DOCSLIB.ORG

Rethinking the Red Scare: the Lusk Committee and New York State's Fight Against Adicalism,R 1919--1923

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Rethinking the Red Scare: the Lusk Committee and New York State's Fight Against Adicalism,R 1919--1923 W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 2001 Rethinking the Red Scare: The Lusk Committee and New York State's fight against adicalism,r 1919--1923 Todd J. Pfannestiel College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Pfannestiel, Todd J., "Rethinking the Red Scare: The Lusk Committee and New York State's fight against radicalism, 1919--1923" (2001). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539623388. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-xgk0-2q70 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Reproduced with with permission permission of the of copyright the copyright owner. owner.Further reproductionFurther reproduction prohibited without prohibited permission. without permission. RETHINKING THE RED SCARE: THE LUSK COMMITTEE AND NEW YORK STATE'S FIGHT AGAINST RADICALISM, 1919-1923 A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Todd J. Pfannestiel 2001 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3026411 Copyright 2001 by Pfannestiel, Todd Joseph All rights reserved. UMI__ ® UMI Microform 3026411 Copyright 2001 by Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPROVAL SHEET This dissertation is submitted in partial fulfillment the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Todd J. Pfannestiel U__ Philip J./Funigi^lo XMelvyi T. Urofsky /) Virginia Commonwealth Univ^fsity ii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv LIST OF FIGURES v ABSTRACT vi INTRODUCTION 2 CHAPTER I. THE UNDERLYING CAUSES OF THE RED SCARE 16 CHAPTER II. THE FORMATION OF THE LUSK COMMITTEE 51 CHAPTER III. THE ORIGINS AND OPERATIONS OF THE 8 9 SOVIET BUREAU CHAPTER IV. REACTIONS FROM BUSINESSMEN AND THE 125 LUSK COMMITTEE CHAPTER V. THE RAND SCHOOL VS. THE LUSK COMMITTEE 172 CHAPTER VI. FROM THE COURTROOM TO THE LEGISLATURE 223 CONCLUSION 28 0 APPENDICES 301 BIBLIOGRAPHY 333 iii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLE DGEMENTS The author wishes to express his appreciation to Mr. William S. Evans and the administration and staff of the New York State Archives and Records Administration for their assistance in accessing numerous records groups located in that agency. He also thanks Mr. Robert Gardner of New Canaan High School in New Canaan, Connecticut, who helped to uncover a cache of long-forgotten personal papers stored in a closet at the school. He is further indebted to Professors Leisa Meyer, Gilbert McArthur, and Melvin Urofsky for their careful reading and comments on the manuscript. Finally the author offers his sincere gratitude to Professor Philip Funigiello for his patience, constructive criticism, and guidance without which this project could not have succeeded. iv Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Reproduction of "Examination for High Schools on the Great War" 47 2. Editorial cartoons depicting the radical threat after World War I 77 3. Map of the fourth floor of the Rand School as prepared by a Lusk Committee agent 186 v Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT This study re-examines the Great Red Scare that followed the First World War in an effort to more accurately determine its origins, tactics, duration, and conclusion. Specifically, it analyzes the efforts of the Lusk Committee, New York State's joint legislative committee to combat radicalism, between 1919 and 1923. Prior studies agree that the Red Scare was intense and brief in duration. Physical raids upon Socialist Party, Communist Party, and Industrial Workers of the World offices dominated the episode, culminating with Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer's infamous national raids in January, 1920. His heavy-handed tactics, which failed to uncover any serious revolutionary threat, awoke many Americans to the ridiculous nature of the hysteria. Tired of years of reform, war, and government witch hunts, the public turned a deaf ear to Palmer's warnings and embarked upon the carefree Jazz Age of the 1920s. Recent evidence suggests that the Red Scare did not truly end in January, 1920, though. The Lusk Committee in New York State continued to investigate and antagonize radicals until 1923, and in the process introduced new tactics and targets that established precedents for future waves of political repression in America. Following moderately successful raids upon the Soviet Bureau, the Rand School of Social Science, and communist and socialist meeting rooms and publishing facilities, the Lusk Committee adopted new tactics to combat the radical threat, specifically courtroom proceedings and subsequently legislation. The committee also shifted its focus entirely to education, urging and attaining the passage of laws requiring loyalty oaths from public school teachers and state licensing for private schools. Eventually, as New Yorkers came to understand the threat that such laws posed to fundamental civil liberties