Participatory Rural Appraisal of the Impacts of Tourism on Local Indigenous Communities and National Parks: the Case of the Pemón Kamaracoto

Domingo A. Medina Iokiñe Rodriguez

Abstract—Participatory Rural Appraisal was used to assess the Areas to reduce pressure on natural resources, and to Kamaracoto’s perceptions of the impacts of tourism in the Valley of achieve local support for the conservation goals for which Kamarata located within in . these areas were originally established (West and Brechin Participatory Rural Appraisal proved to be effective in identifying 1991). social, cultural, and subsistence values attributed to environmental One of the activities strongly linked to Protected Area elements (shifting cultivation, tepuyes, animals, waterfalls, savan- protection is nature-based tourism (ecotourism). In the last nas, minerals) and economic activities (such as farming, tourism, decade many international and national environmental and mining). Similarly, sources of important environmental organizations, development agencies, governments, schol- changes that the community has experienced were determined (for ars, and tour operators have been pushing ecotourism agen- example, decrease of animal species diversity and population, das as national, regional, and local strategies to capitalize decrease in resources for building traditional houses and on Protected Areas’ natural resources without destroying dugout boats, increase in tourist visitation, and increase in young- them. Part of the revenue is expected to be earmarked for sters favoring work in tourism over shifting cultivation). The causes conservation efforts and to provide local economic benefits, of such change and how they affect or will affect the community’s including economic incentives for communities at the pe- sustainability were also determined. The process proved to be riphery or within Protected Areas to replace income loss valuable for the community in terms of planning community action from restrictions on allowable uses. The increase in the and proposing regulations seeking to mitigate impacts of non- number of ecotourism operators, activities, and travel pack- traditional uses of the Park’s resources, such as tourism. In addi- ages to Protected Areas and the increase in tourist visitation tion, the process was effective in identifying community partnership have made pristine, remote, natural, and cultural sites more needs with outside groups (such as, nongovernment organizations accessible, integrating these destinations with the global and universities) to solve local environmental problems and issues economy and subjecting them in the process to the political related to tourism and the park. economy of tourism (Medina 1996). A “Participatory Rural Appraisal” methodology was ap- plied to assess the impacts of tourism on indigenous commu- nities and on the National Park of Canaima (Venezuela). It is well known that the creation, and many times Participatory Rural Appraisal was selected as the most imposition, of protected areas on local indigenous people effective means to deal with the increasing park and indig- have been a source of conflict and undesirable impacts enous communities conflicts and the need for management (Hough 1988; West and Brechin 1991). Although globally strategies that minimize these conflicts and the negative many National Parks and other protected areas have clearly impacts on Park resources. The long-term goal is to create recognized indigenous peoples’ settlements and their rights an atmosphere favorable for establishing a partnership to access resources for subsistence (Stevens 1997), still, in that can benefit both the indigenous people and the Park. many Latin American countries, there are no clear policies In this paper we (1) argue the need for adopting and institu- or management strategies to deal with human settlements tionalizing participatory approaches for the conservation of within or at the boundaries of National Parks. As a result, Protected Areas, (2) discuss Participatory Rural Appraisal the need has emerged to integrate local populations into in relationship to the case presented here, and (3) present establishment, management, and monitoring of Protected our study which analyzes the impacts of tourism develop- ment on the indigenous communities that live within Canaima National Park.

In: Watson, Alan E.; Aplet, Greg H.; Hendee, John C., comps. 1998. Personal, societal, and ecological values of wilderness: Sixth World Wil- Protected Areas, Participation, and derness Congress proceedings on research, management, and allocation, volume I; 1997 October; Bangalore, India. Proc. RMRS-P-4. Ogden, UT: U.S. Conservation ______Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research Station. Participatory approaches for development are being Domingo A. Medina is Professor, Department of Parks, Recreation & Tourism, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48827 U.S.A. adopted by multilateral funding agencies such as the World E-mail: [email protected]. Iokiñe Rodriguez, ECONATURA (a Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank (Schwartz Venezuelan Environmental nongovernment organization), , 1067-A, Venezuela. E-mail: [email protected]. and Deruyttere 1996) to assure that development projects

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 19 succeed not only in their design, but also in their implemen- and extension, poverty and social programs, health and food tation, evaluation, sustainability, and most importantly in security, and natural resource management (Chambers delivering benefits to end users. This realization came only 1994a,b). To a lesser extent Participatory Rural Appraisal after years of unsuccessful “top-down authority,” “non- has been used in park conflict resolution (Hoyle 1995; Mason developmental,” and “outsider” approaches to “planned and Danso 1995; Rodriguez and Sharpe 1996) and tourism change.” Conservation has to be a widely participatory impacts (Tomintoul Community 1994). The approach has process to bring about and harmonize environmental pro- proved to be a powerful one, in many cases generating valid tection with social and material advancement. This concep- and reliable data (Chambers 1994b). tion stresses the capacity of people to control their situation Empowerment is reached in the planning process because and manage their environment. It is concerned with equal- information in Participatory Rural Appraisal is internally ity and equity; it emphasizes citizen participation; it focuses produced, analyzed, owned and shared by local people in- on enhancing local self-reliance; and it involves integrating stead of just gathered and analyzed with the biases of traditional local knowledge with scientific knowledge. Un- outsiders (Chambers 1994b). The role of the outsiders in this der this view of conservation, participation is needed for approach is more as a convenor, catalyst or facilitator of the conflict management in issues related to protected area- means for people to undertake and share their own investi- people interactions. In addition, participation has been gations and analyses (Chambers 1994a). identified as key in (a) mitigating negative social and eco- Empowerment also comes from transferring leadership to nomic impacts of environmental policies and development locals, valuing their knowledge and generating opportuni- projects—by legitimizing them; (b) improving management ties and environments, so they can extend their knowledge efforts; and (c) building support, partnership, and co-man- and acquire new skills and abilities such as: systematic agement arrangements with local stakeholders. analysis of problems, designing