Return for Détente? Brezhnev, the EEC, and the Moscow Treaty with West Germany, 1970–1973 ✣ Wolfgang Mueller Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jcws/article-pdf/13/4/79/697792/jcws_a_00167.pdf by guest on 24 September 2021 In March 1972 the leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), Leonid Brezhnev, unexpectedly suggested that the Soviet Union might be willing to recognize the European Economic Community (EEC). Until that point, the Soviet Union had refused to recognize the EEC and had regularly and vigorously attacked it as a “community of monopolists” and a stalking horse for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Brezhnev’s predecessor, Nikita Khrushchev, had conveyed similar signals re- garding possible recognition in 1962, but he never turned the idea into reality. In contrast, some ten years later, Brezhnev inspired the start of negotiations between the EEC and the Soviet bloc’s Council of Mutual Economic Assis- tance (CMEA). This article draws on Soviet archival documents as well as Western and Russian publications and memoirs to analyze the background, circumstances, and consequences of Brezhnev’s initiative. The article gives special attention to the following questions: What convinced Brezhnev and his colleagues in 1972 to change their hitherto uniformly negative assessment of the EEC? Was this change the result of a major policy reassessment or simply a byproduct of other considerations? How was the initiative linked with broader Soviet foreign policy goals? Why was it not ultimately successful? In answering these questions, the article traces the external and internal factors that inspired the Soviet initiative, including the EEC enlargement process, East-West détente, CMEA integra- tion, Ostpolitik, and Soviet and East European economic and political develop- ments. -
Introduction Looking Back at Brezhnev
russian history 41 (2014) 299-306 brill.com/ruhi Introduction Looking Back at Brezhnev Peter Rutland Wesleyan University [email protected] Victoria Smolkin-Rothrock Wesleyan University [email protected] In the West, the Soviet Union is most often viewed through the Cold War lens of capitalist triumph over socialist decline and failure. Rather than take seri- ously the communist challenge to capitalist modernity, the Soviet project is presented as a historical dead-end, a doomed experiment that collapsed under the weight of its own contradictions. The Soviet Union – the story goes – was ruled by a stultified bureaucracy under which citizens enjoyed limited per- sonal freedom and dissidents were ruthlessly persecuted. The attempt to build a centrally-planned economy on principles antithetical to the market led to colossal inefficiency and stagnant growth. Moscow’s competition with the United States for global hegemony brought the world to the brink of nuclear war and fueled bitter conflicts from Afghanistan to Angola. The system’s survival depended on stringent controls on communication with the outside world. Russians, of course, have a more complicated relationship to their own past. Even as the historical legacies of Lenin and Stalin, Khrushchev and Gorbachev, remain contentious, the Soviet Union of Leonid Brezhnev, who was General Secretary from 1964 to 1982, is often portrayed as something of a golden age.1 The papers gathered here were originally presented at a conference “What Was the Soviet Union? Looking back at the Brezhnev years,” held at Wesleyan University on 20–21 October 2011. 1 See Otto Boele, “Remembering Brezhnev in the New Millennium: Post-Soviet Nostalgia and Local Identity in the City of Novorossiisk,” The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 38 (2011): 3–29, as well as the theme issue on the “long 1970s” in the Russian journal Neprikosnovennyi zapas 52 (2007). -
In Pursuit of Liberalism Epstein, Rachel A
In Pursuit of Liberalism Epstein, Rachel A. Published by Johns Hopkins University Press Epstein, Rachel A. In Pursuit of Liberalism: International Institutions in Postcommunist Europe. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008. Project MUSE. doi:10.1353/book.3346. https://muse.jhu.edu/. For additional information about this book https://muse.jhu.edu/book/3346 [ Access provided at 30 Sep 2021 14:57 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... In Pursuit of Liberalism . ................................................................................................................................ ........................................................................................................................................................... This page intentionally left blank ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... In Pursuit of Liberalism . International Institutions in Postcommunist Europe . rachel a. epstein . The Johns Hopkins University -
News-Agencies
Case Study Authors Laura Juntunen Hannu Nieminen THE FUTURE OF NATIONAL NEWS AGENCIES IN EUROPE Case study 3 2019 Supported by the LSE Knowledge Exchange and Impact Fund 2 The changing relation between news agencies and the state Abstract This case study analyses the relationship between European news agencies and the state. On the basis of interviews, official documents and secondary sources, we examine recent developments in the relationship with the state in a sample of four countries – Finland, France, Poland and Spain – representing different kinds of media systems. While the evolution of this relationship has been different and unique in each country, they are all bound by the competition rules of the European Union, and the challenges that the agencies face are similar. In general, European news agencies are struggling to keep their basic news services profitable. We argue that in the age of fake news and disinformation the social and democratic value of these news services is much greater than their economic value to their owners. From the democracy perspective, these services can be understood as a public good, and therefore the subsidising of content with a high information value can be in the public interest if certain preconditions are met. At the same time, safeguarding the editorial, and in particular the structural, independence of the agencies from political control is essential. Funding The Future of National News Agencies in Europe received funding from a number of sources: Media Research Foundation of Finland (67 285 euros); Jyllands-Posten Foundation, Denmark (15 000 euros); LSE Knowledge Exchange and Impact (KEI) Fund, UK (83 799 pounds) (only for impact, not for research); University of Helsinki, Finland (9 650 euros); and LSE Department of Media and Communications, UK (4 752 pounds). -