such as free speech, the popularity of the Lusk Committee began to fade. When Governor Alfred Smith signed the repeal measures, the Red Scare truly came to a close. However, subsequent episodes of political repression standardized the new tactics and focus introduced by the Lusk Committee, indicating the importance of their endeavors. vi Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. RETHINKING THE RED SCARE: THE LUSK COMMITTEE AND NEW YORK STATE'S FIGHT AGAINST RADICALISM, 1919-1923 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. INTRODUCTION Benjamin Glassberg's day began like any other. After dressing, eating an early breakfast, and perusing the daily newspaper for the latest information on world and national events, he scurried off to Commercial High School where he taught history and government to the wide-eyed youth of Brooklyn. However, when he entered the classroom that morning of January 14, 1919, Glassberg was unaware of the turmoil that he, as well as the state and nation, would soon experience. "Why is Bolshevism attacked with such hatred in the American press?" asked Edgar Grimmel, a fifteen-year-old student of Glassberg's. "The American people are being misled," his teacher replied. "Government officials are suppressing true reports from American Red Cross observers regarding the Russian Bolsheviki." Glassberg went on to denounce specific news accounts, published in what he labeled "the capitalistic New York press," of Bolsheviks murdering women and children in Russia. Another student, Reginald Bud, interjected, "Are Lenin and Trotzky really German agents?" "Of course not," 2 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 Glassberg answered. "Neither could be German agents because it was their propaganda which brought about the German revolution and ended the war." "What about the ongoing debate concerning the red flag laws?" asked George Mack, the oldest student in the class. "Is Algernon Lee, the socialist alderman, correct when he claims the red flag can be displayed above the American flag?" Mack's teacher pondered the question for a moment, then slowly replied "Yes . in a sense."1 Such pronouncements apparently had a significant impact upon Glassberg's pupils. One student, Martin Carrol, later admitted that the statements "changed my mind from the United States to Russia, and gave me the opinion that the Bolsheviki were a good thing." When Calvin Kemble, an English teacher at the same school, began criticizing the Russian government the next day, he discovered several students defending the movement. Upon ascertaining the source of their information, he encouraged twelve of the boys to meet with school administrators and sign a statement charging Glassberg with uttering seditious statements. Two days later, on January 17, 1919, the principal of Commercial High School suspended him indefinitely, pending a termination hearing by the Board of 'New York Times, 19 January 1919; New York Tribune, 5April, 3 May 1919. The dialogue is recreated from testimony originally provided by the students and Glassberg at a school board hearing concerning the teacher’s dismissal, as reported by the New YorkTimes. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 Education
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 15/18/22 Liberal Arts and Sciences Political Science Clarence A
    The materials listed in this document are available for research at the University of Record Series Number Illinois Archives. For more information, email [email protected] or search http://www.library.illinois.edu/archives/archon for the record series number. 15/18/22 Liberal Arts and Sciences Political Science Clarence A. Berdahl Papers, 1920-88 Box 1: Addresses, lectures, reports, talks, 1941-46 American Association of University Professors, 1945-58 AAUP, Illinois Chapter, 1949-58 Allerton Conference, 1949 Academic freedom articles, reports, 1950-53 American Political Science Association, 1928-38 Box 2: American Political Science Association, 1938-58 American Political Science Review, 1940-53 American Scandinavian Foundation, 1955-58 American Society of International Law, 1940-58 American Society for Public Administration, 1944-59 Autobiographical, Recollections, and Biographical, 1951, 1958, 1977-79, 1989 Box 3: Beard (Charles A.) reply, 1939-41 Blaisdell, D. C., 1948-56 Book Reviews, 1942-58 Brookings Institution, 1947-55 Chicago broadcast, 1952 College policy Commission to study the organization of peace, 1939-58 Committee on admissions from higher institutions, 1941-44 Committee of the Conference of Teachers of International Law, 1928-41 Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies, 1940-42 Committee on School of Journalism, 1938-47 Box 4: Conference of Teachers of International Law, 1946, 1952 Correspondence, general, 1925-58 Council on Foreign Relations, 1946-57 Cosmos Club, 1942-58 Department of Political Science, 1933-39 Box 5: Department of Political Science, 1935-50 DeVoto, Bernard, 1955 Dial Club, 1929-58 Dictionary of American History, 1937-39 Dilliard, Irving, 1941-58 Document and Readings in American Government, 1938-54 Douglas, Sen.