plans, establishing priori- An exclusionary and centralized concept of National Parks ties, formulating strategies, implementing activities in an has been maintained widely in Latin American policy and organized manner, evaluating them, and distributing their practice, neglecting the historical, political, and social con- benefits (Valarezo 1993). In conservation, only by generat- text of these countries. In this way, government agencies ing empowerment can local communities assist in the pro- tend to be strong in top-down authority and hierarchy, as tection of the Park. In this view, empowerment creates the evidenced by the scale, bureaucracy, and level of enforce- environment such that the solutions to local issues can come ment of their decisions and operations. Also, very little from initiatives from within the communities—with or with- experience has been gathered to value participation and its out outsider partnerships. New proposals, projects, or pro- potential; managers are not trained in participation pro- grams for conservation can and should come from local cesses, and there is no budget allocation for implementing communities, but from communities that are organized and participation programs and mechanisms. Participation, that have the capacity to formulate and negotiate them. whether in development or in conservation, is a long-term This case study centers on the impacts of tourism develop- process and a political one (Peters 1996). Although cost- ment on the Pemón-Kamarakoto community in Canaima effective in the long run (Schwartz and Deruyttere 1996), it National Park. From previous studies, it was known that the requires special interpersonal and managerial skills, and Pemón-Kamaracoto communities have manifested an inter- other conditions to be able to incorporate it and institution- est in participating in Park management affairs; they are alize it in Protected Area management strategies (for a aware of their dependence on Park resources and know that recent discussion see Borrini-Feyerabend 1997). Until these they have a direct stake in the protection of the Park given conditions are met, participatory approaches are most likely their historical and cultural relation to the land they inhabit to find resistance among governmental Protected Area and their economic and social dependency on it. They have agencies. Therefore, it is not surprising that many countries specific knowledge of the natural resources of the Park, and do not have any participatory approaches, community con- they maintain local institutional arrangements and abilities sultation mechanisms, or institutional arrangements in useful for management. They have proximity to places place that can involve local stakeholders in decisionmaking where problems occur that allows them to experience di- and sharing resource management responsibilities of Na- rectly changes and impacts. In addition, they have represen- tional Parks. Similarly, it is not surprising that park and tative local institutions that defend the rights of their people problems and lack of support for Protected Areas community members, and they have a level of social organi- continue. zation that allows them to function as a community to maintain a working relationship with Park officials. Participatory Rural Appraisal ______Canaima National Park and the Participatory Rural Appraisal is regarded as an approach (or a series of methods) to learning about local life and Pemón Situation ______conditions, “from, with, and by,” local people (Chambers Venezuela has 15 percent of its territory designated as 1994a). Chambers explains that the approach and methods National Park lands, distributed among 43 Parks. In have the intention of enabling local people to share, enhance, addition, and with no exception, all of the parks have and analyze their knowledge of life and conditions, to plan, conflicts with human settlements living within or at their to act, monitor, and evaluate. Participatory Rural Appraisal borders. In 1982, 13 percent (18,626) of the Venezuelan has been used in many countries and applied in a variety of indigenous population inhabited at least eight of the major fields (sectors) and settings including agriculture research National Parks. This percentage was distributed among

20 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 304 communities and consisted of nine ethnic groups: Barí, breeders of domestic animals, and gatherers (Simpson 1940; Yupka, Pumé, Hiwi (or Guajibo), Piaroa, , Sanema, Thomas 1982; Urbina 1979). The Pemón have shown great , and Warao (Lizarralde 1992). Canaima National adaptation to the difficult and very limiting living conditions Park, the focus of this paper, was created in 1962 and in the uplands, which are known to be unsuitable for inten- extended in 1975 to its current size. Located in the Bolivar sive agricultural practices (due to the depthless substrate, State (southeastern Venezuela) in a region that lies on the low nutrient contents, and highly unfavorable chemical Precambrian Guayana Shield (one of the most ancient land properties), and where game is dispersed on forest slopes, surfaces of ), Canaima National park is one of and where fish resources are scarce because of small water the largest in the Americas, covering an area of 30,000 km2 bodies and generally swift currents. These conditions make (7,413,000 acres). As part of the Venezuelan Guayana, it cropping cycles in conucos (swiddens) short, natural regen- contains incredible ecological diversity due to its natural eration cycles slow, and hunting and fishing very inefficient. history, geomorphological formations and altitudinal varia- Many factors are influencing the Pemón society within tions, soil properties, and different climatic regimes. The Canaima. Their traditional life styles are impacted, and vegetation cover of this part of the Guayana region consists their balanced resource relation with the of forest, shrub, herbaceous, and pioneer formations found environment is changing. Today the Pemón are experienc- in the different of evergreen and semideciduous ing the difficulties of rising population growth and changes forest, savanna, and (flat-top mountains formed by in social structure. Precambrian core of igneous and metamorphic basement The Pemón have a long history of external influences, rocks covered by large layers of sediment, with an age cultural intervention, and expropriation of land. The cre- estimated at 6 billion years). The varieties of ecosystems in ation of Canaima National Park in 1962 recognized the Canaima support a wide range of habitats and niches that in cultural values of the Pemón communities (including their turn support a highly diverse number of ferns, flowering areas of settlement and traditions) and contemplated the , trees, fauna, arthropods, and many endemic and incorporation of the indigenous communities into the ad- endangered species. ministration and management of the Park (Gaceta Oficial Canaima National Park protects between 60 to 70 percent 1991). But like many other communities within National of the Caroní River Basin (95,000 km2), which is drained by Parks in Venezuela, the Pemón have been affected histori- two large river systems—the Caroní and Paragua Rivers. cally by restrictions in the use of park resources. Little The Basin is the only source of water for two hydroelectric has been documented in this regard, however. Hydroelectric dams that provide electricity to operate important indus- and mining projects sponsored by the Venezuelan Corpora- trial plants and supply electric service to other areas in tion of Guayana, expansion of road systems, increasing Venezuela (and soon to ). In 1993, Canaima was unregulated