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Here a Causal Relationship? Contemporary Economics, 9(1), 45–60
Bibliography on Corruption and Anticorruption Professor Matthew C. Stephenson Harvard Law School http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/mstephenson/ March 2021 Aaken, A., & Voigt, S. (2011). Do individual disclosure rules for parliamentarians improve government effectiveness? Economics of Governance, 12(4), 301–324. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-011-0100-8 Aaronson, S. A. (2011a). Does the WTO Help Member States Clean Up? Available at SSRN 1922190. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1922190 Aaronson, S. A. (2011b). Limited partnership: Business, government, civil society, and the public in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Public Administration and Development, 31(1), 50–63. https://doi.org/10.1002/pad.588 Aaronson, S. A., & Abouharb, M. R. (2014). Corruption, Conflicts of Interest and the WTO. In J.-B. Auby, E. Breen, & T. Perroud (Eds.), Corruption and conflicts of interest: A comparative law approach (pp. 183–197). Edward Elgar PubLtd. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.ebookbatch.GEN_batch:ELGAR01620140507 Abbas Drebee, H., & Azam Abdul-Razak, N. (2020). The Impact of Corruption on Agriculture Sector in Iraq: Econometrics Approach. IOP Conference Series. Earth and Environmental Science, 553(1), 12019-. https://doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/553/1/012019 Abbink, K., Dasgupta, U., Gangadharan, L., & Jain, T. (2014). Letting the briber go free: An experiment on mitigating harassment bribes. JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMICS, 111(Journal Article), 17–28. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2013.12.012 Abbink, Klaus. (2004). Staff rotation as an anti-corruption policy: An experimental study. European Journal of Political Economy, 20(4), 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2003.10.008 Abbink, Klaus. -
The Far Right in Slovenia
MASARYK UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE The Far Right in Slovenia Master‟s thesis Bc. Lucie Chládková Supervisor: doc. JUDr. PhDr. Miroslav Mareš, Ph.D. UČO: 333105 Field of Study: Security and Strategic Studies Matriculation Year: 2012 Brno 2014 Declaration of authorship of the thesis Hereby I confirm that this master‟s thesis “The Far Right in Slovenia” is an outcome of my own elaboration and work and I used only sources here mentioned. Brno, 10 May 2014 ……………………………………… Lucie Chládková 2 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to doc. JUDr. PhDr. Miroslav Mareš, Ph.D., who supervised this thesis and contributed with a lot of valuable remarks and advice. I would like to also thank to all respondents from interviews for their help and information they shared with me. 3 Annotation This master‟s thesis deals with the far right in Slovenia after 1991 until today. The main aim of this case study is the description and analysis of far-right political parties, informal and formal organisations and subcultures. Special emphasis is put on the organisational structure of the far-right scene and on the ideological affiliation of individual far-right organisations. Keywords far right, Slovenia, political party, organisation, ideology, nationalism, extremism, Blood and Honour, patriotic, neo-Nazi, populism. 4 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 7 2. Methodology ......................................................................................................................... -
Integrity Between the Law and the (Good) Science of the Administration — Risks of Integrity and Risk Management—
Conference Integrity between the Law and the (Good) Science of the Administration — Risks of Integrity and Risk Management— Lisbon, 14.11.2019 — Articles of the speakers — 1 Foreword This volume gathers the articles presented by four of the speakers invited by the Inspectorate General of Home Affairs (Inspeção–Geral da Administração Interna - IGAI) to the conference Integrity between the Law and the (Good) Science of the Administration — Risks of Integrity and Risk Management, which, reserved to board members and technical personnel belonging to the Services of the Ministry of Home Affairs (Ministério da Administração Interna – MAI), as well as students of military and police higher schools — in a total of more than a hundred guests and registered participants on service in the National