Freedom of Speech, Press and Assembly, and Freedom of Religion Under the Illinois Constitution Michael P
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Ideological Contributions of Celtic Freedom and Individualism to Human Rights
chapter 4 Ideological Contributions of Celtic Freedom and Individualism to Human Rights This chapter emphasizes the importance of the often-overlooked contribu- tions of indigenous European cultures to the development of human rights. Attention is given to the ancient Celtic culture, the ideas of Celtic freedom and individualism, the distinctive role of the Scottish theologian, John Dunn Scotus and the Scottish Arbroath Declaration of Freedom (1320).1 It is from the Scottish Enlightenment and its subsequent influence on the late 18th century revolutions that we see an affirmative declaration of the Rights of Man, which is a precursor to the development of modern human rights. The importance of the Celtic-Irish-Scottish contribution to human rights is that it was the foun- dation for individual liberty and dignity in Western civilization. Indigenous Celtic culture staked an original and critical claim to the ideal of universal hu- man dignity. This is an important insight because it broadens the ideals that promote human rights, including within them those ideals of the indigenous cultures of the world, whose voices are oftentimes forgotten. It strengthens the universality of human rights. i The Intellectual and Philosophical Origins of International Law and Human Rights The intellectual and philosophical origins of human rights rhetoric and law, democracy, freedom and ideas supporting “consent of the governed” are in- tertwined in this composite explanation that attempts to explain all of these themes with the historical themes of Roman natural law, Athenian democracy and later the modern political philosophy of John Locke and his followers. The absence of a medieval connection between the alleged ancient Roman and Greek sources and the modern developments of human rights indicates that this perspective is faulty. -
Illinois Rejects a New Constitution Walter F
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1923 Illinois Rejects a New Constitution Walter F. Dodd Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Dodd, Walter F., "Illinois Rejects a New Constitution" (1923). Minnesota Law Review. 2481. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/2481 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MINNESOTA LAW REVIEW Journal of the State Bar Association VOL. VII FEBRUARY, 1923 No. 3 ILLINOIS REJECTS A NEW CONSTITUTION By WALTER F. DODD* T HE constitutional convention which assembled in Illinois on January 6, 1920, held a number of sessions running until Sep- tember 12, 1922. On September 12 a proposed constitution was finally agreed upon for submission to the people on December 12, 1922. The chief reasons for calling a constitutional conven- tion were (a) to modernize the tax system of the state; (b) to obtain a better and more simplified judicial organization; (c) to produce a short ballot, so that the voter would be able better to perform his duties; and (d) to provide an easier method for future amendments to the constitution, so that changes in the fundamental law of the state could be made when desired by the deliberate sentiment of the people. The issue of Cook County representation became a serious one immediately upon the meeting of the convention; and this issue was largely responsible for numerous sessions and recesses. -
Freedom of Speech, Freedom of Self-Expression, and Kant's Public
Diametros 54 (2017): 118–137 doi: 10.13153/diam.54.2017.1136 FREEDOM OF SPEECH, FREEDOM OF SELF-EXPRESSION, AND KANT’S PUBLIC USE OF REASON – Geert Van Eekert – Abstract. This article turns to early modern and Enlightenment advocates of tolerance (Locke, Spi- noza, John Stuart Mill) to discover and lay bare the line of argument that has informed their com- mitment to free speech. This line of argument will subsequently be used to assess the shift from free speech to the contemporary ideal of free self-expression. In order to take this assessment one step further, this article will finally turn to Immanuel Kant’s famous defense of the public use of reason. In the wake of Katerina Deligiorgi’s readings of Kant, it will show that the idea of free speech requires a specific disposition on behalf of speakers and writers that is in danger of being neglected in the contemporary prevailing conception of free speech as freedom of self-expression. Keywords: John Locke, Baruch Spinoza, Immanuel Kant, John Stuart Mill, freedom of speech, free- dom of self-expression, public use of reason, Enlightenment. Contemporary debates about free speech or freedom of speech primarily deal with the question how free speech should be (in the sense of both “How free should speech be?” and “How should free speech be?”), and not (or at least not mainly) with the question why speech should be free.1 Admittedly, there seems to be no reason to urge the latter question: it is rather generally agreed upon today (at least in liberal democratic societies) that freedom of speech should be both es- teemed and categorically defended because it is both a fundamental human right and a key pillar of democracy and of the (scientific) quest for knowledge. -
Facilitating Peaceful Protests