    [Show full text]
  • Procesos De Mercado Número 27
    REVIEW OF WALL STREET AND THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION1 BY ANTONY C. SUTTON (CLAIRVIEW BOOKS, UK 2011, 232 PAGES) CHRISTIAN RIPPEL One barrier to mature understanding of recent history is the notion that all capitalists are the bitter and unswerving enemies of all Marxists and socialists. This erroneous idea originated with Karl Marx and was undoubtedly useful to his purposes. In fact, the idea is nonsense. There has been a continuing, albeit concealed, alliance between international political capitalists and international revolu- tionary socialists —to their mutual benefit. (Sutton 2011, p .17) The open-minded reader should bear two clues in mind: monopo- ly capitalists are the bitter enemies of laissez-faire entrepreneurs; and, given the weaknesses of socialist central planning, the totali- tarian socialist state is a perfect captive market for monopoly capi- talists, if an alliance can be made with the socialist powerbrokers. (Sutton 2011, p.17) I ABOUT ANTONY SUTTON Antony Sutton (1925–2002) was a British-American scholar in the libertarian tradition and professor of economics and history at Cal- ifornia State University as well as research fellow at Stanford Uni- 1 The page references of Sutton 2011 refer to the publication of the book Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution in 2011 by Clairview (218 Pages). Procesos de Mercado: Revista Europea de Economía Política Vol. XIV, n.º 1, Primavera 2017, pp. 639 a 660. 640 CHRISTIAN RIPPEL versity’s Hoover Institution. He was educated at the universities of London, Göttingen and California. Among his interesting and investigative works are the trilogies of the involvement of Wall Street in the rise of the Bolsheviks, the Nazis and Franklin D.
    [Show full text]
  • John Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World
    Review: John Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World Barney Doherty thing but a detailed account’ of the revolu- tion, amongst its pages are counters to the common criticism of the revolution as well as several important lessons for revolutionaries today. Immediately in Ten Days That Shook the World, Reed reveals how Russian society was in a flux. Ideas were being debated on street corners and in large halls, all of Russia, he writes, ‘was learning to read politics, eco- nomics, history because people wanted to know.’ The masses were not passive spec- tators of the political discussion but were energetic participants. Reed commented that by October the period of the February Revolution seemed conservative by comparison. Russian poli- John Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World tics ‘swung bodily to the Left’ as the masses grew in confidence and changed the param- eters of political discourse, ‘until the Cadets The centenary of the Russian Revolution were outlawed as ‘enemies of the people’, in 1917 is obviously significant for Marxists. Kerensky became a ‘counter-revolutionist’, This year will see attempts to misrepresent the ‘middle’ Socialist leaders... were too re- the revolution or questions its democratic actionary for their following’. (p. 36) nature or political necessity. Revolutionary socialists, therefore, must The revolution in October was part of a study the event themselves and understand wider process of human liberation, as people how it happened and what its significance were actively involved in conciously shap- was. A good place to start is with John ing their society. The levels of engagement Reed’s Ten Days That Shook the World.
    [Show full text]
  • Race and WWI
    Introductions, headnotes, and back matter copyright © 2016 by Literary Classics of the United States, Inc., New York, N.Y. Cover photograph: American soldiers in France, 1918. Courtesy of the National Archives. Woodrow Wilson: Copyright © 1983, 1989 by Princeton University Press. Vernon E. Kniptash: Copyright © 2009 by the University of Oklahoma Press. Mary Borden: Copyright © Patrick Aylmer 1929, 2008. Shirley Millard: Copyright © 1936 by Shirley Millard. Ernest Hemingway: Copyright © 1925, 1930 by Charles Scribner’s Sons, renewed 1953, 1958 by Ernest Hemingway. * * * The readings presented here are drawn from World War I and America: Told by the Americans Who Lived It. Published to mark the centenary of the Amer- ican entry into the conflict, World War I and America brings together 128 diverse texts—speeches, messages, letters, diaries, poems, songs, newspaper and magazine articles, excerpts from memoirs and journalistic narratives— written by scores of American participants and observers that illuminate and vivify events from the outbreak of war in 1914 through the Armistice, the Paris Peace Conference, and the League of Nations debate. The writers col- lected in the volume—soldiers, airmen, nurses, diplomats, statesmen, political activists, journalists—provide unique insight into how Americans perceived the war and how the conflict transformed American life. It is being published by The Library of America, a nonprofit institution dedicated to preserving America’s best and most significant writing in handsome, enduring volumes, featuring authoritative texts. You can learn more about World War I and America, and about The Library of America, at www.loa.org. For materials to support your use of this reader, and for multimedia content related to World War I, visit: www.WWIAmerica.org World War I and America is made possible by the generous support of the National Endowment for the Humanities.
