Tom Mboya, 'African Socialism'
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Tracker June/July 2014
KENYA MUSEUM SOCIETY Tracker June/July 2014 Joy Adamson Exhibition Photo by Ebrahim Mwangi, NMK AV Dept Kenya Museum Society P.O. Box 40658 - 00100 Nairobi, Kenya [email protected] www.kenyamuseumsociety.org Tel: 3743808/2339158 (Direct) kenyamuseumsociety Tel: 8164134/5/6 ext 2311 Cell: 0724255299 @museumsociety DRY ASSOCIATES LTD Investment Group Offering you a rainbow of opportunities ... Wealth Management Since 1994 Dry Associates House Brookside Grove, Westlands, Nairobi Tel: +254 (20) 445-0520/1 +254 (20) 234-9651 Mobile(s): 0705799971/0705849429/ 0738253811 June/July 2014 Tracker www.dryassociates.com2 NEWS FROM NMK Joy Adamson Exhibition New at Nairobi National Museum he historic collections of Joy Adamson’s portraits of the peoples of Kenya as well as her botanical and wildlife paintings are once again on view at the TNairobi National Museum. This exhibi- tion includes 50 of Joy’s intriguing portraits and her beautiful botanicals and wildlifeThe exhibition,illustrations funded that are by complementedKMS was officially by related opened objects on May from 19. the muse- um’sVisit ethnographic the KMS shop and where scientific cards collections. featuring some of the portraits are available as is the book, Peoples of Kenya; KMS members are entitled to a 5 per cent dis- count on books. The museum is open seven days a week from 9.30 am to 5.30 pm. Joy Adamson Exhibition Photo by Ebrahim Mwangi, NMK AV Dept June/July 2014 Tracker 3 KMS EASTER SAFARI 18Tsavo - 21 APRIL West 2014 National Park By James Reynolds he Kenya Museum Society's Easter trip saw organiser Narinder Heyer Ta simple but tasty snack in Makindu's Sikh temple, the group entered lead a group of 21 people in 7 vehicles to Tsavo West National Park. -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
The Unfinished Business of Tom Mboya
A National Reckoning: The Unfinished Business of Tom Mboya By Amol Awuor I Reading Tom Mboya’s memoir “Freedom and After” (1963) is both depressing and irritating. Mboya was one of Kenya’s nationalists, who through his active role in the trade unions in the 1950s, called for an end to British colonial rule. The depressing nature of his memoir is not just about the lofty ideals he so eloquently talked about that never grew wings in post-independent Kenya, but because he became a principal architect in discarding some of those very same ideals. Maybe some of the ideals have been realized in other forms. One could mention a vibrant and freer media (despite accusations of being too cosy to the state) and a robust democracy where citizens now enjoy various rights and liberties. Unfortunately, citizens are still attracted to the idea of ethnic consciousness that often reaches a crescendo, especially during general elections. One sunny Saturday afternoon on July 5, 1969, Mboya walked out of a pharmacy on Government Road, now Moi Avenue, probably with the lotion he had gone to buy stuffed in his coat pockets, only to be stopped by two bullets fired at close range sending him slumping on the pavement. By chance, a health ministry official – Dr Mohamed Rafique Chaudhri – happened to be passing by and heard the commotion, and, recognizing Mboya’s car, rushed to the scene. Images that would later horrify the nation are those of a wounded government minister being wheeled to a waiting ambulance, his left hand slightly hanging on the side, his white shirt spattered with blood and eyes dimmed as Dr Chaudhri raced against time. -
1839 KMS Kenya Past and Present Issue 39.Pdf
Kenya Past and Present Issue 39 Kenya Past and Present Editor Peta Meyer Editorial Board Esmond Bradley Martin Lucy Vigne Bryan Harris Kenya Past and Present is a publication of the Kenya Museum Society, a not-for-profit organisation founded in 1971 to support and raise funds for the National Museums of Kenya. All correspondence should be addressed to: Kenya Museum Society, PO Box 40658, Nairobi 00100, Kenya. Email: [email protected] Website: www.KenyaMuseumSociety.org Statements of fact and opinion appearing in Kenya Past and Present are made on the responsibility of the author alone and do not imply the endorsement of the editor or publishers. Reproduction of the contents is permitted with acknowledgement given to its source. The contribution of articles and photographs is encouraged, however we regret unsolicited material cannot be returned. No category exists for subscription to Kenya Past and Present; it is a benefit of membership in the Kenya Museum Society. Available back issues are for sale at the Society’s offices in the Nairobi National Museum. Any organisation wishing to exchange journals should write to the Head Librarian, National Museums of Kenya, PO Box 40658, Nairobi 00100, Kenya. Kenya Past and Present Issue 39, 2011 Contents KMS highlights 2010-2011.............................................................................3 Patricia Jentz Museum highlights ........................................................................................6 Juliana Jebet Karen Blixen’s first house .............................................................................10 -
