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How to Cite Complete Issue More Information About This Article Revista História : Debates e Tendências (Online) ISSN: 1517-2856 ISSN: 2238-8885 Universidade de Passo Fundo, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Priorelli, Giorgia The fight against the ‘anti-nation’ as a historical mission: the delegitimization of the enemy in Italian Fascism and Spanish Fascism Revista História : Debates e Tendências (Online), vol. 18, no. 3, 2018, September-December, pp. 449-463 Universidade de Passo Fundo, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História DOI: https://doi.org/10.5335/hdtv.18n.3.8600 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=552459257010 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative The fight against the ‘anti-nation’ as a historical mission: the delegitimization of the enemy in Italian Fascism and Spanish Fascism A luta contra a ‘antinação’ como uma missão histórica: a deslegitimação do inimigo no fascismo italiano e no fascismo espanhol La lucha contra la 'anti-nación' como una misión histórica: la deslegitimación del enemigo en el fascismo italiano y el fascismo español Giorgia Priorelli* Abstract of the Pnf and the Fe articulated their respective campaigns against the anti- For the Italian Partito Nazionale Fascista -national enemies in order to legitimise (Pnf) and the Falange Española (Fe), the their own parties and pave the way to political community coincided with the the effective realization of their own nation, conceived not as an undifferen- nations: nations that had to be clearly tiated conglomeration of citizens but as and totally fascist. a community of believers in a ‘religion of the Fatherland’. The common goal Keywords: Fascism. Falangism. Nation. of the Italian and the Spanish fascists, since their appearance on the political scene of their respective countries, was the defence of national values. But the claim to being the only and exclusive representatives of those values denied any effective freedom of dissent, even to * Doutora em Ciência Política pela Universidade those who respected national values but Luiss Guido Carli – Roma, Itália. E-mail: gprio- intended them in a different way. This [email protected] article will analyse how the ideologues Recebido em 03/5/2018 - Aprovado em 24/5/2018 http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/hdtv.18n.3.7304 449 História: Debates e Tendências – v. 18, n. 3, set./dez. 2018, p. 449-463 The shout of your fully legitimate exulta- Mussolini’s speech was genuinely pa- tion fuses together with the one rising from radigmatic because it highlighted an impor- all the cities of Spain, that now are com- pletely liberated by the infamy of the reds, tant element in the ideologies of both the Pnf and with the shout of the anti-Bolsheviks and the Falange: the fierce struggle against from all over the world. The wonderful the ‘anti-national enemy’ until its annihila- victory of Barcelona is another chapter in tion. This was a political constant in the two the history of the new Europe we are crea- ting. Franco’s magnificent troops and our Fascisms, since it referred to a common his- intrepid legionnaires did not defeat only torical mission. Negrín’s government; many others among In Italy, since the years preceding the our enemies at this moment are biting the March on Rome, the movimento Sansepolcris- dust. The watchword of the reds was this: “No pasarán”; we passed, and I tell you we ta had built its political fortunes on presen- will pass (MUSSOLINI, 1951, p. 283). ting itself as the bulwalk against widespread Bolshevism. As Roberto Vivarelli pointed This was how Mussolini, on the bal- out, Mussolini succeeded because the Fasci cony of the Hall of the Globe in Palazzo Ve- Italiani di Combattimento and, then, the Pnf nezia, addressed the crowd gathered in the appeared to many as defenders of the na- square on January 26, 1939, to celebrate ‘the tional State, whose values were denied by entrance of the nationals’ in the Catalan ca- Socialist maximalism, which drew inspi- pital under the command of the generalissimo ration from Soviet Russia as its own electi- (MUSSOLINI, 1951). The fall of Barcelona, ve homeland (VIVARELLI, 2012, p. 24-25, which was one of the last strongholds of the p. 321-323). The campaign against the anti- Popular Front, represented a great victory -national enemies was from the beginning both for the insurgent military formation a merciless battle, whose intensity changed and the Duce of Italian Fascism. This was not over time, in inverse proportion to growing only because it rewarded the support that Italian support for Fascism. At the point of the black shirts of the Corpo Truppe Volonta- the regime’s maximum consolidation, when rie (Corps