Local Self-Government in Italy
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Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Downloaded from Manchesterhive.Com at 09/23/2021 12:29:26PM Via Free Access Austria Belgium
Section 5 Data relating to political systems THE COUNTRIES OF WESTERN EUROPE referendum. The constitutional court (Verfassungsgerichtshof ) determines the constitutionality of legislation and Austria executive acts. Population 8.1 million (2000) Current government The 1999 Capital Vienna election brought to an end the Territory 83,857 sq. km 13-year government coalition GDP per capita US$25,788 (2000) between the Social Democratic Party Unemployment 3.7 per cent of of Austria (SPÖ) and Austrian workforce (2000) People’s Party (ÖVP), which had State form Republic. The Austrian been under considerable strain. When constitution of 1920, as amended in the two parties failed to reach a 1929, was restored on 1 May 1945. On coalition agreement, Austria found 15 May 1955, the four Allied Powers itself short of viable alternatives. The signed the State Treaty with Austria, record gains of the radical right ending the occupation and Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) had recognising Austrian independence. changed the balance of power within Current head of state President the party system. The other two Thomas Klestil (took office 8 July numerically viable coalitions – 1992, re-elected 1998). SPÖ/FPÖ or ÖVP/FPÖ – had been State structure A federation with nine ruled out in advance by the two provinces (Länder), each with its own mainstream parties. An attempt by the constitution, legislature and SPÖ to form a minority government government. failed. Finally, a coalition was formed Government The president appoints the between the ÖVP and FPÖ under prime minister (chancellor), and, on Wolfgang Schüssel (ÖVP) and the chancellor’s recommendation, a reluctantly sworn in by President cabinet (Council of Ministers) of Klestil on 5 February 2000. -
Framing “The Gypsy Problem”: Populist Electoral Use of Romaphobia in Italy (2014–2019)
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article Framing “The Gypsy Problem”: Populist Electoral Use of Romaphobia in Italy (2014–2019) Laura Cervi * and Santiago Tejedor Department of Journalism and Communication Sciences, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Campus de la UAB, Plaça Cívica, 08193 Bellaterra, Barcelona, Spain; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 12 May 2020; Accepted: 12 June 2020; Published: 17 June 2020 Abstract: Xenophobic arguments have long been at the center of the political discourse of the Lega party in Italy, nonetheless Matteo Salvini, the new leader, capitalizing on diffused Romaphobia, placed Roma people at the center of his political discourse, institutionalizing the “Camp visit” as an electoral event. Through the analysis of eight consecutive electoral campaigns, in a six year period, mixing computer-based quantitative and qualitative content analysis and framing analysis, this study aims to display how Roma communities are portrayed in Matteo Salvini’s discourse. The study describes how “Gypsies” are framed as a threat to society and how the proposed solution—a bulldozer to raze all of the camps to the ground—is presented as the only option. The paper concludes that representing Roma as an “enemy” that “lives among us”, proves to be the ideal tool to strengthen the “us versus them” tension, characteristic of populist discourse. Keywords: populism; Romaphobia; far right parties; political discourse 1. Introduction Defining Roma is challenging. A variety of understandings and definitions, and multiple societal and political representations, exist about “who the Roma are” (Magazzini and Piemontese 2019). The Council of Europe, in an effort to harmonize the terminology used in its political documents, apply “Roma”—first chosen at the inaugural World Romani Congress held in London in 1971—as an umbrella term that includes “Roma, Sinti, Travellers, Ashkali, Manush, Jenische, Kaldaresh and Kalé” and covers the wide diversity of the groups concerned, “including persons who identify themselves as Gypsies” (2012). -
Venice Commission)
Strasbourg, 16 April 2020 CDL-PI(2020)003 Engl. only EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) COMPILATION OF VENICE COMMISSION OPINIONS AND REPORTS ON STATES OF EMERGENCY 2 CDL-PI(2020)003 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................ 3 I. BENCHMARKS ............................................................................................................. 4 II. Declaration of state of emergency: definition and substantive requirements ......... 5 III. Derogation from human rights obligations .............................................................. 10 IV. Constitutional entrenchment of the state of emergency ......................................... 12 V. Declaration of state of emergency: competences ................................................... 14 VI. Oversight of the declaration and prolongation of the state of emergency ............ 14 a. Parliamentary oversight ......................................................................................... 14 b. Judicial review ........................................................................................................ 18 VII. Duration of the state of emergency .......................................................................... 21 VIII. Duration of the emergency measures ...................................................................... 22 IX Scope of the emergency measures ......................................................................... -