ACADEMY BRIEFING No. 5 Facilitating Peaceful Protests January 2014 Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Geneva Académie de droit international humanitaire et de droits humains à Genève Academ The Academy, a joint centre of ISBN: 978-2-9700866-3-5 © Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights, January 2014. Acknowledgements This Academy Briefing was written by Milena Costas Trascasas, Research Fellow, and Stuart Casey-Maslen, Head of Research, at the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights (Geneva Academy). The Academy would like to thank all those who commented on an earlier draft of this briefing, in particular Anja Bienart and Brian Wood of Amnesty International, and Neil Corney of Omega Research Foundation. The Geneva Academy would also like to thank the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (DFAE) for its support to the Academy’s work on facilitating peaceful protests, especially the Human Security Division for its funding of the publication of this Briefing. Editing, design, and layout by Plain Sense, Geneva. Disclaimer This Academy Briefing is the work of the authors. The views expressed in it do not necessarily reflect those of the project’s supporters or of anyone who provided input to, or commented on, a draft of this Briefing. The designation of states or territories does not imply any judgement by the Geneva Academy, the DFAE, or any other body or individual, regarding the legal status of such states or territories, or their authorities and institutions, or the delimitation of their boundaries, or the status of any states or territories that border them. -
Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added). -
Draft General Comment No. 37 (Right of Peaceful Assembly)
www.icnl.org [email protected] PRESENTED TO UN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE SUBMISSION Draft General Comment No. 37 (Right of Peaceful Assembly) Introduction ICNL is grateful for the opportunity to provide comments on the revised draft General Comment No. 37 on Article 21 (right of peaceful assembly) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Please find below principal comments relating to the following issues of general significance: (1) the definition of “assembly”; (2) assemblies through digital means; (3) authorization and notification requirements; (4) use of force in the context of assemblies; and (5) the fundamental nature of peaceful assembly rights. Accompanying these principal comments, we have attached a marked-up version of General Comment No. 37 which addresses the text of the Comment in greater detail, indicating proposed edits (including edits on a number of specific or technical issues not raised in our principal comments) and rationales for these edits. We hope the Committee will find these comments helpful in its review of the draft Comment. Principal Comments 1. THE DEFINITION OF “ASSEMBLY” The conception of “assembly” set forth in the draft General Comment, at paras. 4 and 13, is limited to gatherings of persons with a common expressive purpose in a publicly accessible place. In our view, this conception omits historically and currently important forms of assembly that require protection against restrictions, while also 1126 16th Street NW #400 Washington, DC 20036 2/21/2020 leaving insufficient room to encompass evolving and future forms of assembly. We would recommend clarifying that the protections of article 21 apply to gatherings where the participants intend to engage in important civic activities other than common expression; to gatherings in private, non-publicly-accessible places; and to gatherings “by persons,” in various forms, rather than “of persons”. -
CDL-AD(2007)007 Opinion No
Strasbourg, 19 March 2007 CDL-AD(2007)007 Opinion No. 399 / 2006 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OPINION ON THE CONVENTION ON THE STANDARDS OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS, ELECTORAL RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS IN THE MEMBER STATES OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF INDEPENDENT STATES adopted by the Venice Commission at its 70th plenary session (Venice, 16-17 March 2007) on the basis of comments by Mr Christoph GRABENWARTER (member, Austria) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. http://venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2007)007 - 2 - Introduction 1. By letter dated 28 September 2006, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe asked for an opinion on the Venice Commission on the Convention on the standards of democratic elections, electoral rights and freedoms in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CDL- EL(2006)031rev). 2. The above-mentioned Convention was adopted on 7 October 2002 and was ratified up to now by Armenia, Kyrghyzstan, Moldova, Russia and Tajikistan. 3. The request by the Secretary General takes place in the framework of the discussion about the possibility to adopt a European convention in the electoral field as a Council of Europe convention. The issue whether the text submitted for opinion could inspire a European Convention will then have to be addressed. 4. The Venice Commission entrusted Mr Christoph Grabenwarter (member, Austria) to prepare the comments which are the basis for this opinion. 5. This opinion is based on a non official English translation of the Convention. 6. A first draft opinion was examined by the Council for Democratic Elections at its 19th meeting (Venice, 16 December 2006). -
The Right to Political Participation in International Law
The Right to Political Participation In International Law Gregory H. Fox I. INTRODUCTION ................................................ 540 I1. THE EMERGING INTERNATIONAL LAW OF PARTICIPATORY RIGHTS ................. 544 A. ParticipatoryRights Before 1948: The Reign of the State Sovereignty Approach ..... 544 B. The Nature and Scope of Post-War Treaty-Based ParticipatoryRights ........... 552 1. The InternationalCovenant on Civil and PoliticalRights ................ 553 a. Non-Discrimination .................................... 553 b. The Right to Take Part in Public Affairs........................ 555 c. Requirements Concerning Elections ........................... 555 2. The FirstProtocol to the European Convention on Human Rights ........... 560 a. Rights Concerning Elections ................................ 561 b. Non-Discrimination .................................... 563 3. The American Convention on Hwnan Rights ........................ 565 4. Other InternationalInstruments Guaranteeing ParticipatoryRights .......... 568 a. The African Charteron Hwnan and Peoples' Rights ................ 568 b. Council on Security and Co-operationin Europe Accords ............. 568 5. Summary of Treaty-Based Norms ................................ 570 II. INTERNATIONAL ELECTION MONITORING: THE ELABORATION AND ENFORCEMENT OF PARTICIPATORY RIGHTS ......................................... 570 A. Election Monitoring Priorto 1945 .................................. 571 B. Monitoring Under the United Nations System .......................... 572 1. The -