Argreportopt.Pdf
A NECESSARY INTRODUCTIQN PREFACE There are few people wi h any degree of. political literacy anywhere in the world. who have nQt heard about the CIA. Its n oriety is well deserved even if its precise functions in the service of the American Empire often isappear under a cloud of fictional images or crude conspiratorial theories. The Africa Research Gr up is now able to make available the text of a document which helps fill many of the existing ga in understanding the expanded role intelligence agellci~s play in plannin and executing f reign policy objectives. "Intelligence and Foreign Policy," as the document is titled, illumi tes the role of covert action. It enumerates the mechanisms which allow the United States t interfere, with almost routine regularity, in the internal affairs of sovereign nations through ut the world.- We are p~blishing it for many of th~ ,same reason that .American newspapers de ·ed governmel)t censorship to disclose the secret,o igins ,0 the War against the people of Indo hina. Unlike those newspapers, however, we feel the pu~lic ~as more than a "right to know"; it has the duty to struggle against the system which needs and uses the CIA. In addition to the docum nt, the second section of the pamphlet examines CIA inv~lve~ent in a specific setting: its role in the pacification of the Leftist opposition in Kenya, and its promotion of "cultural nationalism" i lother reas of Africa. The larger strategies spoken of in the document here reappear as the dail interventions of U.S. -
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga: the Man Kenya Can Never Forget,Once Upon a Dome,Handshake Manenos!,Handcheque Part II,Tinga!,Three Wise
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga: The Man Kenya Can Never Forget By Dauti Kahura and Bethuel Oduo If Thomas Joseph (TJ) Mboya was the young man that Kenya wanted to forget, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga is the grand old man who Kenya can never forget. Jaramogi and Tom Mboya were both were nationalists of great distinction from the Luo community who as seasoned politicians posed a threat to the founding president Jomo Kenyatta’s autocratic national designs. Tom Mboya died young, by an assassin’s bullet, on July 5, 1969. Jaramogi died an old man, a mzee, at the age of 82 years on January 20, 1994, after having been tormented by both Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi regimes effectively from 1969 after his fall out with Kenyatta and through the 80s and 90s during iron-fisted Moi’s reign. Jaramogi Oginga Odinga death anniversary on January 20th, twenty-five years since his passing, was marked quietly in a manner that diminishes his immense contribution to the Kenyan national project. If Thomas Joseph (TJ) Mboya was the young man that Kenya wanted to forget, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga is the grand old man who Kenya can never forget No history book on Kenya would be complete without his mention. Jaramogi was the vice president of the nationalist party Kanu when Kenya African Union (Kau) merged with Kenya Independent Movement to form Kanu on May 14, 1960. He was later to become the country’s first Vice President, after Kanu won the 1963 general elections under Kenyatta. When his friend Pio Gama Pinto was killed in 1965, Jaramogi knew he was a targeted man because of his ideological position. -
African Socialism: an Anarchist Critique - Page 20