Gender Quotas and the Path to Power: Evidence from Italy
Gender Quotas and the Path to Power Evidence from Italy Britt Bolin1 31 August 2021 Abstract Gender quotas have been adopted around the world in an effort to ex- pand the political representation of women. Though a large amount of research has focused on the design, implementation, and descrip- tive outcomes of quotas, too little is known about whether they also increase the number of women in political leadership positions, and if so, via which mechanisms and under which conditions. I exploit a quasi-natural experiment on the regional level in Italy, where con- stitutional reforms and court decisions in 2001 and 2003 opened the door for regions to individually adopt electoral gender quotas. Uti- lizing a new and unique data set, I employ a difference-in-differences design to investigate whether gender quotas increase women’s po- litical leadership, or whether women continue to be heavily under- represented in political leadership positions on the regional level in Italy. This paper has important implications for the study of gender quotas, in particular their broader ramifications beyond descriptive representation in legislatures and the question of whether they can help bring women into positions of political power. Keywords: Gender quotas, female leadership, Italy, regional politics Draft - please do not cite or circulate Prepared for 4th IZA Workshop on Gender and Family Economics 1Graduate School of Economic and Social Sciences, University of Mannheim, [email protected] mannheim.de Introduction The implementation of gender quotas over the past 25 years has been one of the most important developments in transforming the diversity of the political landscape. -
Regulator\ Reform in Ital\
5HJXODWRU\ 5HIRUP LQ ,WDO\ *RYHUQPHQW &DSDFLW\ WR $VVXUH +LJK 4XDOLW\ 5HJXODWLRQ ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT Pursuant to Article 1 of the Convention signed in Paris on 14th December 1960, and which came into force on 30th September 1961, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) shall promote policies designed: to achieve the highest sustainable economic growth and employment and a rising standard of living in Member countries, while maintaining financial stability, and thus to contribute to the development of the world economy; to contribute to sound economic expansion in Member as well as non-member countries in the process of economic development; and to contribute to the expansion of world trade on a multilateral, non-discriminatory basis in accordance with international obligations. The original Member countries of the OECD are Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States. The following countries became Members subsequently through accession at the dates indicated hereafter: Japan (28th April 1964), Finland (28th January 1969), Australia (7th June 1971), New Zealand (29th May 1973), Mexico (18th May 1994), the Czech Republic (21st December 1995), Hungary (7th May 1996), Poland (22nd November 1996), Korea (12th December 1996) and the Slovak Republic (14th December 2000). The Commission of the European Communities takes part in the work of the OECD (Article 13 of the OECD Convention). Publié en français sous le titre : LA CAPACITÉ DU GOUVERNEMENT A PRODUIRE DES RÉGLEMENTATIONS DE GRANDE QUALITÉ © OECD 2001 Permission to reproduce a portion of this work for non-commercial purposes or classroom use should be obtained through the Centre français d’exploitation du droit de copie (CFC), 20, rue des Grands-Augustins, 75006 Paris, France, tel. -
1/12 JUDGMENT NO. 239 YEAR 2018 in This Case, the Court Heard A