Republican Guard (Guarda Nacional Republicana - GNR), in the Public Security Police (Polícia de Segurança Pública - PSP), in the Immigration and Borders Service (Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras -SEF), in the National Authority of Emergency and Civil Protection (Autoridade Nacional de Emergência e Proteção Civil - ANEPC), in the National Authority of Road Safety (Autoridade Nacional de Segurança Rodoviária - ANSR), in the Secretariat General of the MAI (Secretaria–Geral do MAI - SGMAI) and in IGAI itself —, took place in Lisbon, in the Auditorium of the Home Affairs, located at Praça do Comércio (East Wing), during the morning of 14 November 2019. The texts, all of them original and to which is aggregated the opening speech of the Conference, correspond to the thematic therein approached by each of the corresponding authors and are thus made available to the public. For future reference, the Programme of the Conference is published at the end of this volume. -
Democracy, Media and Political Corruption
Da ‘desdemocratização’ da Europa: democracia, media e corrupção política* About the ‘de-democratization’ of Europe: democracy, media and political corruption Acerca de la ‘des-democratización’ de Europa: la democracia, los medios de Comunicación y la corrupción política DOI: 10.1590/1809-5844201512 Isabel Ferin Cunha (Universidade de Coimbra, Faculdade de Letras, Centro de Investigação. Coimbra – Portugal) Resumo Nesta comunicação, pretendemos traçar um quadro das mudanças operadas nas sociedades europeias e do papel desempenhado pelos media na chamada desdemocratização, onde a questão da corrupção política tem ganho grande visibilidade sobretudo nos países do Sul da Europa. Os media mainstream têm desempenhado um papel crucial, principalmente nos países do Sul, repetindo à exaustão o discurso dominante da inevitabilidade das “medidas” e da responsabilidade individual no colapso dos países. Neste processo, a corrupção política emerge como fenômeno nacional dentro de padrões globalizados (JOHNSTON, 2005), monitorizada por órgãos internacionais de prevenção, bem como por instituições nacionais. A metodologia utilizada centra-se na revisão documental e bibliográfica, bem como na análise de discurso (VAN DIJK, 2008; 2012) e de conteúdo (CUNHA, 2012). A conclusão aponta para o papel dos media mainstream na construção da imagem de “falência” das democracias nacionais, a partir da visibilidade e tratamento conferido ao issue corrupção, assim como na “conformação” dos cidadãos europeus à inevitabilidade das políticas de “austeridade” seguidas. -
Portugal 2012
UN CONVENTION AGAINST CORRUPTION CIVIL SOCIETY REVIEW: PORTUGAL 2012 Context and purpose The UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) was adopted in 2003 and entered into force in December 2005. It is the first legally-binding anti-corruption agreement applicable on a global basis. To date, 160 states have become parties to the convention. States have committed to implement a wide and detailed range of anti-corruption measures that affect their laws, institutions and practices. These measures promote prevention, criminalisation and law enforcement, international cooperation, asset recovery, technical assistance and information exchange. Concurrent with UNCAC’s entry into force in 2005, a Conference of the States Parties to the Convention (CoSP) was established to review and facilitate required activities. In November 2009 the CoSP agreed on a review mechanism that was to be “transparent, efficient, non-intrusive, inclusive and impartial”. It also agreed to two five-year review cycles, with the first on chapters III (Criminalisation and Law Enforcement) and IV (International Cooperation), and the second cycle on chapters II (Preventive Measures) and V (Asset Recovery). The mechanism included an Implementation Review Group, which met for the first time in June-July 2010 in Vienna and selected the order of countries to be reviewed in the first five-year cycle, including the 26 countries (originally 30) in the first year of review. UNCAC Article 13 requires States Parties to take appropriate measures including “to promote the active participation of individuals and groups outside the public sector in the prevention of and the fight against corruption” and to strengthen that participation by measures such as “enhancing the transparency of and promoting the contribution of the public in decision-making processes and ensuring that the public has effective access to information; [and] respecting, promoting and protecting the freedom to seek, receive, publish and disseminate information concerning corruption”. -