tourism activities, and a history of missioniza- declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO. The preserva- tion and agriculture extension work have threatened the tion (for present and future generations) of such an incred- Pemón resource base and their traditional agricultural and ible resource constitutes a challenge to Venezuelan society. hunting practices, their traditional economic activities, and their patterns of settlement, land use, and housing. Finally, 71 percent of the communities within Canaima have no The Pemón Amerindians in Canaima documents of land ownership, and 36 percent have some National Park kind of land conflicts with companies, official organizations, state enterprises, farms, or ranches. Canaima is located in the Gran Sabana Municipium, A concern of ecologists and park managers in the Gran which has an indigenous population of 13,051 inhabitants Sabana with direct, long-term impacts on hydrological cycles of different ethnic backgrounds. The Pemón’s population is and erosional processes is the continuous substitution of the largest in the whole Municipium, representing nearly forest by savanna, and the subsequent degradation of the 99 percent of the total population. In 1992, there were 8,094 latter on a large scale. Anthropogenic causes include the indigenous people (0.27 inhabitant per square kilometer) in practice of burning in both forest and savanna areas by the Park itself, distributed in 94 settlements. The Pemón indigenous people, as well as agriculture, cattle-raising, (as they call themselves) belong to the Carib-speaking fam- hunting, mining, timber extraction, and tourism activities. ily and are divided into three groups (Arecunas, Kamaracotos, Natural causes have been attributed to successional trends, and Taurepan) concentrated in different parts of the Gran dependent on both climatic changes and fire. Sabana and with different dialects—possibly mutually in- The National Park of Canaima is considered the first and telligible (Thomas 1982). most important tourism destination in Venezuela. It has Approximately 500 to 600 years ago, the Pemón began high demand among foreign tourists and is experiencing occupying the Gran Sabana uplands, immigrating from increasing visitation. In a study of 280 tourism packages in adjacent savannas. The Pemón were the first among four Venezuela, Canaima by itself represented 9.4 percent of the successive immigrations of Carib family groups that popu- destinations marketed. A recent study estimates that be- lated Venezuela in the so-called “fourth wave” (CONAHOTU tween 1991 and 1995 the number of visitors to Canaima 1972). The Pemón live in settlements mostly in open sa- National Park increased from 78,488 to 121,101 (Medina vanna near rivers, and are highly dependent on the sur- 1996). rounding forest resources and rivers for their subsistence. Many international and national tourism organizations They have traditionally been small farmers or “conuqueros” and agencies are establishing, operating and extending (using the system of slash and burn for cultivation), hunters “ecotourism” systems in Canaima, looking for remote and of birds and terrestrial mammals, fishermen, small-scale unique destinations within the Park in order to keep

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 21 exclusivity and elude the great concentration of visitors Canaima. They also do not include visitors from private that are arriving. Under Venezuela’s Law of Tourism planes nor from two of the private local enterprises. (Articles 59 and 60), prior consultation with indigenous communities is explicitly required before any tourism devel- opment can go ahead in their areas. Unfortunately, consul- Methodology: The Workshop ______tation is not a common practice in National Parks, and The Participatory Rural Appraisal approach was carried indigenous communities are marginalized from any out in the methodological form of a workshop. The workshop decisionmaking regarding tourism development on the took place in the Kamarata community in a rural school on lands they occupy. Tourism organizations and agencies are two consecutive days (14 and 15 of September 1996). The operating without being properly evaluated in terms of workshop was designed to (a) understand the Pemón their contribution to the conservation of the Park and in (Kamaracotos Indians) community’s environmental values terms of how much they benefit local communities. Simi- and (b) determine the community’s perceived social and larly, given the restrictions that the National Park sets for environmental changes and consequences due to tourism human settlements in their boundaries, and the limitation and other human geographical factors. of the environment, an increasing number of indigenous No specific criteria for selecting participants were set people are looking at tourism as an option for development. other than to ask that participants be adults who lived in the Many communities are soliciting permits from the Park valley and who wanted to participate on a voluntary basis. Service for tourism purposes and depend on national and The group of participants turned out to be 11 people, an international enterprises for tourist contact, goods, and ideal size for the group dynamics required by the method- supplies. They have little control over the tourism activity, ology. The group size gave opportunities to share insights and are not fully aware of the potential negative impacts of and was large enough to provide a diversity of views. The tourism for the community and its natural environment. group included four women and seven men. It included two elderly men, four adult men, one adult woman, one young The Study Site adult man, and three young adult women. The group also represented three of the largest settlements. Two of the men The study site is the Valley of Kamarata, located in the were the current chiefs (capitanes) of their communities and west sector of the Park. This zone is approximately 50 km one woman was a former capitan. Interestingly, there were long and 15 km wide. The spur of the Auyantepui falls in the two elementary school teachers (one man and one woman), north and the east. The valley is relatively flat and presents two women involved in an arts and crafts business, two a scenic view typical of large, and small, open savannas. tour guides (one man and one woman), and one technician The Kamarata Valley has an estimated population of (man) who worked for the Venezuelan Electric Company 2,101 indigenous people (2.8 inhabitants per square monitoring in the Valley. This group heterogeneity kilometer) distributed in 21 settlements, comprising ap- resulted in a very productive meeting. proximately 328 households (Medina 1996). According to The workshop can be described as a framed but semi- these estimations, the Kamarata Valley holds 26 percent of structured discussion and brainstorming in a group dy- the entire indigenous population in the park and 2.5 percent namic similar to a focus group. First, participants were of the total land surface. The Valley is relatively isolated. asked to name elements in the Valley that were relevant and The only way to get there is by foot, dugout boats through important to them. Then, participants were divided into the Acanán River, or by airplane. This makes the Valley an small groups of two to three people where they selected one interesting study site because its remoteness controls many element and discussed its importance. This was followed by intervening and influential factors that exist in the more a discussion of what changes they have observed in relation accessible east sector of the Park where a road system to the element, what causes