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The Case of Comics in France CALL: Irish Journal for Culture, Arts, Literature and Language Volume 2 Issue 1 The Cultures of Popular Culture Article 5 2017 When Popular Cultures Are Not So Popular: The Case of Comics in France Sylvain Aquatias University of Limoges, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://arrow.tudublin.ie/priamls Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Aquatias, Sylvain (2017) "When Popular Cultures Are Not So Popular: The Case of Comics in France," CALL: Irish Journal for Culture, Arts, Literature and Language: Vol. 2: Iss. 1, Article 5. doi:10.21427/D7D41P Available at: https://arrow.tudublin.ie/priamls/vol2/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Ceased publication at ARROW@TU Dublin. It has been accepted for inclusion in CALL: Irish Journal for Culture, Arts, Literature and Language by an authorized administrator of ARROW@TU Dublin. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 4.0 License Aquatias: When Popular Cultures Are Not So Popular: The Case of Comics in F When Popular Cultures Are Not So Popular: The Case of Comics in France Sylvain Aquatias École Supérieure du Professorat et de l'Education University of Limoges, France [email protected] Abstract Studies about comics in France have often focused on the process of cultural legitimation. This process is made complex by the composition of the French readership of comics, which consists largely of children, and by the transmedia circulation and expansion of comics, including cartoons and videogames. These factors, and the role of peers’ prescription reduce the impact of cultural legitimacy. By contrast, when adults are concerned, a correlation between education and tastes in comic art can be clearly identified, as evidenced in the preference shown by adult readers with higher instruction level for graphic novels. Comic art is characterised by a coexistence of elitist and popular dimensions. If the global effects of socioeconomic groups cannot be denied (avid comics readers are also avid books readers, and avid readers of books appear to be mostly part of the upper classes), these effects have to be weighed against the historical development of the field in France: American comics and manga are not as established there as their domestic and Belgian counterparts. This article advocates considering the field of comics in its full transmedial extension and plurality, in order to better describe the cultural practices of comic readers. Keywords: comic art; comics; readership; taste acquisition; legitimacy; media The first sociological paper on comics was written by Luc Boltanski in 1975.1 It described the process by which comics have grown to be recognised as an artistic expression, the “canonisation process”. The recognition of aesthetic qualities in products of the mass media is a fundamental issue for popular culture, and it is significant that the first paper on comics addresses this issue. First, Boltanski describes comics as having the same properties as most mass consumption goods and so being in a dominated position in the order of legitimacy because of their strong dependence on the economic field. Then, he demonstrates how new artists emerge and, unlike traditional artists, claim their right to express themselves, some in a 1 Luc Boltanski: ‘La constitution du champ de la bande dessinée’. In: Actes de la Recherche en sciences sociales 1 (Janvier 1975), p. 37-59. Published by ARROW@TU Dublin, 2017 1 CALL: Irish Journal for Culture, Arts, Literature and Language, Vol. 2 [2017], Iss. 1, Art. 5 more aesthetic way, others in a more coarse way. Then he separates the distinct parts of the legitimacy apparatus to demonstrate the new status of comics: • emergence of scholarly journals, academic societies, festivals and congress, and awards; • new publications of old or lost comics, new shops specializing in comics; • new editorial behaviours, including more hard cover publications and specific collections dedicated to comics appearing in traditional book publishing companies. Beyond examining the elements allowing the field to structure itself, Boltanski tried, with the few statistics existing at that time, to describe the comics’ audience. In the early period of comics, most readers were children and members of the working class. In the 1960s, however, the democratisation of access to secondary school allowed a new audience to emerge. These new readers were older and more qualified. As they did not have the skills to take interest in the legitimate arts, they converted their cultural aptitudes newly acquired in school into their interest in comics. Focusing on the authors and their biography as much as in their works, they showed a strong tendency to comment and to paraphrase, which are both scholarly forms of elegy. Boltanski’s analysis followed the framework conceived by Pierre Bourdieu in the Sixties. For our moment, it might look a bit dated. Families and schools, the