The Reasons of Xenophobic and Racist Manifestation

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The Reasons of Xenophobic and Racist Manifestation VIRUS OF URGENCY Part #2 by CIVIC IDEA HANDS FACE SPACE VIRUS Design: Tamar Tkabladze OF The following people are responsible for the research: Tamar Avaliani Nana Akopiani Zurab Akhobadze URGENCY Tinatin Khidasheli Giorgi Kanashvili Translation: Versio LLC Published by Civic IDEA within the library of the Virtual Democracy Academy with the financial support of the Black Sea Trust Foundation and an endowment Prodemos. The opinions and assessments expressed by the authors may not necessarily reflect the position of the funding organization. Accordingly, the Foundation is not responsible for the content of the material. by CIVIC IDEA © Civic IDEA, 2020 www.civicidea.ge HANDS FACE SPACE VIRUS OF URGENCY Part #2 by CIVIC IDEA HANDS FACE SPACE C O N T E N T C O N T E N T Introduction .....................................................................................................................................6 Methodology and Limitations .......................................................................................................9 Hate Speech Manifestation towards Azerbaijani Community and State Policy ....................10 The reasons of xenophobic and racist manifestation .............................................................14 Dominant Narrative - “We” and “Others” ..................................................................................15 Signs of alienation of cultures, erasure of local culture and domination of Georgian culture .....................................................................................................................18 Narrative – “If you do not know the language, you have to keep silent and not demand the rights” ................................................................................................................22 Minorities as a threat ....................................................................................................................24 Challenges of the state and the media in informing minorities and the relevant consequences .............................................................................................................................27 Religion domination and the policy of expelling non-Orthodox ............................................29 Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and the State Response Policy...................................................30 Statements by government officials ...........................................................................................30 Minorities as a threat ....................................................................................................................32 The only political priority is Georgia’s right commitment to teaching the state language .......................................................................................................................34 The Signs of alienation of cultures, eradication of the local culture, and domination of the Georgian culture ...........................................................................................37 Definitions of terms .......................................................................................................................40 Bibliography ..................................................................................................................................41 Respondents ................................................................................................................................44 Organizations at the national level ............................................................................................45 International Organizations .........................................................................................................46 Introduction clusively through the prism of security pol- Introduction icy. The basis of such an approach is the narrative established in the 90s of the last century, as if there was a threat of separat- COVID-19 pandemic and the lockdown ism in the Azerbaijani community, just like of Marneuli and Bolnisi municipalities, the in the Armenian community. It is fair to say peripeteias associated with the Nariman that the Azerbaijani community has never Narimanov monument, and the events given any specific, tangible reason to any surrounding David Gareja, have uncov- of the authorities, and it would be perfect- ered a deep and veiled problem of de- ly legitimate to measure their loyalty to the cades of inequality and racism in society. Georgian state in exactly the same way as Although the state legislation of Georgia any other ethnic group living in Georgia, in- has been trying to develop a policy of cluding Georgians. equality for minorities