    [Show full text]
  • The Salon of Mabel Dodge
    DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES CALIFORNIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY PASADENA, CALIFORNIA 91125 THE SALON OF MABEL DODGE Robert A. Rosenstone To be published in Peter Quennell, ed., Salon (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1980). HUMANITIES WORKING PAPER 24 January 1979 THE SALON OF ~WillEL DODGE Robert A. Rosenstone Mabel Dodge's salon ••• burst upon New York like a rocket. Margaret Sanger It was the only successful salon I have ever seen in America. Lincoln Steffens Many famous salons have been established by women of wit or beauty; Mabel's was the only one ever established by pure will power. And it was no second-rate salon; everybody in the ferment of ideas could be found there. Max Eastman 2 It is indeed the happy woman who has no history, for by happy we mean the loving and beloved, and by history we designate all those relatable occurences on earth caused by the human energies seeking other outlets than the biological one. • . That I have so many pages to write signifies, solely, that I was unlucky in love. Most of the pages are about what I did instead •. Mabel Dodge 1 Mabel Dodge was rich and attractive and more than a little lucky. For two years -- from 1912 to 1914 -- she played hostess to the most famous and no doubt the most interesting salon in American history. This success was no accident, but the result of a subtle interplay between her individual needs and ambitions and the historical moment. It was a very special period in the cultural life of the United States, one when expatriate Irish painter John Butler Yeats cocked an ear and heard "the fiddles • tuning as it were allover America.
    [Show full text]
  • Radicalism and the Limits of Reform: the Case of John Reed
    DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES CALIFORNIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY PASADENA, CALIFORNIA 91125 RADICALISM AND THE LIMITS OF REFORM: THE CASE OF JOHN REED Robert A. Rosenstone To be published in a volume of essays honoring George Mowry HUMANITIES WORKING PAPER 52 September 1980 ABSTRACT Poet, journalist, editorial bo,ard member of the Masses and founding member of the Communist Labor Party, John Reed is a hero in both the worlds of cultural and political radicalism. This paper shows how his development through pre-World War One Bohemia and into left wing politics was part of a larger movement of middle class youngsters who were in that era in reaction against the reform mentality of their parent's generation. Reed and his peers were critical of the following, common reformist views: that economic individualism is the engine of progress; that the ideas and morals of WASP America are superior to those of all other ethnic groups; that the practical constitutes the best approach to social life. By tracing Reed's development on these issues one can see that his generation was critical of a larger cultural view, a system of beliefs common to middle class reformers and conservatives alike. Their revolt was thus primarily cultural, one which tested the psychic boundaries, the definitions of humanity, that reformers shared as part of their class. RADICALISM AND THE LIMITS OF REFORM: THE CASE OF JOHN REED Robert A. Rosenstone In American history the name John Reed is synonymous with radicalism, both cultural and political. Between 1910 and 1917, the first great era of Bohemianism in this country, he was one of the heroes of Greenwich Village, a man equally renowned as satiric poet and tough-minded short story writer; as dashing reporter, contributing editor of the Masses, and co-founder of the Provinceton Players; as lover of attractive women like Mabel Dodge, and friend of the notorious like Bill Haywood, Enma Goldman, Margaret Sanger and Pancho Villa.