The Genesis and Impact of Anti-Corruption Policies in Portugal
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital library of University of Maribor VARSTVOSLOVJE, Journal of Criminal The Genesis and Impact Justice and Security, year 18 no. 2 of Anti-corruption Policies pp. 160‒174 in Portugal: A Preliminary Assessment of Corruption Risk Management Plans Eduardo Viegas Ferreira Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to assess the impact of public services and corporations’ corruption risk management plans on international perceptions of corruption in Portugal and on the detection and court conviction of corruption behaviours. Design/Methods/Approach: This research assumed that political systems, institutions and social groups, and the variety of forms in which individuals interact with them play a major role in corruption behaviours. Corruption risk management plans have formed part of the Portuguese anti-corruption strategy since 2009 and their design and implementation has been politically and socially contextualised. Official data on corruption provided by governmental and non-governmental agencies and covering the period between 2001 and 2014 were used to identify corruption trends before and after implementation of the plans. Findings: Existing data suggest that, at least until 2014, the corruption risk management plans had no impact on international perceptions of corruption in Portugal, or on the detection and court conviction of corruption cases. Research Limitations/Implications: The outcome of a single anti-corruption measure, such as the plans, is difficult to identify and isolate since several other measures are activated or remain active during the same time period, as do several social, political, economic or cultural factors. -
Educational Booklet for High School Teachers
Youth in Action The project is supported by the European Commission. The content of the Project does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the European Commission or the Hungarian National Agency. These institutions shall not be held responsible for the Project. Contents 1. What’s corruption? 7 2. What can we do against corruption? 13 3. Corruption and public procurement 15 4. Elections and democracy 18 5. Party and campaign financing 21 6. Ideas of the winning groups 24 7. Games 26 8. Infographics 41 3 4 Dear Teachers, The young generation of Hungary considers integrity to be an important but unrewarding attitude. This is the conclusion of the report published by Transparency International Hungary. The study reveals that youngsters are united in their view that honesty does not pay, and people ready to lie, cheat and steal can get along much better in Hungary today than those who are uncorrupted. Although young people mostly reject corruption, economic hopelessness often overrides their moral principles; getting admitted to a good university or the hope of a well-paying job can be more attractive than preserving integrity. The striking results of this survey as well as the latest findings of TI’s questionnaire on the corruption risks of higher education (e.g. that ’nearly a quarter of students cheat or crib in exams) made it clear to us that immediate actions need to be taken in order to shake up the young generation. What better way is there to reach out to the youth than asking them directly about their opinions? Well, in the form of a joint, EC-funded project called ‘Youth in Action’ we conducted a parallel dialogue with young people in Hungary and Slovenia in order to find out how they would raise awareness in their communities on the topic of corruption. -
Exploring Shades of Corrup- Tion Tolerance