JUDGMENT NO. 239 YEAR 2018 In this case, the Court heard a referral order from the Council of State questioning a provision that imposed a 4 percent qualifying threshold on lists standing within elections for the European Parliament, arguing that it impinged upon the principles of representative voting and equality in voting, notwithstanding the absence of any compelling general interest that could justify it. The Court restated its settled position that “the provision for qualifying thresholds along with the manner of their application […] are typical manifestations of the discretion of a legislator that wishes to avoid fragmented political representation, and to promote governability”. The Court noted that the specific threshold clauses in question served the dual purpose of stability of government and the proper functioning of the parliamentary assembly. In view of these purposes, the Court held that the Italian legislator had not acted in breach of its discretion in setting the 4 percent threshold. [omitted] THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT [omitted] gives the following JUDGMENT in proceedings concerning the constitutionality of Article 21(1) no. 1-bis and no. 2, and of Article 22(1) of Law no. 18 of 24 January 1979 (Election of the members of the European Parliament allocated to Italy), as in force following the amendments introduced by Article 1 of Law no. 10 of 20 February 2009 (Amendments to Law no. 18 of 24 January 1979 concerning the election of the members of the European Parliament allocated to Italy), initiated by the Fifth Division of the Council of State within the proceedings pending between Giorgia Meloni and others and the National Central Electoral Office and others by the referral order of 23 August 2016, registered as no. -
Country Chapter on the Rule of Law Situation in Italy
EUROPEAN COMMISSION Brussels, 30.9.2020 SWD(2020) 311 final COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT 2020 Rule of Law Report Country Chapter on the rule of law situation in Italy Accompanying the document COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS 2020 Rule of Law Report The rule of law situation in the European Union {COM(2020) 580 final} - {SWD(2020) 300 final} - {SWD(2020) 301 final} - {SWD(2020) 302 final} - {SWD(2020) 303 final} - {SWD(2020) 304 final} - {SWD(2020) 305 final} - {SWD(2020) 306 final} - {SWD(2020) 307 final} - {SWD(2020) 308 final} - {SWD(2020) 309 final} - {SWD(2020) 310 final} - {SWD(2020) 312 final} - {SWD(2020) 313 final} - {SWD(2020) 314 final} - {SWD(2020) 315 final} - {SWD(2020) 316 final} - {SWD(2020) 317 final} - {SWD(2020) 318 final} - {SWD(2020) 319 final} - {SWD(2020) 320 final} - {SWD(2020) 321 final} - {SWD(2020) 322 final} - {SWD(2020) 323 final} - {SWD(2020) 324 final} - {SWD(2020) 325 final} - {SWD(2020) 326 final} EN EN ABSTRACT The Italian justice system has a solid legislative framework to safeguard judicial independence, including prosecutors’ independence. In August 2020, a reform regarding the High Council for the Judiciary and other aspects of the justice system has been proposed by the Government. It is important that such reform guarantee judicial independence, while strengthening transparency and integrity. As regards efficiency, the justice system continues to face important challenges. New reforms aiming at streamlining civil and criminal procedures are being discussed in Parliament. These reforms, coupled with an increase in human resources and further digitalisation, aim at addressing backlogs. -
The Politics of Sub-National Government Reform in Postwar Italy
This is a repository copy of The Resistible Rise of Italy’s Metropolitan Regions : The Politics of Sub-National Government Reform in Postwar Italy. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/114085/ Version: Published Version Book Section: Parker, Simon Frank orcid.org/0000-0001-7967-817X (2016) The Resistible Rise of Italy’s Metropolitan Regions : The Politics of Sub-National Government Reform in Postwar Italy. In: Keil, Roger, Boudreau, Julie-Anne, Hammel, Pierre and Kipfer, Stefan, (eds.) Governing Cities Through Regions. Wilfred Laurier Press , Waterloo, Ontario , pp. 337- 354. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Keil et al: Governing Cities May 21, 2016 11:16 AM Page 337 CHAPTER 17 The Resistible Rise of Italy’s Metropolitan Regions The Politics of Sub-National Government Reform in Postwar Italy1 Simon Parker Introduction much of the literature of the 1990s and 2000s on urban and regional governance was dominated by the themes of globalization and state re-scaling, which were identified as the twin drivers of a re-territori- alization of governance at the metropolitan-regional scale (Cox 1993; Cox 1997; Swyngedouw and Cox 1997; Brenner 1998a; Brenner 1998b; MacLeod and Goodwin 1999; MacLeod 2001; Swyngedouw and Baeten 2001; Brenner 2002; Keil 2003; Brenner 2004). -
The European Fitness of Italian Regions