Czechoslovakia and the Hungarian Revolution in 1956
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Repository of the Academy's Library i i i i West Bohemian Historical Review VII j 2017 j 1 Czechoslovakia and the Hungarian Revolution in 1956 István Janek∗ In 1956, the Czechoslovak authorities successfully suppressed all traces of a potential uprising. It can be stated that peace was not seriously disturbed in both the Czech and the Slovak territories, and no significant movement took place. The Czechoslovak society was not yet prepared for a political turn-over in the 50’s. The cautious change of direction in 1953 and the economic reforms had borne their fruits by 1956, which prevented the spread of the revolution to Czechoslovakia. The pull and let go tactic of the authorities worked. Czechoslovakia pulled through the critical year of 1956 and she got stronger. Slovak Hungarians could choose between their survival as a minority and an uprising in autumn 1956. A sober deliberation excluded all steps leading to a Hungarian revolution. The Slovak Hungarians still had vivid memories of suffering, which they experienced after 1945. Worries of being accused of irredentism were strong and any support of Hungarian revolution was unthinkable. [Czechoslovakia; Hungarian Revolution; 1956; minority question; Soviet Union; bilat- eral relations] Introduction Parliamentary elections were held in Czechoslovakia on 30th May 1948. Citizens could vote only for the united list of the National Front led by the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC). This list received 89.2 % of all votes. Those who disagreed with the united list threw a blank slip in the poll box. -
Did Stalin Lure the United States Into the Korean War?
NORTH KOREA INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTATION PROJECT E-DOSSIER #1 Did Stalin Lure the United States into the Korean War? By Donggil Kim and William Stueck June 2008 NKIDP e-Dossier no. 1 Did Stalin Lure the United States into the Korean War? New Evidence on the Origins of the Korean War Donggil Kim and William Stueck The following telegram from Joseph Stalin to Czechoslovak President Klement Gottwald on 27 August 1950 in which the Soviet leader explained his decision-making in the preceding months raises new questions about the origins of the Korean War. Did Stalin purposefully seek to entangle the United States in a military conflict on the Korean Peninsula? Did Stalin expect an intervention by the Chinese communists from virtually the beginning of the conflict? First published in the original Russian in Novaya I Noveishaya Istoriia in 2005,1 two experts, Beijing University Professor Donggil Kim and University of Georgia Professor William Stueck, provide an initial assessment of this potentially significant new finding. Kim argues that the document suggests that Stalin gave Kim Il Sung permission to attack South Korea on 25 June 1950 not because he felt the US would not get involved, but precisely because he wanted the US to become entangled in a limited conflict in Asia. Other scholars, by contrast, have emphasized that Stalin secretly approved Kim Il Sung`s plan to attack during the North Korean leader’s secret trip to Moscow in April 1950 – only after receiving his assurances that South Korea could be overwhelmed so quickly, in a matter of a few weeks, that Washington would be unable to rescue it.2 From the very beginning he envisioned a conflict involving not just the North Koreans, but also the newly established People’s Republic of China. -
Detente Or Razryadka? the Kissinger-Dobrynin Telephone Transcripts and Relaxing American-Soviet Tensions, 1969-1977
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CGU Theses & Dissertations CGU Student Scholarship 2013 Detente or Razryadka? The Kissinger-Dobrynin Telephone Transcripts and Relaxing American- Soviet Tensions, 1969-1977. Daniel S. Stackhouse Jr. Claremont Graduate University Recommended Citation Stackhouse, Daniel S. Jr.. (2013). Detente or Razryadka? The Kissinger-Dobrynin Telephone Transcripts and Relaxing American-Soviet Tensions, 1969-1977.. CGU Theses & Dissertations, 86. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/86. doi: 10.5642/cguetd/86 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the CGU Student Scholarship at Scholarship @ Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in CGU Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholarship @ Claremont. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Détente or Razryadka? The Kissinger-Dobrynin Telephone Transcripts and Relaxing American-Soviet Tensions, 1969-1977 by Daniel S. Stackhouse, Jr. A final project submitted to the Faculty of Claremont Graduate University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. Claremont Graduate University 2013 Copyright Daniel S. Stackhouse, Jr., 2013 All rights reserved. APPROVAL OF THE REVIEW COMMITTEE This dissertation has been duly read, reviewed, and critiqued by the Committee listed below, which hereby approves the manuscript of Daniel S. Stackhouse, Jr. as fulfilling the scope and quality requirements for meriting the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Janet Farrell Brodie, Chair Claremont Graduate University Professor of History William Jones Claremont Graduate University Professor of History Joshua Goode Claremont Graduate University Professor of History ABSTRACT Détente or Razryadka? The Kissinger-Dobrynin Telephone Transcripts and Relaxing American-Soviet Tensions, 1969-1977 by Daniel S.