EXPLORING SHADES OF CORRUP- TION TOLERANCE Three Lessons from Iceland and Sweden GISSUR ÓLAFUR ERLINGSSON GUNNAR HELGI KRISTINSSON WORKING PAPER SERIES 2018:5 QOG THE QUALITY OF GOVERNMENT INSTITUTE Department of Political Science University of Gothenburg Box 711, SE 405 30 GÖTEBORG October 2018 ISSN 1653-8919 © 2018 by Gissur Ólafur Erlingsson & Gunnar Helgi Kristinsson. All rights reserved. Exploring Shades of Corruption Tolerance: Three Lessons from Iceland and Sweden Gissur Ólafur Erlingsson Gunnar Helgi Kristinsson QoG Working Paper Series 2018:5 October 2018 ISSN 1653-8919 ABSTRACT It is sometimes argued that tolerance for corruption is universally low, i.e. that corruption is shunned among all individuals, in all societies and cultures. Against this backdrop, this paper engages in two interrelated tasks: to descriptively map variations in corruption tolerance in two low-corrupt countries, and exploratively identify factors that influence tolerance of cor- ruption at the individual level. We note that although corruption tends to be widely disliked, there are shades to this dislike. In particular, three results stand out from our analyses. First, we reject the ‘pureness of the people’ versus ‘the corrupt elite’-hypothesis, observing that if anything, politicians are less tolerant of corruption than the general public. Second, we find striking differences in corruption tolerance between such homogenous, low-corrupt and in other respects such similar nations as Iceland and Sweden; differences we argue could be traced back to their different paths to representative democracy and strong state-capacity respectively. Third, analysing within-country variations in these countries, we observe that civil-servants generally tend to have a lower tolerance for corruption than do e.g. -
Political Parties Are Most Corrupt Institution Worldwide According to TI Global Corruption Barometer 2004
Political parties are most corrupt institution worldwide according to TI Global Corruption Barometer 2004 In 6 out of 10 countries, political parties are given the worst assessment. Governments must enhance efforts to fight graft, starting with ratification of UN Convention against Corruption. Paris/Berlin, 9 December 2004 --- The public around the world perceive political parties as the institution most affected by corruption, according to a new public opinion survey published today by Transparency International (TI), to mark UN International Anti-Corruption Day. TI is the leading global non-governmental organisation devoted to combating corruption worldwide. In 36 out of 62 countries surveyed, political parties were rated by the general public as the institution most affected by corruption. On a scale from a corrupt-free 1 to an extremely corrupt score of 5, parties ranked worst worldwide, with a score of 4.0, faring most poorly in Ecuador, followed by Argentina, India and Peru. At the same time, the public rated political or grand corruption as a very grave problem, and reported that corruption affected political life in their country more than business and private life. After political parties, the next most corrupt institutions worldwide were perceived to be parliaments, the police and the judiciary, according to the TI Global Corruption Barometer 2004. The survey included more than 50,000 respondents from the general public in a total of 64 countries and was conducted for TI by Gallup International as part of its Voice of the People Survey between June and September 2004*. “It is time to use international co-operation to enforce a policy of zero tolerance of political corruption and to put an end to practices whereby politicians put themselves above the law - stealing from ordinary citizens and hiding behind parliamentary immunity,” said TI Board member and President of TI Cameroon, Akere Muna, speaking in Paris today. -
Final Report, Rucola 2
EUROPEAN UNION POLICY ADVICE PROGRAMME AND THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE Council of Europe European Union Conseil de l’Europe Union européenne Project: “Russian Federation – Development of legislative and other measures for the prevention of corruption” (RUCOLA 2) FINAL REPORT Appendices Volume 1: Reports made by international and national experts in the framework of the project Directorate General of Human Rights and Legal Affairs Council of Europe EUROPEAN UNION POLICY ADVICE PROGRAMME AND THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE Project: “Russian Federation – Development of legislative and other measures for the prevention of corruption” (RUCOLA 2) FINAL REPORT Appendices Volume 1: Reports made by international and national experts in the framework of the project Directorate General of Human Rights and Legal Affairs Council of Europe For further information on this report and the Project please contact: Economic Crime Division Technical Co-operation Department Directorate General of Human Rights and Legal Affairs Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex, France Tel. +33 3 90 21 4506 • Fax +33 3 88 41 2052 E-mail [email protected] Views expressed in this report do not represent the official opinions of the European Commission or the Council of Europe. © Council of Europe, 2008 Directorate General of Human Rights and Legal Affairs Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex First printing: September 2008 (this version, with some small corrections, October 2008) Printed at the Council of Europe Contents Experience of European countries in the sphere of development and functioning of national anti-corruption strategies . 