AAffrriiccaann SSoocciiaalliissmm An Anarchist Critique ZZaabbaallaazzaa BBooookkss “Knowledge is the Key to be Free” Post: Postnet Suite 116, Private Bag X42, Braamfontein, 2017, Johannesburg, South Africa E-Mail: [email protected] Website: www.struggle.ws/africa/safrica/zababooks/HomePage.htm SamSam MbahMbah andand I.I. E.E. IgariweyIgariwey African Socialism: An Anarchist Critique - Page 20 ANARCHISM - THE WAY FORWARD FOR AFRICA African Socialism: The relevance of anarchism to human society has nowhere been more An Anarchist Critique obvious than it is in Africa. Given the multitude of problems that stare the peoples of Africa in the face, the debilitating socio-economic conditions Economic development has been central to the ideologies of post- under which a great majority of them live, and the overall economically colonial African states. In their choice of which ideological model to adopt deprived status of Africa vis-à-vis the other continents, anarchism is really for economic development, some states have chosen a form of socialism - the only liberating concept capable of turning "the dark continent" in a truly "African socialism," as some of its proponents have labelled it. However, forward-looking direction. the term "socialism" as used here does not signify a rigid, doctrinaire Things have gone haywire for too long; only a drastic cure can satisfy an approach as in Marxist Leninism. Thus Senghor identifies "spiritual values" increasingly angry, bitter and restive population stretching from Cape Town which he feels were lost to Soviet Communists under Stalin; Kwame to Cairo. Conditions include the seemingly endemic problem of ethnic Nkrumah saw no contradiction between socialism and Christianity; and conflicts across the continent; the continued political and economic Julius Nyerere has associated African socialism with traditional kinship marginalisation of Africa at the global level; the unspeakable misery of solidarity in his Ujamaa concept. -
UCLA Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Kenya, 1952-1960 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1r1924fh Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 14(1) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Okoth, P. Godfrey Publication Date 1984 DOI 10.5070/F7141017065 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California U.S. FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD KENYA, 1952-1960* by P. Godfrey Okoth INTRODUCTION Whatever one's definition of foreign policy might be, the element of national interests is always paramount. This is applicable not just to the U.S. alone, but to all countries; hence the na tu·re of foreign po 1 icy in genera 1 • u.s. policy toward Africa can be divided into three major periods: first, the period 1776-1950, in which the major U.S. concern was trade. Second, the period 1950-1958, when the major issue was the controversy ·over U.S. policy on 'the colon ial question'. Third, the period since 1958 (the indepeAdence period), when the U.S. had to accommodate the rising nationalist interests in Africa. 1 As far as East Africa is concerned, U.S. relations go as far back as the historic diplomatic links at Zanzibar in the 1830s. 2 However, the European partition of East Africa rele gated the U.S. to the status of an inactive observer there until the first stump of nationalism and decolonization com bined to change the diplomatic status after World War II. 3 With this, the historical domination of Kenya in East Africa started; hence the significance of that country in this study. -
Kenya: Decolonization, Democracy and the Struggle for Uhuru ______
Meyer 1 Mount Holyoke College Kenya: Decolonization, Democracy and the Struggle for Uhuru _______________________________________________________________________ Kathryn R. Meyer Senior Thesis in International Relations April 27, 2015 Meyer 2 Table of Contents Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………….…………. i Abstract………………………………………………..……………………………...……………. ii Chapter I: Introduction …...………………….……………………………..…………. 1 Research Questions………………………………………………………………. 5 Thesis Organization…………………………………………………..………….. 6 Chapter II: Literature Review………………………………………………………... 10 Terminology …………………………………………..………………………………… 14 Framework of Empire ………………………………….…..………………………….. 16 Primary Source Material ……………………………………..………………………. 17 Methodology …………………………………………………………….……………... 18 Chapter III: British Policies Prior to Independence………………………………... 19 British Land Acts …………………………………………..………………………….. 21 Anti-Colonialism and Nationalism …………………………………..……………… 25 Chapter IV: Decolonization …………………………….……………………………. 31 Chapter V: Independence, 1960-1964………….…………………………………….. 36 Chapter VI: The Kenyatta Era ………………………………………………………. 58 Chapter VII: Arap Moi and 25 Years Post-Independence ………………………… 71 Chapter VIII: Conclusion ……………………………………………………………. 78 Appendix ………………………..………..…………………………………………….. Bibliography ……………………………..…………………………………………….. Meyer i Acknowledgements This project would never have been possible without my initial project advisor, Professor Kavita Datla. From the first ill-prepared proposal in my junior year spring to the creation of my first few chapters -