    [Show full text]
  • Preface Chapter 1
    Notes Preface 1. Alfred Pearce Dennis, “Humanizing the Department of Commerce,” Saturday Evening Post, June 6, 1925, 8. 2. Herbert Hoover, Memoirs: The Cabinet and the Presidency, 1920–1930 (New York: Macmillan, 1952), 184. 3. Herbert Hoover, “The Larger Purposes of the Department of Commerce,” in “Republi- can National Committee, Brief Review of Activities and Policies of the Federal Executive Departments,” Bulletin No. 6, 1928, Herbert Hoover Papers, Campaign and Transition Period, Box 6, “Subject: Republican National Committee,” Hoover Presidential Library, West Branch, Iowa. 4. Herbert Hoover, “Responsibility of America for World Peace,” address before national con- vention of National League of Women Voters, Des Moines, Iowa, April 11, 1923, Bible no. 303, Hoover Presidential Library. 5. Bruce Bliven, “Hoover—And the Rest,” Independent, May 29, 1920, 275. Chapter 1 1. John W. Hallowell to Arthur (Hallowell?), November 21, 1918, Hoover Papers, Pre-Com- merce Period, Hoover Presidential Library, West Branch, Iowa, Box 6, “Hallowell, John W., 1917–1920”; Julius Barnes to Gertrude Barnes, November 27 and December 5, 1918, ibid., Box 2, “Barnes, Julius H., Nov. 27, 1918–Jan. 17, 1919”; Lewis Strauss, “Further Notes for Mr. Irwin,” ca. February 1928, Subject File, Lewis L. Strauss Papers, Hoover Presidential Library, West Branch, Iowa, Box 10, “Campaign of 1928: Campaign Literature, Speeches, etc., Press Releases, Speeches, etc., 1928 Feb.–Nov.”; Strauss, handwritten notes, December 1, 1918, ibid., Box 76, “Strauss, Lewis L., Diaries, 1917–19.” 2. The men who sailed with Hoover to Europe on the Olympic on November 18, 1918, were Julius Barnes, Frederick Chatfi eld, John Hallowell, Lewis Strauss, Robert Taft, and Alonzo Taylor.
    [Show full text]
  • ELIZABETH GURLEY FLYNN Labor's Own WILLIAM Z
    1111 ~~ I~ I~ II ~~ I~ II ~IIIII ~ Ii II ~III 3 2103 00341 4723 ELIZABETH GURLEY FLYNN Labor's Own WILLIAM Z. FOSTER A Communist's Fifty Yea1·S of ,tV orking-Class Leadership and Struggle - By Elizabeth Gurley Flynn NE'V CENTURY PUBLISIIERS ABOUT THE AUTHOR Elizabeth Gurley Flynn is a member of the National Com­ mitt~ of the Communist Party; U.S.A., and a veteran leader' of the American labor movement. She participated actively in the powerful struggles for the industrial unionization of the basic industries in the U.S.A. and is known to hundreds of thousands of trade unionists as one of the most tireless and dauntless fighters in the working-class movement. She is the author of numerous pamphlets including The Twelve and You and Woman's Place in the Fight for a Better World; her column, "The Life of the Party," appears each day in the Daily Worker. PubUo-hed by NEW CENTURY PUBLISH ERS, New York 3, N. Y. March, 1949 . ~ 2M. PRINTED IN U .S .A . Labor's Own WILLIAM Z. FOSTER TAUNTON, ENGLAND, ·is famous for Bloody Judge Jeffrey, who hanged 134 people and banished 400 in 1685. Some home­ sick exiles landed on the barren coast of New England, where a namesake city was born. Taunton, Mass., has a nobler history. In 1776 it was the first place in the country where a revolutionary flag was Bown, "The red flag of Taunton that flies o'er the green," as recorded by a local poet. A century later, in 1881, in this city a child was born to a poor Irish immigrant family named Foster, who were exiles from their impoverished and enslaved homeland to New England.
