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Tibetan Fraternal Polyandry: a Review of Its Advantages and Breakdown University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Nebraska Anthropologist Anthropology, Department of 1997 Tibetan Fraternal Polyandry: A Review of its Advantages and Breakdown Jeff Willett Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/nebanthro Part of the Anthropology Commons Willett, Jeff, "Tibetan Fraternal Polyandry: A Review of its Advantages and Breakdown" (1997). Nebraska Anthropologist. 113. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/nebanthro/113 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Nebraska Anthropologist by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Tibetan Fraternal Polyandry: A Review of its Advantages and Breakdown Jeff Willett ·Polyandry is primarily selected caused by the younger brothers of the not for bread and butter motives - household, because of unhappiness fear of starvation in a difficult with their spouse, their lower environment - but rather primarily reproductive success than older for the Tibetan equivalent of brothers, a desire for personal oysters, champagne, and social autonomy, and difficulty in maintaining a esteem.- Melvyn C. Goldstein (1978). large household. Goldstein (1981) also finds that brothers are more likely to The fraternal polyandry marriage leave polyandrous marriages when relationship of Tibet is widely considered unexpected economic opportunities to be a means of preventing the division arise. of a family's resources among its male heirs. As a family resource preservation Tibetan Fraternal Polyandry strategy, Tibetan polyandry Fraternal polyandry is the accomplishes the same goal of the preferred form of marriage among the European stem family system, but in a culturally Tibetan villages where Levine very different way. Researchers have and Goldstein based their studies. The suggested that polyandry developed in Tibetan's own explanations for the Tibet, because it provides a household practice of polyandry are materialistic. with enough male laborers to fully They claim that a strategy of fraternal exploit the marginal agricultural lands in polyandry preserves the productive the Himalayas, that it serves as a resources of their family units across means of population control, or that it generations (Goldstein 1978). serves as a way of reducing tax Throughout pre-Chinese occupied Tibet, obligations to feudal Tibetan lords. A polyandry was considered the preferred more convincing explanation why form of marriage among agricultural Tibetan polyandry is practiced is upper class peasants, landholding provided by Nancy E. Levine. She aristocrats, and priest households claims that polyandry provides a (Levine 1988:158). The practice of household with a large labor force, polyandry is so common that in the enabling the family to pursue village of Nyinba, landholding simultaneous and extensive involvement households with two or more sons enter in the three different sectors of the into a polyandrous marriage 100 percent Tibetan economy: agriculture, herding, of the time (Levine 1988:143). Only and trading (1988). Since Tibetan Nyinba's landless former slaves avoid polyandry provides such important polyandry when there are two or more economic advantages to households, brothers. one can assume that the reasons for the In a polyandrous family, the dissolution of polyandrous marriages eldest brother is the dominant authority are largely for individual interests. member. The eldest brother is Levine (1981) and Melvyn C. Goldstein responsible for finding a wife and for (1981) find that the breakup of making arrangements for bride-price polyandrous marriages is usually and the wedding ceremony. Control of the family estate is passed from the 96 former household head to the eldest son ideals (Levine 1988:159). A strong soon after the marriage. As the head of undivided household not only leads to the household, the eldest brother is benefits for the family, it also leads to considered the final authority in all stronger village viability. Stronger family decision making (Levine households are able to meet collective 1988:115). He determines the obligations such as payment of food allocation of cash, makes decisions during public rituals, occasional about involvement in agriculture, communal labor, better defense of herding and trading, and serves as the infringement on their lands, and family representative in village political govemment obligations (Levine gatherings. 1988:184). Upon marriage, all of the eldest Tibetan polyandry leads to more brother's younger brothers (including powerful households by preventing possible unbom brothers) become co­ multiple heirs from dividing family husbands to the wife. Tibetan society resources. All male offspring of the stresses sexual access and equity for all polyandrous union replicate the of the co-husbands once they reach household structure of their parents maturity (Levine 1988:151). The eldest instead of each brother draining off brother generally concedes much of his estate resources through monogamous sexual access to the wife once his marriages. Poor soil fertility, lack of younger brothers mature. Sexual irrigation waters, and slope conditions preference is also generally shown for are severe constraints to agricultural brothers who have been away from the production in the Himalayas (Berreman village on trading trips or who have 1978). The Tibetan villages studied by taken the herds to distant pasturage Levine and Goldstein have opened up when they retum to the household all possible lands to agricultural (Levine 1988:164). production. Dividing a household's In Tibetan polyandry, it is limited agricultural lands among male important for both the wife and the co­ heirs would quickly lead to non-viable husbands to participate in sexual plot sizes and associated losses in relationships. Wives who deny sexual economic and social status (Goldstein access to their husbands are considered 1976). troublemakers, threatening the stability Multiple male heirs would also of the polyandrous union. Husbands split up family herds, making an who refuse to enter into or maintain individual family more wlnerable to sexual relations with their wives have herd depopulation through disease, renunciated potential marriage claims drought, and theft. Luxury items such (Levine 1988:151). as jewelry, fumiture, saddles, etc. are In addition, brothers in also held intact in polyandrous polyandrous marriages are expected to marriages. Stores of these items cooperate in household activities to represent a household's savings maximize its economic, social, and account which can be sold during political standing. Brothers often difficult economic times. specialize in one of the three major aspects of Tibetan economy: Polyandry and the Stem Family agriculture, herding, and long distance Researchers have shown how trade. The co-husbands are also Tibetan polyandry accomplished similar responsible for cooperating with child goals to the stem family system of care and household maintenance Europe and Japan (Goldstein 1978, activities. In short, solidarity among the Levine 1988). The prevention of brothers is at the core of Tibetan kinship dividing a family's resources among 97 male heirs was also the goal of pre­ him unable to manage it effectively. modem European societies. The stem This led to lengthy delays to marriage as family strategy developed in European older sons had to wait until they societies had much different controlled enough of the estate to afford mechanisms for accomplishing this goal a family of their own. than the Tibetan strategy of fratemal Younger brothers and sisters polyandry. The system kept an estate's had even more troubles. Netting (1981) resources intact by allowing only one found high levels of bachelorhood and male child per generation to marry spinsters in the community, many of (Levine 1988:132). In the stem family whom were allowed to remain on the system, primogeniture or ultimogeniture family estate as laborers. The brothers was practiced to pass the family estate helped out with agricultural activities to only one male offspring. Levine while their sisters often maintained the outlines the four components of the household and cared for elderly parents. stem family system: 1) Only one person It was very difficult for younger brothers assumes headship of the estate, 2) to make a living on their own within the Non-successors must seek their living community, and in tum, many left the elsewhere, 3) Impartible inheritance village to try and find their fortunes maintains the estate; and 4)The estate elsewhere. continues over generations. Tibetan polyandry maintains the estate with Explanations for Tibetan Polyandry impartible inheritance and helps ensure Many researchers have tried to that the estate survives over determine why Tibetans adopted generations,_ but it allows all male _polyandry, with its possible problems of offspring to share in the economic sexual jealousies among co-husbands opportunities of the household. and reduced male fertility, rather than Robert Netting provides an the stem family system of European excellent example of the stem family communities like Torbel. These system in his study of Torbel, a Swiss researchers have suggested that the mountain community (Netting 1981). marginal agricultural lands of the Torbel faces many of the ecological Himalayas required a number of male constraints faced by
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