they attribute to such changes, connects the Park with the capital of the Bolivar State and and what they believed were the consequences of such towns in the north of Brazil. changes. After this discussion each group would present to In the Valley, there are two tourist camps (Kavak and the rest of the participants the results of their discussion. Uruyen) with different levels of tourism development. Kavak Interestingly, the format allowed discussion of trends, and has been in operation for more than 15 years, while Uruyen consequences of such trends, without having a true baseline has only recently begun operation. Both camps are operated for comparison other than the participants’ observations by national airlines and tour operators (under concession and analysis. At this point, as in many Participatory Rural with the Park Service), and are owned and managed by a Appraisal processes, everybody had the opportunity to ask local civil association (Asociación Civil Kavak-Yeuta) and questions and verify the validity of the information by cross- three local “microempresas” (private enterprises under con- checking and amending each other, building upon what was tract with the airlines). Tourism transportation into the already discussed, adding new insights and analysis. The Valley occurs through daily flights from Margarita Island, workshop tried to center on endemic information, meaning Ciudad Bolivar, and the tourism center of Canaima. Be- in the knowledge, and categories and values of the local tween 1991 and 1995 the number of visitors in Kavak participants instead of the views of the facilitators. None- increased slightly from 11,427 to 12,314. Uruyen received in theless, on many occasions the facilitators probed and syn- 1995 only 1,453 visitors (Medina 1996). Tourists from Kavak thesized information, interpretations, and opinions for the and Uruyen, combined, represent 11.4 percent of the total sake of clarifying points and recorded the information as visitation level in the Park. These data do not include accurately as possible. The facilitators’ role was to guide the visitors coming to the Valley by dugout boats (curiaras) process and foster a two-way learning experience between through the Acanán river in fluvial excursions from facilitators and local participants, creating an atmosphere

22 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 for communication and understanding of the different Trees for making churuatas or building curiaras, as well views of the problems and needs. as the San Pablo and Cucurito palm leaves, are scarce Ten elements from the Valley were chosen by participants because many of them have been harvested and are not as most important. They were (not in order of importance): found close by anymore. Many of these resources have to be selva or rainforest, flat-topped mountains (tepuy), savanna, brought from places in the upper river or bought from other moriche palms, rivers and waterfalls, fish, animals, miner- remote settlements. Medicinal plants are not used as much, als, the community, and visitors. These elements suggest and forest products are not utilized to fabricate clothes how intricate is the relation of the Pemón Kamaracoto with anymore. However, more crafts are made from forest mate- their natural environment. It does not seem to be an accident rials. The trend is towards less consumption and production that those elements chosen hold intrinsic subsistence and of traditional medicines and, consequently, the potential cultural values for the Kamaracoto, possibly because they loss of the knowledge base needed to acquire these resources. are the basis for their survival as a community and as The changes in the conucos and the depletion of many indigenous people. Each of these elements will be presented, forest resources are attributed to population growth, new emphasizing their relative importance to workshop partici- market opportunities to sell conuco products, and require- pants, underlying changes to the elements, and the causes ments of the tourism business. There are now more incen- and consequences attributed to such changes, stressing the tives to produce manioc (yucca) in the conucos on a commer- impacts due to tourism. cial basis. The casabe is sold now for tourism centers (such as Canaima), and to tourism workers and other community members (such as school teachers) who do not work inten- Rainforest sively in their conucos. On the other hand, the participants The rainforest (ichureta) represents for the Kamaracoto a feel that tourism requires (obligates) the use of logwood and sacred place. It is the place where most of the shifting palm leaves to build churuatas for tourists as well as for the cultivation activity (the agricultural system most used by construction of more curiaras for transporting tourists. The the Pemón communities) takes place, providing them with image of “authenticity” and uniqueness of the Valley’s natu- their principal source of food. Its importance is reflected in ral and cultural resources is something that is sold through the number of conucos and the land surface each family unit outside tour operators’ promotions and advertising. allocates, including the time they spend for such practices. Based on trends, the group foresees the cultivation of more The forest supplies the Pemón with logs, wood, and palm or larger conucos, but less available forest. This may require leaves (Cucurito and San Pablo leaves) to make their homes extending the cultivation of the conucos or reducing the (churuatas). Logs are also used for building dugout boats fallow period of many regenerating secondary , or (curiaras), paddles (canaletes), and other wooden and fiber both. The Kamaracoto perceive that the conuco production materials needed for arts and crafts and for manufacturing will be increasingly geared towards commercial objectives instruments, for example, squeezer (sebucan - tangöi), re- and less toward subsistence purposes. The conucos will be ceptacles (bateas, moru, watea and pangai’) for the prepara- less diversified, requiring the purchase of certain products tion of the casabe (eke - baked manioc bread cakes) and from others or the local stores. Also, they perceive that there kachiri (a beer-like fermented beverage made from bitter will be an increase in the creation of large community manioc). In the forest are animals and birds for hunting, conucos for generating revenues to pay for community needs, and the many creeks provide drinking water and small fish. goods, or services. Other resources from the forest include medicines, materi- als for making clothes, and barbasco (fish “poison”) for fishing. Tepuis In regard to changes in the rainforest, the group observed that there are now more shifting cultivation plots and many The tepuis (mesas or flat-topped mountains) mark the more people working in conucos. Currently, the older geographical location where the Pemón communities are Kamaracotos are for the most part the ones that work in the found and delineate their land boundaries. Rivers form in conucos. The production of cultigen is less diverse than the tepuis and provide places for recreation and education before, and casabe and plantains are produced not only for for many outsiders. Tepuis are considered sacred “temples” subsistence but also for commerce. The conucos are now where the mawari or imawariton (evil or good spirits who located farther away from each household. This is due in look like Pemón people but can take the shape of animals) part to the conuco cycle, which leaves the land fallow after live. The piaches (shamans) find in the tepuis a sanctuary 2 or 3 years of cultivation (even more in the Valley), and new for their inspiration