of Volunteer Troops or Cvt) had it seemed that all opposition had been eli- given since the first weeks of the Spanish Ci- minated, the emphasis on the internal oppo- vil War. It was also not only a payback for nents diminished. Then it became stronger the stinging setback – which had a strong in particularly unfavourable, even if not symbolic and propaganda value – suffered really dramatic circumstances, as it happe- in March 1937 in Guadalajara by the mili- ned after the collapse of the regime and du- tias led by Mario Roatta, who supported the ring the tragic two-year period 1943-1945. weight of the operation to a great extent.1 In Spain, the Falangist struggle against Above all, it was the triumph of the true and anti-national enemies started with the fou- only Spanish nation, the fascistized nation of ndation of the party in 1933, even if it had Francisco Franco, against the anti-nation, fed its forerunner in the Jons of Ramiro Ledes- by Socialism, of the liberal-republican go- ma Ramos and Onésimo Redondo Ortega. vernments. However, it was the Civil War – fought by 450 História: Debates e Tendências – v. 18, n. 3, set./dez. 2018, p. 449-463 the ‘crusaders’ of the nationalist troops in main political culture in Francoism - the Na- the name and for the salvation of the ho- tional Catholic one - and ‘a considerable re- meland – that represented ‘the greatest na- duction of the patriotic lexicon.’ (CAMPOS; tionalizing and denationalizing episode of ARCHILÉS, 2014, p. 272). the Spaniards. At that moment, the Spanish A note of caution is needed here, ho- nation’s combat against ‘anti-Spain’ beca- wever: the fact that both the Pnf and the Fa- me a battle of not only the Falange – whi- lange at the end failed to complete their own ch meanwhile had become an armed militia plans of ‘integral fascistization’ of the nation and a mass party in the territories controlled does not diminish the central role that the by the latter – but also of the whole Fran- war against internal enemies played in the coist front.2 In Ismael Saz’s opinion, the one ideology of the two parties; a war that, both fought in 1936-1939 was ‘the most total war in Italy and Spain, hit dramatically violent among all the civil wars of contemporary peaks (GENTILE, 2011, p. 184). Spain.’ (CAMPOS, 2003, p. 158). But, as the By exploiting its legitimate and cohesi- Valencian historian has argued, if ‘the war ve potential, black shirts and blue shirts did was total, even more was the victory’, since everything to identify themselves with the it allowed the nationalists to appear as the nation, and tried to interpret the idea of the ‘incarnation of the authentic Spain’ and to homeland fascistically until the end. So the marginalize the defeated by treating them as abbrochment of the nation by the Pnf cor- the sworn enemies of the homeland (CAM- responded to a similar process in the ideo- POS, 2003, p. 159). logical universe of the Falange (GENTILE, The persecutory fury against the anti- 2011, p. 156-160). In both cases, the conse- -nation decreased partially after the victory quence was inevitably the same: discrimina- of the generalísimo in 1939, and even more tion against those who – while being Italian with the diminished influence of the camisas and Spanish citizens in all respects – held a azules in the government, as a consequence different view of what their country was, its of the historical events, previously mentio- founding values, and its historical mission. ned, which took place between the spring of In fact, thinking of the nation in terms other 1941 and the summer of 1942. These events than those proposed by Fascist and Falan- sanctioned the failure of the ‘appropriation gist ideologues represented a betrayal resul- of Spain and the homeland’ by the party ting in the exclusion of the reprobates from that, after merging with the traditionalists in the national community (DI NUCCI, 2003, April 1937, had changed its name to Fet de p. 127-130). las Jons. The reconfirmation of the Christian Certainly, one could argue that the roots of the regime and ‘the resulting total battle against internal enemies was not an identification of the homeland and Catholi- exclusive ideological component of Fascism, cism’ ratified the completion of the project to since it was also present in the political cul- create a Spanish Fascist State on the Italian ture of other movements, parties and regi- model, as well as the dominance of the other mes of opposite political nature. Yet, in the 451 História: Debates e Tendências – v. 18, n. 3, set./dez. 2018, p. 449-463 two cases analysed here, the ideological war class was incapable of making the govern- between nation and anti-nation – in which ment work in an authentic democratic way.
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