Patient Safety
PatientPatient SafetySafety -- AfricanAfrican PerspectivesPerspectives Dr Tom Mboya Okeyo MD MPH DSHI Head of Department of Health Standards and Regulatory Services, Kenya Paper presented at World Alliance for Patient Safety Conference, Nairobi 17 Jan 2005 Context: Patient Safety Challenge in Africa • Extreme poverty • Failed health reforms • AIDS Crisis • Humanitarian crisis Health and Economic . Indicators – UNDP Indicators. Kenya Tanzania Uganda Population (2001-2 millions) 31.2 35.6 24.2 GDP (2001 – US$ millions) 11.2 9.3 5.7 Life –Expectancy (1999 –years) 56 44 44.7 Infant Mortality Rate (2001) 74 (79) 104 79 (97) Under-five mortality rate (2001) 112 165 124 Maternal Mortality Rate (1998) 590 530 510 Trends of Health Indicators Negative Negative Negative National Health Expenditure: Consolidated General. Government versus Private expenditure (2001) . CGG Private 25% 75% Source: MOH, 2003 and National Health Accounts (WHO/NHA unit, 28-5-03) NB: CGG= consolidated general government which includes government health expenditure at all government levels as well as expenditure by the National Hospital Insurance Fund. ‘Private’ includes out-of-pocket health expenditure, and health expenditure via Private Prepaid Health Plans, firms and employer-based schemes, NGOs and non-profit institutions. Sources of Health Financing by percentage contribution. to the total national healthcare expenditure per annum in Kenya (2001) . 53.1% 1.6% 16.4% OOP GoK/MoH NHIF PPP 3.6% FEMS NGO/NP 3.9% 21.4% Source: MOH, 2003 and National Health Accounts (WHO/NHA unit, 28-5-03) NB: OOP=out of pocket expenditure; GOK/MOH refers to tax-funded health expenditure by the Government of Kenya/Ministry of Health; NHIF=National Hospital Insurance Fund; PPP=Private Prepaid Health Plans, FEMS= firms and employer-based medical services; NGO/NP= non-government organizations and non-profit institutions. -
Volume 11 1984 Issue 30
1 Editorial Manifold violent social conflict is the hallmark of contemporary history in the Horn of Africa. Most contributions to this issue of ROAPE unavoidably refer to it, and our first article provides a survey of its militarisation. Though armed struggles began in the early 1960s in Eritrea, Ogaden, northern Kenya and southern Sudan, the world's attention was not caught until 1974, when the quaint imperial regime in Ethiopia was toppled by a class upheaval. The drastic consequences of that event — the military regime it spawned, that not only claimed to be socialist but acted as if it meant it; the massive intervention of the Soviet Union on its behalf; the great escalation of the struggle in Eritrea subsequently; the head-on collision between Ethiopia and Somalia in the Ogaden — all focused international attention on the region, though none of these developments were really novel. Some years earlier, military regimes in the Sudan and Somalia had also laid claim to socialism, though neither the circumstances.nor the consequences were as dramatic as in Ethiopia. Nor was the Soviet Union a newcomer to the region, for it had been Somalia's patron since the early 1960s, and had for a time courted the Sudanese 'socialist' regime. Ethiopia and Somalia had their first bout in the Ogaden in 1963 and have been at daggers drawn ever since. The Eritrean revolution had been gaining momentum throughout the 1960s without however gaining any attention abroad. The collapse of the ancien regime in Ethiopia focused attention on two interlinked elements of social strife that were responsible for it, i.e., national and class conflict. -
A Critical Analysis of Nyerere's Ujamaa
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF NYERERE’S UJAMAA: AN INVESTIGATION OF ITS FOUNDATIONS AND VALUES BY EVARISTI MAGOTI CORNELLI A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Centre for the Study of Global Ethics Department of Philosophy The University of Birmingham July, 2012 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT This thesis addresses the question of what Nyerere’s particular version of Ujamaa (socialism) is. It answers that question by focusing on themes which surround and feed into Ujamaa, in order to provide its conceptual account. The thesis is an account of the ideology of Ujamaa in both theory and practice. Thus, while the writings of Nyerere have been a primary source along with contemporary and subsequent commentators, the thesis is not about Nyerere, the person or the body of his work, but about the development and construction of the particular social, cultural, and political theory and practice.