and also a place to learn directly from fertile land is sought. The group observed that the closest the mawari. Each tepuy has its own legend found in some of and largest tracts of fertile land have already been used and the Pemón myth and stories. Some of the tepuy carry names they are now in their fallow period. Some believe that the of important events, places, or caciques (political leaders). forest does not regenerate in its totality after the conucos. In relation to trends, there is an increase in the number of Regeneration of the forest is slow, and the fallow period has paths accessing the mountain tops along which trampling been estimated at between 20 to 25 years or more. New and trash is easily observed (despite prohibition of climb- types of trees grow in the abandoned conucos (probably ing in the tepuis until management plans and monitor pioneer species after the gap left by conucos), but there is mechanisms are in place). Many of the traditional names uncertainty that these new species may be different from of the tepuis, rivers, and waterfalls have been changed by the original strong, large trees that were cut when preparing outsiders (as observed in tourist and official maps), and the plots. many sacred places are not respected. Invasions of sacred places include landing small airplanes, placing antennas for

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 23 communication over the tepuis, and removal of endemic the fields with fires. Hence, other species, different from species by researchers, botanists, and tourists. Other the savanna grasses rejuvenate, changing the savanna observations include cases of accidental fires. The environment. Kamaracotos feel that the community has made no effort On the other hand, more walking trails and roads for and taken no actions to keep traditional names and protect vehicles are open, compacting the land surface, making it sacred places . almost impossible for the savanna to regenerate. The ve- These trends are attributed to the creation of the Park, hicles are used for transporting people to different settle- more tourists, and the promotion of the area to researchers ments and tourism camps. They are used to transport and important personalities. Also, it is attributed to the tourists to attractions or to the river for transportation in myriad of exploration, research, and management activities curiaras. Also, they are used to transport water in the dry of government agencies and universities, and to the activi- season or to transport goods for the local stores. ties of advertising and film enterprises. As a consequence, Other changes observed include the introduction over tepuis can lose their beauty and attractiveness. The proper time of fruit trees that are not endemic to the area (mango, names of the tepuis will be forgotten and the young coconut, orange, mandarin, and guayaba) and the accumula- Kamaracotos will not respect the tepuis as sacred places. tion of large deposits of waste and garbage in the savanna, products of the communities and tourism camp activities. No plans exist for their treatment. Savanna The wood that is used for fuel is found mainly in the The savanna (itöi) is where the Pemón build their houses conucos. For tourism, firewood is purchased from the and churuatas near water courses or streams. They live in conuqueros or is cut from small trees and shrubs in the the savanna because they respect and fear the forest, and savanna. Fairly recently, tour operators have adopted kero- for security reasons, given the greater visibility in the sene or gas stoves to cook meals for tourists, and wood is savanna. In the savanna, it is easier to create pathways to used only for large grills. more rapidly access other settlements or places, and its The participants did not see changes in the savanna as openness allows for using signals for communication. The major issues and consider that these trends will not affect savanna is habitat for small animals and insects such as new settlements because it is still a very livable place. larvae of the moriche palm, grasshoppers, and ants, which Conversely, they see the potential of environmental and are part of the Pemón diet. Also, it is easier to fish in small health problems due to fires, litter, and non-degradable streams in the savanna during the winter season. Whereas trash. Also, there are possibilities of forests with new tree the savanna is known to be unproductive, it is important for species, more tourism camps in the savanna, and less avail- small-scale agriculture and cattle grazing. The savanna is able sources for firewood. also a tourism attraction, something that is not surprising given the uniqueness of this type of , found only in Moriche Palm 2 percent of the land comprising the west side of Canaima Park. The moriche palm (kuaiküta) indicates to the Pemón The Valley has a history of agricultural development and where true water deposits are in the savanna. Moriche is a cattle ranching in the savanna, following the activities of source of food (such as fruits [kuai, and larvae] and ivo) for missionaries. Forests were cut to create open space for cattle animals and people. With the leaves of the moriche, the and for cultivating rice; these areas were later converted into Kamaracotos build part of their houses, and the palm sup- grazing areas. The savanna was divided into ranching and plies materials for arts and crafts such as chinchorros grazing areas by fences and wires that are still in place. (hammocks), typical vestment, and adornment. However, Today, some conucos produce rice, but very few families keep these resources are not the main sources traditionally used cattle. for arts and crafts. Changes in the Savanna are attributed to population Originally, morichales were deforested in the Valley to build roads and airstrips, but now many of those areas have growth in large settlements, changes in conuco areas, pat- regenerated. The use of the moriche palm is still not exten- terns of conuco exploitation for commercialization and tour- ism, uncontrolled fires, and transportation needs. There sive and is harvested in a traditional way, gathering fruits and larvae on a small scale. The surplus of larvae is now sold, are certainly more human settlements in the savanna, and when it used to be traded. Yet, the Kamaracoto state that the tendency now is to set up conucos in savanna forests close to the settlements instead of cultivating in the mountain there is an increase in the exploitation of moriche leaves because they replace the San Pablo and Cucurito palm forest. Some of these conucos are owned by local tourism leaves from the forest (these leaves are scarce, hard to businesses to sell watermelons, pineapples, and sweet or bitter manioc. The problem with the conucos in these forests obtain, or expensive) to make things. Hence, the exploitation of the moriche palm is expected to increase for building is that they tend to be replaced by savannas because of the traditional houses and for possible use in commercial craft- forests’ low recovery capacity and frequent fires. It is well documented that the Pemón use fire not only making specifically for tourism. to clear land for their conucos but also for hunting, communicating, and rejuvenating grasses in dry savanna Rivers and Waterfalls areas to avoid extensive fires due to long dry seasons. Today in the Valley the savanna is burned many times out of The rivers (tuna) and waterfalls (wena) are also consid- season because of access to fuel and because many young ered sacred places by the Kamaracoto. Rivers are habitat for people do not know how to burn the savanna. They abuse fish and are essential for animal, plant, and human life.