institutions which once transmitted cultural taste to children, seem to have a lesser influence today. Mass media, peer groups, and spare-time activities have diffused values of immediate pleasure and self- expression throughout our culture. Some sociologists, such as Dominique Pasquier and Hervé Glévarec, call into question the legitimacy theory, as these recent transformations seem to renew the process of cultural transmission.2 For instance, Eric Maigret postulates that the stakes of legitimate culture do not really concern comics art, because comics are part of a more broad-minded culture characterized by diversity and a personal and collective search for meaning rather than the wish to establish a hierarchy.3 Others, closer to the Bourdieusian School, prefer to interpret the unequal distribution of cultural tendencies as a new configuration of social differences. For instance, Philippe Coulangeon, referring to Richard Peterson, shows that upper classes have a cultural omnivorism, appreciating both savant and popular culture, while lower classes mostly like 2 Hervé Glévarec: ‘La fin du modèle classique de la légitimité culturelle’. In: Eric Maigret et Eric Macé (eds.): Penser les médiacultures. Paris: Armand Colin, 2006, p. 69-102. Dominique Pasquier: ‘La culture comme activité sociale’ In: Maigret et Macé (eds.): Penser les médiacultures. p. 103-120. 3 Eric Maigret: “Bande dessinée et postlégitimité’. In : Eric Maigret et Matteo Stefanelli (eds.): La bande dessinée: une médiaculture. Paris: Armand Colin, 2012, p. 130-148. https://arrow.tudublin.ie/priamls/vol2/iss1/5 DOI: 10.21427/D7D41P 2 Aquatias: When Popular Cultures Are Not So Popular: The Case of Comics in F mass media products.4 Specifically, in 2011, sixty-six percent of French people claimed to have read a comic book. Of that group, twenty-nine percent had read a comic book during the previous twelve months, and forty-seven percent at a previous time.5 Hence, comics seem to be a very popular art. At the same time, the legitimacy apparatus seems to be very widespread: festivals and exhibitions, journals and shops dedicated to comics, academic and artistic books abound everywhere in France. Therefore, the art of comics should be described as a legitimate art. Considering these theories, we have to explore the comic field to understand how the legitimacy process allows us to characterise the readership. This approach raises two questions: the first deals with the transformations of cultural transmission and therefore the specificities of the readership, and the second is about the characteristics of the comic field and the way it has been structured and transformed. To address these issues, two surveys can be of use here. The first and most recent one was conducted by the TMO institute at the request of the Public Library of Information and will be referred below as TPO/BPI 2011.6 It concerns a large sample of 4580 persons, aged 11 years and over, representative of the French population. My colleagues and I conducted the second one in the region Limousin. It concerns a representative sample of students in secondary education and will be referred to below as Youth Cultures survey, Limoges University, 2009. I will use one or the other, according to their relevance to the different aspects of the question I will examine. I will first separate children and adult readers. While the majority of the nine to nineteen- year-olds sampled read comics, after the age of twenty-nine this percentage falls significantly such that only thirty percent of the sample continue to read comics between the ages of thirty and sixty. As a result, it seems reasonable to distinguish these two populations. After having examined the characteristics of these two populations, I will move to the building of the field itself. 1. How do children acquire a taste for comics? The results from the TMO survey clearly show that one of the most significant factors contributing to a person’s decision to read comics is having a parent who has read comics 4 Philippe Coulangeon: Les Métamorphoses de la distinction. Paris: Grasset, 2011. 5 Christophe Evans, Françoise Gaudet: ‘La lecture de bandes dessinées’. In: Culture-Etudes, 2012-2, DEPS, Ministère de la culture et de la communication, p. 1-4. 6 Sylvain Aquatias: ‘Le goût de la bande dessinée: acquisition, transmission, renforcement et abandon’. In: B. Berthou, C. Evans (eds.): La bande dessinée: quelle lecture, quelle culture? Paris : BPI, 2015. Published by ARROW@TU Dublin, 2017 3 CALL: Irish Journal for Culture, Arts, Literature and Language, Vol. 2 [2017], Iss. 1, Art. 5 himself. Although parental transmission does not impact the whole sample, it is active for at least thirty percent of the readers of comics. So, how do the readers whose parents do not read comics acquire a taste for this medium? If the data we have do not allow us to describe all the possible aspects of the transmission, one, at least, appears clearly.
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