ISSN: 2036-5438 The European fitness of Italian Regions by Paolo Bilancia, Francesco Palermo, Ornella Porchia Perspectives on Federalism, Vol. 2, issue 2, 2010 E- 1 Abstract What impact did Europeanization have on the governmental capacity of Italian regions? Are the regions successful in addressing the challenges and the opportunities of European integration? Is the participation in the EU a driving factor for decentralization in Italy? The paper, which reproduces a study commissioned by the Bertelsmann Foundation and the Compagnia di San Paolo, provides some answers to these questions. It is argued that the "European fitness" of Italian regions is highly asymmetric and so is their responsiveness to the challenges of multilevel governance. Moreover, while Italian regions have overall benefitted from the opportunities of European integration, there is still much to do in terms of institutional capacity, especially due to the overly complex system of intergovernmental relations. Key-words: Italy, Regionalism, European Union, Intergovernmental Relations, Decentralization, Europeanization E- 123 1. Background of the national debate on territorial politics and recent changes The territorial design provided by the Italian Constitution is marked by a high degree of decentralization and is best described as “polycentric” rather than as a proper federal system. Italy was the first country to experiment with devolutionary asymmetry. After World War II, the establishment of a strong subnational level of government was inevitable in at least five territories: Trentino-Alto Adige (Trentino-South Tyrol), Valle d’Aosta (Aosta Valley), Friuli-Venezia Giulia (three relatively small alpine regioni (regions) with a relatively substantial population of ethnic minorities), Sicilia (Sicily) and Sardegna (Sardinia). -
Booklet on the Italian Constitutional Court and Its Functions
Cop Corte Costituzionale 2019 - Inglese.qxp_Cop Corte Costituzionale 2008 09/05/19 19:31 Pagina 1 The Italian Constitutional Court THE ITALIAN CONSTITUTIONAL COURT Translation from the Italian original by Clare Tame and Sarah Pasetto. Special thanks to William J. Nardini, advocate, for revising the text and for his much-appreciated suggestions Contents Preface 7 1. A Building and a Court “La Consulta” 8 From the Papacy, to the Monarchy, to the Republic 9 2. How and Why Constitutional Courts Come into Being A Young Institution 12 The Omnipotence of Parliament? 12 The American Experience: Judicial Review 13 The European Experience: a Check on Parliament 14 An Arbitrator of Constitutional Conflicts 15 3. The Italian Constitutional Court How the Court Was Born 16 The Slow Implementation of the Court 17 The First Hearing and the First Question 17 Some Basic Data 19 4. The Structure of the Court The Composition of the Court 20 Who Selects the Judges? 20 The Rights, Obligations and Prerogatives of Constitutional Judges 23 The Presidency of the Constitutional Court 24 The Administrative Organization of the Court 25 5. The Functions of the Court Review of the Constitutionality of Laws 26 Who Invokes the Jurisdiction of the Court? 26 Ordinary Judges as “Gatekeepers” of Constitutional Judgement 28 The Court and Ordinary Judges: A Permanent Dialogue 28 The Court and Legislative Discretion 29 The Time Factor 30 The Decisions of the Court 31 Declarations of Unconstitutionality and Their Effect 32 Decisions Rejecting a Constitutional Challenge 33 Interpretative Decisions 34 Disputes Arising Between the State and Regions, and Between Regions 34 Separation of Powers 35 Decisions Regarding the Permissibility of Referenda 36 Criminal Proceedings 37 6. -
Italian Constitution Shall Be Entitled to the Right of Asylum Under the Conditions Established by Law
Senato della Repubblica Constitution of the Italian Republic This volume is published by the Parliamentary Information, Archives and Publications Office of the Senate Service for Official Reports and Communication Senate publications may be requested from the Senate Bookshop - by mail: via della Maddalena 27, 00186 Roma - by e-mail: [email protected] - by telephone: n. +39 06 6706 2505 - by fax: n. +39 06 6706 3398 © Senato della Repubblica CONTENTS FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES . Pag. 5 PART I – RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF CITIZENS . » 7 TITLE I – CIVIL RELATIONS . » 7 TITLE II – ETHICAL AND SOCIAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES »10 TITLE III – ECONOMIC RIGHTS AND DUTIES . » 12 TITLE IV – POLITICAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES . » 14 PART II – ORGANISATION OF REPUBLIC . » 16 TITLE I – THE PARLIAMENT . » 16 Section I – The Houses . » 16 Section II – The Legislative Process . » 19 TITLE II – THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC . » 22 TITLE III – THE GOVERNMENT . » 24 Section I – The Council of Ministers . » 24 Section II – Public Administration . » 25 Section III – Auxiliary Bodies . » 25 TITLE IV – THE JUDICAL BRANCH . » 26 Section I – The Organisation of the Judiciary . » 26 Section II – Rules on Jurisdiction . » 28 3 TITLE V – REGIONS, PROVINCES - MUNICIPALITIES . » 30 TITLE VI – CONSTITUTIONAL GUARANTEES . » 37 Section I – The Constitutional Court . » 37 Section II – Amendments to the Constitution. Constitutional Laws . » 38 TRANSITIONAL AND FINAL PROVISIONS . » 39 4 CONSTITUTION OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES Art. 1 Italy is a democratic Republic founded on labour. Sovereignty belongs to the people and is exercised by the people in the forms and within the limits of the Constitution. Art. 2 The Republic recognises and guarantees the inviolable rights of the person, both as an individual and in the social groups where human personality is expressed.