7 Drago Kos, Chairman of the Commission for the Prevention of Corruption in the Republic of Slovenia and Chairman of the Group of States against Corruption – GRECO Russia’s experience in developing and implementing national anti-corruption strategies. -
Higher Education, Corruption and Whistleblowers
HIGHER EDUCATION, CORRUPTION AND WHISTLEBLOWERS INSTITUTE FOR STRATEGIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION HIGHER EDUCATION, CORRUPTION AND WHISTLEBLOWERS Proceedings of the International conference on Corruption in Higher Education held on September 11, 2018 at South East European University, Skopje, Macedonia Skopje, 2018 INSTITUTE FOR STRATEGIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION HIGHER EDUCATION, CORRUPTION AND WHISTLEBLOWERS Proceedings of the International conference on Corruption in Higher Education held on September 11, 2018 at South East European University, Skopje, Macedonia INSTITUTE FOR STRATEGIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION www.isie.org.mk www.univerzitetbezkorupcija.mk For the publisher: EditorialMišo Dokmanović board: Prof. Patrick Schmidt, Macalester Colledge (USA) Prof. Thomas H. Speedy Rice – Washington and Lee University (USA) Prof. Uglijesa Zvekic – Universita Roma Tre (Italy) Asst. Prof. Suncana Roksantic Vidilicka – Sveuciliste u Zagrebu (Croatia) Prof. Aleksandra Jordanoska – University of Manchester, School of law (United Kingdom) Assoc. Prof. Besa Arifi – South East European University (Macedonia) – Skopje (Macedonia)Asst. Prof. Sandra Radenović, University of Belgrade (Serbia) Assoc. Prof. dr. iur. Mišo Dokmanović, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University Printed by: Pan Computers&Print www.pan.mk The publication has been prepared within ISIE Corruption Free University project implemented in the period from October 2017 – September 2018. Corruption Free University was a 12-month project aimed at preventing corruption in higher education through strengthening the capacities of universities and student bodies in MK to implement the Whistleblower's Act. This publication was funded in part through a U.S. Embassy grant. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the U.S. -
Everyday Opinions on Grand and Petty Corruption: a Portuguese Study Working Papers Nº 13 / 2012 OBEGEF – Observatório De Economia E Gestão De Fraude
OBEGEF – Observatório de Economia e Gestão de Fraude WORKING PAPERS Everyday opinions on #13 grand and petty corruption: >> A Portuguese study Gabrielle Poeschl; Raquel Ribeiro 2 >> FICHA TÉCNICA EVERYDAY OPINIONS ON GRAND AND PETTY CORRUPTION: A PORTUGUESE STUDY WORKING PAPERS Nº 13 / 2012 OBEGEF – Observatório de Economia e Gestão de Fraude Autores: Gabrielle Poeschl1 e Raquel Ribeiro2 Editor: Edições Húmus 1ª Edição: Dezembro de 2012 ISBN: 978-989-8549-37-2 Localização web: http://www.gestaodefraude.eu Preço: gratuito na edição electrónica, acesso por download. Solicitação ao leitor: Transmita-nos a sua opinião sobre este trabalho. Prize winner of the conference Interdisciplinary Insights on Fraud and Corruption (I2FC) ©: É permitida a cópia de partes deste documento, sem qualquer modificação, para utilização individual. A reprodução de partes do seu conteúdo é permitida exclusivamente em documentos científicos, com indicação expressa da fonte. Não é permitida qualquer utilização comercial. Não é permitida a sua disponibilização através de rede electró- nica ou qualquer forma de partilha electrónica. Em caso de dúvida ou pedido de autorização, contactar directamente o OBEGEF ([email protected]). ©: Permission to copy parts of this document, without modification, for individual use. The reproduction of parts of the text only is permitted in scientific papers, with bibliographic information of the source. No commercial use is allowed. Not allowed put it in any network or in any form of electronic sharing. In case of doubt or request authorization, contact directly the OBEGEF ([email protected]). 1 [email protected]. Faculdade de Psicologia e de Ciências da Educação - Universidade do Porto.