    [Show full text]
  • Thomas Byrne Edsall Papers
    http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt4d5nd2zb No online items Inventory of the Thomas Byrne Edsall papers Finding aid prepared by Aparna Mukherjee Hoover Institution Library and Archives © 2015 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-6003 [email protected] URL: http://www.hoover.org/library-and-archives Inventory of the Thomas Byrne 88024 1 Edsall papers Title: Thomas Byrne Edsall papers Date (inclusive): 1965-2014 Collection Number: 88024 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Library and Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 259 manuscript boxes, 8 oversize boxes.(113.0 Linear Feet) Abstract: Writings, correspondence, notes, memoranda, poll data, statistics, printed matter, and photographs relating to American politics during the presidential administration of Ronald Reagan, especially with regard to campaign contributions and effects on income distribution; and to the gubernatorial administration of Michael Dukakis in Massachusetts, especially with regard to state economic policy, and the campaign of Michael Dukakis as the Democratic candidate for president of the United States in 1988; and to social conditions in the United States. Creator: Edsall, Thomas Byrne Hoover Institution Library & Archives Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover
    [Show full text]
  • Race, Migration, and Chinese and Irish Domestic Servants in the United States, 1850-1920
    An Intimate World: Race, Migration, and Chinese and Irish Domestic Servants in the United States, 1850-1920 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Andrew Theodore Urban IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Advised by Donna Gabaccia and Erika Lee June 2009 © Andrew Urban, 2009 Acknowledgements While I rarely discussed the specifics of my dissertation with my fellow graduate students and friends at the University of Minnesota – I talked about basically everything else with them. No question or topic was too large or small for conversations that often carried on into the wee hours of the morning. Caley Horan, Eric Richtmyer, Tim Smit, and Aaron Windel will undoubtedly be lifelong friends, mahjong and euchre partners, fantasy football opponents, kindred spirits at the CC Club and Mortimer’s, and so on. I am especially grateful for the hospitality that Eric and Tim (and Tank the cat) offered during the fall of 2008, as I moved back and forth between Syracuse and Minneapolis. Aaron and I had the fortune of living in New York City at the same time in our graduate careers, and I have fond memories of our walks around Stuyvesant Park in the East Village and Prospect Park in Brooklyn, and our time spent with the folks of Tuesday night. Although we did not solve all of the world’s problems, we certainly tried. Living in Brooklyn, I also had the opportunity to participate in the short-lived yet productive “Brooklyn Scholars of Domestic Service” (AKA the BSDS crew) reading group with Vanessa May and Lara Vapnek.
    [Show full text]
  • S688p6 1920.Pdf
    -- A Political Guide for the Workers Socialist Party Campaign Book 1920 Prebared by the Department of Labor Research, Rand School of Social Science A. L. Trachtenberg, Director Published by The Socialist Party of the United States 220 South Ashland Boulevard CHICAGO, ILL. 1920 CoPYnIoAT 1940 BY Tm SOCIALIST PARTY OF TAE UNITED STATES CHICAGO, ILL. Printed in the U. S. A. 7 FOREWORD %F This little book is the joint work of a number of con- tributors, which has been compiled under the general editorship of Alexander Trachtenberg, Director of the Department of Labor Resewch of the Rand School of Social Science, and James Oneal, member of the National Executive Committee of the Socialist party. Benjamin Glassberg of the Rand School also rendered valuable assistance in the editorial work. Among the contributors to the volume are Morris Hill- quit, David P. Berenberg, Evans Clark, Roger Baldwin, Solon DeLeon , Lewis Gannett, Benjamin Glassberg, Bertha Hale White, William Morris Feigenbaum, Alex- ander Trachtenberg, James Oneal and Irwin St. John Tucker. The book il the result of a request made by the Na- tional Executive Committee that the Research Depart- ment of the Rand School of Social Science co-operate in the preparation of material for it. The editorial committee believes that the book marks an advance over the bulky campaign books that have been prepared in the past, in that the material is much less in quantity, it is presented in a more popular style, statistics have been reduced to a minimum, while the information will prove of service to party speakers and editors and at the same time serve as a propaganda book among the workers.
    [Show full text]
  • Decay of the Socialist Party PAUL NOVICK
    8 NEW MASSES Decay of the Socialist Party PAUL NOVICK Since the national convention of the Social­ 1: The party must disclaim any attempt to set Krueger and the other S.P. majority delegates ist Party in Detroit, last month, there have up a "working-class dictatorship." to the Paris International Socialist Confer­ been important developments in the party. 2: It must repudiate any pledge that would hind the party to support any member who com­ ence in August, 1933. (There, they were part Among these was the formation of a Commit­ mitted an illegal act in resisting war. of a minority of 18, whereas the two S.P. tee for the Preservation of the Socialist Party. 3: It must declare against the policy of minority delegates were part of the huge ma- Its purpose was to oppose final ratification by "massed resistance" to war—must repudiate this pority of 291.) This group devotes most of the membership nationally of the Declaration phrase as having no place in its principles. its attention to international matters, which of Principles adopted by the majority at the 4: It must declare against any seizure of power by the Socialist Party through other than "legal" is an indication of the resentment of the rank Detroit convention. Supporting the Detroit means. and file Socialists against the treacheries of the Declaration of Principles (a "leftist" stand) German Social Democracy. Very conven­ were Norman Thomas, Mayor Daniel Hoan, Thomas replied to these arguments thdt he iently, however, Krueger and the others are of Milwaukee, and Leo Krzycki, of the A.F.
    [Show full text]