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Universal Declaration of Human Rights Preamble Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people, Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law, Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations, Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in cooperation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms, Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge, Now, therefore, The General Assembly, Proclaims this Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction. -
Quong-Left-Libertarianism.Pdf
The Journal of Political Philosophy: Volume 19, Number 1, 2011, pp. 64–89 Symposium: Ownership and Self-ownership Left-Libertarianism: Rawlsian Not Luck Egalitarian Jonathan Quong Politics, University of Manchester HAT should a theory of justice look like? Any successful answer to this Wquestion must find a way of incorporating and reconciling two moral ideas. The first is a particular conception of individual freedom: because we are agents with plans and projects, we should be accorded a sphere of liberty to protect us from being used as mere means for others’ ends. The second moral idea is that of equality: we are moral equals and as such justice requires either that we receive equal shares of something—of whatever it is that should be used as the metric of distributive justice—or else requires that unequal distributions can be justified in a manner that is consistent with the moral equality of persons. These twin ideas—liberty and equality—are things which no sound conception of justice can properly ignore. Thus, like most political philosophers, I take it as given that the correct conception of justice will be some form of liberal egalitarianism. A deep and difficult challenge for all liberal egalitarians is to determine how the twin values of freedom and equality can be reconciled within a single theory of distributive justice. Of the many attempts to achieve this reconciliation, left-libertarianism is one of the most attractive and compelling. By combining the libertarian commitment to full (or nearly full) self-ownership with an egalitarian principle for the ownership of natural resources, left- libertarians offer an account of justice that appears firmly committed both to individual liberty, and to an egalitarian view of how opportunities or advantages must be distributed. -
Guidelines and Value Statement on Freedom of Speech and Expression
FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND EXPRESSION VALUE STATEMENT AND GUIDELINES Approved by USM Board of Regents June 21, 2019 Freedom of Speech and Expression Statement of Values The free exchange of ideas and information is central to higher education’s foremost obligation of fostering both intellectual development and the discovery and dissemination of knowledge. Scholarship and learning can only flourish in an environment in which the unfettered expression of all ideas is nurtured. To that end, the University System of Maryland (USM) is committed to promoting and protecting every person’s freedom to express their views, however controversial, in a lawful manner. With certain exceptions, such as threats of physical violence and unlawful harassment, free speech is protected by the United States Constitution. The State of Maryland and the USM share the commitment to free speech that is imbedded in our nation’s constitution. Any effort to limit protected speech based solely on content is a violation of USM’s legal and academic responsibilities and is therefore impermissible. The USM’s duty to advance facts and the truth -- as well as our commitment to the students, faculty, and staff who comprise the USM community -- can also impose an obligation to condemn, confront, or correct speech that is hateful or discriminatory. Institutional leaders and other campus community members may counter speech designed to denigrate others or undermine evidence- based scholarship with additional speech. Offensive speech cannot be banned, but it can—and often should—be challenged. A healthy and thriving community also depends on the civility of its members towards one another. -
Free Thought, Free Speech, Free Action Intellectual Individualism According to Robert H
Jacob A. Sandstrom Free Thought, Free Speech, Free Action Intellectual Individualism According to Robert H. Jackson The Robert H. Jackson Center 305 East Fourth Street Jamestown, New York 14701 716.483.6646 www.roberthjackson.org Free Thought, Free Speech, Free Action Intellectual Individualism According to Robert H. Jackson Abstract What can be said of a man whose life was so vibrant, yet so short? For Associate Justice Robert H. Jackson, words were a craft—his sword and his solace. Though Jackson’s life was cut short by a fatal heart attack, his words remain in his masterful writings, speeches, and opinions. Among the themes Jackson references, sanctity of individual thought—the basis of a functional democracy—is constant. A practical man, Jackson professed that though certain forms of harmful speech and action could be subject to limitation, thought was beyond the control of anyone but the individual. Ultimately, the public’s chief goal is to find items of “social value” through consensus, a result of discussions that welcome a wide range of opinions. Jackson’s views of free thought were strengthened by his time serving as U.S. Chief Prosecutor at Nuremberg; his willingness to pen opinions— particularly individual concurrences or dissents—following Nuremberg seems to be more than a mere matter of coincidence. This paradigm begs the question: what did Jackson find at Nuremberg that so profoundly altered his understanding of the world? The physical atrocities of World War II are upsetting to any empathetic human being; there is no doubt that Jackson was disturbed by the blatant horrors of Nazi rule.