24 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 Rivers and streams define geographical places and territo- no aimaras or muisunu, and only small sardines and ined- rial land, as well as define names of caciques, important ible fish are found (terecages). This could be a sign of events, or the names of settlements. Many tourism enter- depletion of the fish population due to overconsumption, or prises have even adopted names of local waterfalls and simply the emigration of the large fish. This is an area for rivers. The Kamaracoto know that rivers contain water that further inquiry. evaporates, precipitates, and then irrigates their conucos, There are also changes in the traditional techniques of and they know very well the behavioral patterns of the fishing. Barbasco (fish poison) is not as plentiful in the forest river levels in rainy and dry seasons. Rivers are a source of as it used to be; ritual practices related to fishing have fish, a means for transportation to reach their conucos and changed, and the sacred stones for different species of fish hunting places, and are important to commerce and for are gone. Some people now use diving masks, small bows fluvial tourism. They provide natural pools for bathing, and arrows, and fishing nets (atarrayas). A less impacting hygiene, and recreation such as swimming and curiara (conservationist) method for fishing such as “kuna” (a plant races. Waterfalls have hydraulic potential for electricity, species mixed with other substances and prepared in the and certainly are tourist attractions. Kamarata has built a form of small balls that attract fish) are not used anymore small dam with outside assistance near the town that because the method is not known among the younger supplies electricity to approximately 516 people. Also, the generations. Kamaracoto have built a water supply system in partner- The causes of some of the changes are attributed to the ship with the mission that brings water from the Auyantepui increase in human population and noise and the increased (“la toma”) and provides water to five settlements (760 use of motors on curiaras for commerce and tourism, which people approximately) through a 25 km system of pipes. scare away the big fish to more serene places. Also, fish have Trends related to rivers and waterfalls are attributed become accustomed to the fish bait used and it needs to be again to population growth and behavior, environmental changed. limitations, adoption of new lifestyles, and the increase in The Kamaracoto expect, as a consequence, less fish in the tourist visitation, activities, and services. Today, more river and less consumption of fish protein. One of the bridges are found across streams in the savanna, indicating solutions agreed upon by the community is not to fish with more people traveling across the savanna. Conucos are barbasco in the Acanán River (the major river in the valley) being constructed along rivers in communities such as until the fish population grows. Now fish has to be brought Kuana and Awaraparú, probably because of the lack of forest from outside (mainly by local businesses) and is very expen- for conucos nearby or because people are taking advantage sive for the locals. Many fish that are sold are contaminated of beaches on the riverbanks that hold mineral-rich and with mercury because they come from rivers where gold is freshly deposited sediments. mined. Frequently, the use of soap, shampoo, and detergent is observed in the rivers for bathing or washing dishes and sometimes gasoline from motor boats is discharged in the Animals rivers. There is an increase in the construction of tourist Animals (oto or toron) are intrinsic to nature and give life camps around waterfalls, and there is an increase in infra- to the Pemón people. Indigenous communities tend to settle structure development for tourists near or at riverbanks, around areas where animals are abundant. Animals are a such as new docks and churuatas. The principal tourist source of food, medicine, trophies, and are resources for camps have constructed septic tanks close to the rivers. As making utensils, instruments, arts, crafts, and adornment. part of the expansion of the sites to visit, tour guides now Some animals are important to the Kamaracoto for spatial take tourists farther up the mountain, visiting places such orientation and as indicators of the seasons (such as frogs as “la toma” (which is the source of water for Kamarata) for and birds). Many also alert residents when someone is sightseeing and bathing. All these issues, until now, were coming. Some animals are kept as pets. Dogs often help in not perceived as problems, but the group now foresees that hunting parties. if these trends continue there will be more contamination of The Kamaracoto know that there are seasonal variations the rivers, less fish, potential diseases in the community, or patterns in the availability of game, yet they observe and contamination or obstruction of the water supply sys- that game animals and birds in the mountain forest, and tem of the Kamarata community. many large savanna animals (such as deer, tapir, iguanas, and anteater bears) and insects, are not easily found. The Fish Valley has experienced game depletion, or the Kamaracotos have scared away animals and birds, including inedible The fish (muró) are the best components of the river, given species. Zamuros are the only bird species observed to have their variety, according to the Pemón. Fish such as the increased. Hunting places are now found far away, requiring aimara and boquini are a more important source of protein long hunting events (1 week or more) that are intensive and for the Kamaracoto than are game animals, and are one of inefficient. Other impacts to animals likely include the the reasons their settlements are found close to water- increase in noise from radios, firearms, machines to grate courses. Tüma, a type of soup prepared with water, fish, manioc, and airplanes that fly daily in and out of the valley. different types of peppers, and kumachi (condiment), is a Hunting practices have changed also, including rituals, common meal among the Kamaracoto and is often prepared traditions, techniques and strategies. Firearms are com- for social gatherings. monly used, hunting parties are not organized, and hunting The Kamaracoto have observed that each time they go is less communal. Increases in fires are related to dis- fishing, the fish are less abundant and smaller. There are organized hunting events and use of fuels. The cost of

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 25 ammunition and other materials for hunting is expensive. Community Resources such as cerbatanas (blow guns), curare, and other resources have to be purchased in other areas because such For the Kamaracoto, the community (patamuna) is the materials are not found locally. Currently there are fewer organizational base that identifies them as indigenous people. people who hunt, and sources of animal protein have to be They perceive the community as the ground of their social bought in Kamarata. relations, communication, and education, and it is the ve- The Kamaracoto expect, based on the trends they observe, hicle for preserving traditions, customs, and other cultural local depletion of animals. This would require traveling long traits. The Kamaracoto people believe that they defend the distances to hunt, building camps in remote hunting areas, natural environment and that they contribute to the devel- and the use of more dogs for hunting. If not, the tendency will opment of the country by preserving nature for life. be to hunt less and depend on local stores for meat or to The Kamaracoto observe important changes concerning migrate to the north of the valley. Another possible outcome their social organization with reference to the level of cohe- is that people will begin to domesticate endemic animals or siveness as a community, transculturation, and education. introduce animals such as sheep, chicken, and other live- The Kamaracoto observe that whereas before they had one stock for food (something that is against the Park law). community, now it is divided not only geographically (one Again, population