for years, the con- The Georgian Orthodox Church plays struction of a multi-religious and multieth- an important role in deepening ethnic-re- nic state and the real integration of the ligious nationalism. The Church’s designa- minority community still remains a problem. tion of minority-populated areas as ‘Chris- From the 1990s to the present, Georgia has tian territory’ is indicated by the activity of not been able to overcome the narrative local dioceses and clergy in Kvemo Kartli of ethno-religious nationalism that ‘Being and the tendency to erect Christian crosses Georgian means being Christian’ and the in Muslim villages. rest is ‘a guest’ and ‘the other’. The dis- Along with the xenophobic statements course – ‘Us’ and ‘Others’, like other minori- made against the Azerbaijani community ties, applies to the Azerbaijani communi- during the pandemic, the continuation of ty in Georgia, but in the conditions of the the narrative of ethno-religious national- pandemic, it particularly affected them. ism is the peripeteias associated with the The fact that the Azerbaijani community Nariman Naromanov monument and the is considered a ‘foreigner’ by the public, issue of David Gareji. Behind these issues, along with belonging to a different ethnic in addition with the cultural dimension, lies group, is often facilitated by the lack of the issue of political representation, mon- knowledge of the Georgian language and oethnic and mono-religious domination. the adherence to Islam. In the eyes of the The statements stirring up religious hatred by dominant ethnos, the Azerbaijani commu- the bishops of Marneuli and Hujab over the nity was and is considered to be a stereo- dismantling of the Narimanov monument typically, backward and underdeveloped has gone unanswered by the state, while, entity. According to Kamran Mammadli, due to critical views, the State Security Ser- one of the Azerbaijani activists, they were vice of Georgia has launched an investiga- a tamed ‘sheep-breeder’ community. tion against the head of Supreme Religious The low level of community integration, for Administration of Georgia’s All Muslims - on many officials or politicians, is usually the completely vague grounds – accusing of fault of the Azerbaijani community and the sabotage. Neither the authorities had any line of accusation runs through ignorance reaction, even in the form of a political state- of the state language. And the problem ment-response, to the provocative state- of language ignorance is presented as ments of the bishop of Marneuli and Hujab if the community itself does not want to and the manipulation by the Gareji issue. learn the state language and integrate. The issue of the Narimanov monument itself The state views the minority community ex- is simple at first glance. The requirements of 6 ლობაა ტექნოლოგიური განვითარებისთ- საქართველოში საგანგებო მდგომარეო- ვის, რაც სამომავლო პერსპექტივაში ძა- ბის გამოცხადება-მართვის „ჩარჩო-მექა- ლიან გამოადგება სამყაროს, რადგან ნიზმი“ მოიცავს ხელისუფლების ორი ადამიანები ფორს-მაჟორულ გარემოში შტოს - აღმასრულებელი და საკანონ- შეიძენენ ახალ კიბერ უნარჩვევებს. მდებლო ინსტიტუციების ოპერატიულ ურ- თიერთთანამშრომლობას შემდეგი თან- მიმდევრობით: ბელგია ეპიდსიტუაციასთან ოპერატიულად და პრეზიდენტის პარლამენტის პრემიერ- ეფექტურად ადაპტირება შეძლო ბელგიამაც მიერ მიერ ამ -მინისტრის . მარტში, ბელგიის წარმომადგენელთა დეკრეტის დეკრეტის წარდგინება პალატამ რეგლამენტში შეიტანა ცვლილე- გამოცემა დამტკიცება. ბები, რომელთა თანახმადაც, გარკვეულ შემთხვევებში, პალატის წევრი „დასწრებუ- ლად“ მიიჩნევა მიუხედავად იმისა, იმყოფება ერთი შეხედვით, მექანიზმი საკმაოდ მყა- თუ არა იგი ფიზიკურად პლენარულ სხდო- რია, ვინაიდან ურთიერთკონტროლისა და მასა და კომიტეტის შეხვედრაზე. ასევე, ახა- ლი რეგლამენტის შესაბამისად, წევრებს ხელისუფლების შტოების ურთერთბალან- კენჭისყრაში ელექტრონულად ან ელ. ფოს- სის ელემენტებს შეიცავს და მიმართულია ტის მეშვეობით მონაწილეობის მიღების შე- აღმასრულებელი ხელისუფლების მხრი- საძლებლობა მიეცათ. დისტანციური კომი- დან, საგანგებო მდგომარეობის ფარგ- ტეტის სხდომებზე ხმის მიცემა ხდება ხელის ლებში, ავტორიტარული ქმედებების შეზ- აწევით ან ვერბალურად პროგრამული უზ- ღუდვისაკენ, თუმცა, სხვა საკითხია, რამ- რუნველყოფის ფარგლებში არსებული შე- საძლებლობების გამოყენებით. პლენარული დენად მუშაობას იგი პრაქტიკაში. სხდომისთვის კი, კენჭისყრა ხმის მიცემის ციფრული სისტემის საშუალებით ხდება, დღევანდელ რეალობაში საპარლამენტო რომელიც პანდემიის პერიოდში შეიმუშავა უმრავლესობა და მთავრობა ერთი პარტი- პარლამენტის IT დეპარტამენტმა, ფიზიკუ- ის წევრებითაა დაკომპლექტებული და რად და დისტანციურად მყოფი წევრებისთ- ვის. მაისში კი, წარმომადგენელთა პალატის პრეზიდენტიც სწორედ ამ პარტიის ღია გამოცდილება სენატმაც გაიზიარა. მხარდაჭერითაა არჩეული, პარლამენტის მიერ ზედამხედველობის განხორციელება 7 და აღმასრულებელი ხელისუფლების კრი- სამწუხაროდ, ამ მხრივ, ევროპის ქვეყ- ტიკული შეფასება რთული წარმოსადგენია. ნების მაგალითი არათუ
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