growth, changes in hunting practices, town and several small settlements) but also socioeconomi- and noise seem to be the major sources that account for cally. The division or fragmentation of the community is animal population trends. Tourism seems to play a small attributed to the establishment of new leaders and new role in these trends. All of the food for tourists is brought economic groups represented by tourism microenterprises from the cities. and commercial stores as well as power groups influenced by politicians during election years. Another factor in frag- mentation has been the creation of a civil association to Minerals attend to tourism. This parallel organizational structure has gained power because it administers the revenues from Minerals (tötepelken) and the soil in the Valley are con- tourism, which are significantly higher and increasing com- sidered to be patrimony of the underground soil of the land pared to any other source of income within the Valley. This the Kamaracoto inhabit. The clay that is found in some parts has been a source of conflict with the traditional structure of of the Valley (called Caolin) is used by women to manufac- decisionmaking in the Kamarata community. Allegations of ture unique pottery. These pots and pans (o.ina) are used for corruption, debts, stolen money, and misapplication of re- cooking and, until fairly recently, for trade in different parts sources have surrounded the association. There is a gener- of the region. On the other hand, the Kamaracoto know that alized perception that the different settlements that helped and gold can be found in the Valley and that they in the development of the infrastructure for tourism have can bring monetary benefits according to their scale of not received the benefits from tourism as expected. This exploitation. problem seems to be mostly a lack of training in business Among the changes that the group has observed in regard management and uneven and unfair business relations to minerals are that there is less exploitation and the with outside tour operators. With certainty, the Kamaracoto “bullas” (boom of or gold diggings) are sporadic, believe that these divisions create conflict and misunder- although they recognize that the value of the minerals has standing, and seem to affect the community’s ability to act increased since the creation of the Park and the Park law cooperatively in local and supralocal affairs for the benefit of (mostly when the INPARQUES is able to enforce the law). the community. Mining has been closely controlled by the community be- The concern for transculturation is observed in changes cause of its negative impacts, and miners have shifted such as the way the Pemón dress (specifically the young), the toward job opportunities in tourism. devaluing of traditions, adoptions of new recreational activi- Mining still remains insignificant in the Kamaracoto ties while traditional games and typical dances are being culture, as when Simpson did his study in the Valley in 1939, lost, use of money (instead of trade) for commerce, depen- probably because gold and diamond deposits are scarce. dency on currency for travel, goods, and services, intro- Yet, the Kamaracoto believe that mining diversifies the duction of new languages such as Spanish, English, and options for jobs in the Valley, and that the artisan (tradi- German (the latter two for tourism-related jobs), and changes tional) type of mining is more beneficial than the more in religion (a move from polytheism to monotheism). technical intensive type. The Kamaracoto have had two The Kamaracoto recognize that formal education pre- major “bullas” experiences that brought conflict in the com- pares people to be better leaders. Nonetheless, there is less munity, and they are very much aware of problems related transfer of knowledge from parents to children as well as to mining. Mining means the abandonment of the conuco less contact between them because the formal educational (with consequences for the food supply), significant environ- system requires children to spend more time in school and mental devastation, outsider migration, and the increase of less time working and learning from parents in daily sub- diseases such as paludismo and venereal infections. sistence activities. According to the group discussion, the The production of traditional pots and pans has signifi- mission and the Venezuelan education system (partly a cantly slowed. There is little transfer of knowledge to the responsibility of the mission) are linked to changes in reli- younger generations on how to make the pots. The small gion, emphasis on “western” education, and changes in the production of pots is for tourists and their price is too high transfer of traditional knowledge from generation to for people in the community. generation.

26 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 The problems that the community faces are much more trash (locally there is limited means to dispose of it prop- complex than before and require leaders with more capacity erly); many young Kamaracoto tend to abandon school not only to understand and resolve local problems, but to also and the family conucos to look for job opportunities in understand and deal with supralocal issues that affect the tourism; and many Kamaracoto believe that racial mixing community. The community and the “capitanes” are per- between locals and visitors is an undesirable outcome that ceived to be apathetic toward the problems and lacking the can threaten the community and its cultural values. Finally, will to try to solve them. Likewise, the group feels that there the community has seen and experienced the beginnings of is no alternative source of leadership to turn to for orienta- fragmentation as the local tourism “microempresas” com- tion or solutions (from within or outside the community). pete for tourists. With all these changes in community structure and char- acter, the Kamaracoto feel that there will be more division of the community. This, they believe, will cause the Pemón Conclusions______culture to disappear (or at least diffuse or acculturate), and Participatory Rural Appraisal proved to be both an young people will be forced to migrate, leaving the commu- assertive approach to foster participation and an effective nities more susceptible to political parties and outsider methodology to learn about important social, cultural, and manipulation. subsistence values attributed by the Pemón Kamaracoto to environmental elements (forest, tepuyes, animals, water- Visitors falls, savannas, minerals) and economic activities (shifting cultivation, tourism, and mining) in the Kamarata Valley. According to the group discussion, visitors (kairan, pachi, Through this approach, we have found that changes in the or karanton) come to the Valley to visit an environment that conucos (location, number, size, and patterns of exploita- they don’t know. Visitors are important to the Kamaracoto tion), depletion of many essential forest and savanna re- in several respects: they bring hard currency and medicines sources, and the migration or depletion of game animals and into the community, some contribute (via anthropologi- fish are attributed by the Kamaracoto to the following cal studies) to the better understanding of the Pemón cul- factors: (a) population growth; (b) changes in population ture, and visitors represent a potential source of cultural behavior, evidenced by the acquisition of new values and exchange. need for cash (for outside goods and services), adoption of Among the changes that the Kamaracoto have observed new lifestyles which are themselves reflected in the acquisi- are the increase of visitors to the Valley not only by plane but tion of commodities (such as motorboats, firearms, bicycles), also by the Acanán river (that connects the Valley to Angel and changes in traditional practices of fishing, hunting, use Falls and to Canaima) and through an old path from of fire, and transportation; (c) opening of new market oppor- Kavanayén across the mountain range to the east of the tunities to sell conuco products, arts, crafts, and pottery Valley. Visitors are known to come mainly for nature tour- (commerce and tourism); and (d) increase in labor and ism, to visit the Kavak and Uruyen savanna, to explore the material requirements of the tourism business due to in- Auyantepuy’s canyons, climb the Auyantepuy, or in the case creased tourist visitation, infrastructure, and other tour- of cinema enterprises, to film movies (including porno- ism-related activities and services. graphic videos). The group attributed the increase in tourist In addition, the intervention of the mission, the govern- visitation to the activity of foreign enterprises that not ment education system and programs, the emergence of only promote ecotourism to the area, but also bring tourists new political leaders and economic groups (tourism “micro- themselves. There is also a perceived increase in tourism empresas,” local stores, and groups linked to political par- attractions, routes, and circuits that have diversified the ties), and internal friction of the settlements have brought tourism product in the Kamarata Valley. Another reason transculturation and internal competition, which in turn given for the increase in visitation is the growth in the has affected the community’s social organization and leads number of local tourism entrepreneurs (“microempresas”) to fragmentation. Nevertheless, the alleged cases of corrup- which have changed from one to eight in the last 5 years, tion, debts, and misallocation of resources that have sur- establishing contract arrangements with outside tour op- rounded the tourism association seem to be more the result erators. The Kamaracoto believe that there are very few of a lack of training in business management, coupled with services for tourists, they lack effective community organi- competition among local microempresas and uneven and zation for tourism, and have very little control over who unfair business relations with outside tour operators than visits, when they visit, and where they go. actual corruption. These allegations also come from the This increase in visitors is perceived to have brought perception that the association receives large amounts of several consequences. On one side, more work opportuni- revenues and that the community has not received its share ties have opened up (especially for young locals) with the of benefits as expected when community members were need for infrastructure construction, motor boat operators, asked to participate with their labor, knowledge, food, and maintenance services, tour guides, cooking, and wait staff. materials in the development of the Kavak camp. The possibilities of greater income creates, in turn, opportu- Tourism in the Kamarata Valley is mainly a product of its nities for the community to invest in other priority areas history, the creation of the Park, the promotion of the area such as health, education, and transportation. The both by outsiders (gold diggers, bush pilots, explorers, mis- Kamaracoto know that increases in visitation will require sionaries, researchers, resource managers, tourism entre- more services and infrastructure. preneurs, and film makers) and, to a lesser extent, by locals. On the problem side, the attitude is that the influx of Tourism in the valley has changed from being something visitors has brought pollution to the area in the form of inevitable to being a desired economic option for the

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 27 Kamaracoto, who perceive tourism as a more desirable References ______economic activity than mining because it is more profitable (given that minerals are scarce). Furthermore, tourism is Borrini-Feyerabend, G. 1997. Manejo participativo de preas favored over mining because it is less devastating both protegidas: pdaptando el pétodo al pontexto. Temas de Política socially and environmentally. Social. Quito, Ecuador: IUCN-SUR. Chambers, Robert. 1994a. The origins and practice of participatory The Valley has become, in the last 16 years, a pole of rural appraisal. World Development. 22(7): 953-969. tourism attraction in Canaima National Park due to its Chambers, Robert. 1994b. Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA): natural monuments, cultural beauty, and the variety of analysis of experience. World Development. 22(9): 1253-1268. tourism products and experiences it offers (sightseeing, CONAHOTU 1972. Diagnóstico socio-económico y antropológico del parque nacional “Gran Sabana.” Caracas: Publicaciones Técnicas. hiking, climbing, fluvial excursions, explorations, research, Gaceta Oficial. 1991. Plan de ordenamiento y reglamento de uso del and so forth). This competitive advantage in relation to other sector oriental del Parque Nacional Canaima. Decreto No. 1640, places in the Gran Sabana is very attractive to regional, Gaceta Official 18 de Julio de 1991. national, and international tour operators and agencies. As Hough, John L. 1988. Obstacles to effective management of conflicts a result, the promotion and access to tourist markets, as between National Parks and surrounding human communities in developing countries. Environmental Conservation. 15(2): 129- well as the development of tours, routes, and circuits are 136. driven and controlled by outsiders. This kind of develop- Hoyle, D. 1995. The role of participatory methods of analysis for ment within the park creates local dependency since tour- conflict resolution at the human-wildlife interface: deforestation ism constitutes for them a necessary source of income. and encroachment in Gashaka Gumti National Park, Nigeria. Edinburgh, Scotland: University of Edinburgh. Although some local people have actually gone outside the Lizarralde, R. 1992. La población indígena en los Parques Nacionales. Valley to establish partnerships with tour operators, they IV Congreso Mundial de Parques Nacionales y Areas Protegidas. still depend on outsiders to have access to tourist markets Caracas. and other resources. At the same time, they receive a very Mason, J.; Danso, E. 1995. PRA for people and parks: the case of low percentage of the tourism revenues while absorbing Mole National Park, Ghana. PLA notes No. 22. London: IIED: 76-79. most of the cost of infrastructure development and mainte- Medina, D. 1996. The political ecology of nature-based tourism in nance of the camps. the context of National Park systems. Manuscript. Michigan Tourism within the Valley is expected to grow in terms of State University. (a) the number of visitors (b) the number of new competing Peters, Pauline. 1996. Who’s local here? The politics of participation in development. Cultural Survival Quarterly. 20(3): 22-25. microempresas, and (c) infrastructure development and Rodriguez, I.; Sharpe, C. 1996. Una metodología participativa para services. This expected growth and positive attitudes to- evaluar amenazas y conflictos en Parques Nacionales: El caso del ward tourism has given high expectations to the Kamaracoto Parque Nacional Canaima, Venezuela. ECONATURA. Presentado that face few economic options within the Park. The combi- en el Seminario/Taller “Experiencias de metodologías nation of these factors will make the communities increas- participativas con poblaciones indígenas y/o campesinas”, Organizado por la Subred de Areas Protegidas del Amazonas, ingly dependent on tourism. Tratado de Cooperación Amazónica, en Sta. Cruz, Bolivia, 20-24 The Kamaracoto still maintain a strong subsistence-level de Mayo de 1996. relationship with their environment. Their current relative Rodriguez, I.; Sharpe, C. 1996. Taller de Evaluación de la social and cultural stability allows a level of resource rela- Problemática actual del Parque Nacional Canaima. ECONATURA. Kavanayen 20-21 de Abril de 1996. tion that guarantees ecological stability (such as the capac- Schwartz, Norman; Deruyttere, Anne. 1996. Community consulta- ity of an ecosystem to return to the original situation, or at tion, sustainable development and the Inter-American De- least a similar one, after a disturbing event). 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Social dilemmas and strategies in international economy of the settlements and with the community struc- conservation. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press. ture and culture.

28 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998