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Medicine in Practice: European Influences on the Ottoman Medical Habitat

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Medicine in Practice: European Influences on the Ottoman Medical Habitat turkish historical review 9 (2018) 213-241 brill.com/thr Medicine in Practice: European Influences on the Ottoman Medical Habitat Ebru Boyar Middle East Technical University, Ankara [email protected] Abstract This article considers the transfer of medical knowledge from Europe to the Ottoman empire and argues that what was significant in such transfer was medical practice rath- er than textual transfer, that the Ottomans were open to adopting medical knowledge from the non-Islamic world, the deciding factor being not the origin but the success- ful nature of the treatment, and that if there was a border which medical knowledge did not traverse, it was one created by everyday custom not by any Muslim/Christian divide or rejection of knowledge from outside. Keywords Ottoman medicine – syphilis – plague – Paracelsus – Galenic medicine – transfer of knowledge – Jewish physicians Traditionally Ottoman medicine has tended to be defined as Islamic by schol- ars in the field,1 who have also argued that ‘true’ European influence can only be found from the seventeenth century onwards. Bedi Şehsuvaroğlu, who 1 Uludağ, Osman Şevki, Osmanlılar Devrinde Türk Hekimliği, ed. Esin Kahya (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 2010), pp. 115 and 119; Adıvar, Abdülhak Adnan, Osmanlı Türklerinde İlim (Istanbul: Maarif Matbaası, 1943), passim; Şehsuvaroğlu, Bedi N., “Anadolu Türklerinde Eczacılık Öğretimine Bir Bakış ve İstanbul Eczacılık Fakültesi”, İstanbul Üniversitesi Eczacılık Fakültesi Mecmuası, 1/1 (1965), p. 91; Ağırakça, Ahmet, “Osmanlı Tıbbının Kaynakları”, in Osmanlılarda Sağlık i, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz and Necdet Yılmaz (Istanbul: Esen Ofset, 2006), p. 151. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi 10.1163/18775462-00903001Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 12:54:56AM via free access <UN> 214 Boyar has published much on this subject, has argued that Ottoman medicine was a continuation of Seljuk medicine, which he described as “Islamic, oriental and scholastic”, and that Ottoman medicine only “came into true contact with the West” in the seventeenth century. According to Şehsuvaroğlu, in the pe- riod before the seventeenth century, Ottoman medical relations with Europe were limited and were only possible thanks to doctors coming from Europe to Anatolia. With the increase of knowledge of languages including Latin, French and Italian among Ottoman doctors in the seventeenth century, con- tacts with Europe took on a “more definite character” beginning initially with the exchange of medicines and then expanding with the translation of medi- cal works.2 Other scholars have followed Şehsuvaroğlu, Nil Sarı, for example, claiming that Ottoman medicine was until the seventeenth century “charac- teristically Islamic”.3 For Esin Kahya and Ayşegül D. Erdemir, the seventeenth century was in medicine, as in other branches of science, “the period in which western influences began to appear for the first time”.4 One of the factors which led scholars such as Şehsuvaroğlu to regard Ot- toman medicine as practically sealed off from European influence before the seventeenth century was that very few medical texts were found in translation from the earlier period and that works written by Ottomans themselves relied on either classical Greek or classical Islamic texts.5 Among these few works, the earliest known translation of a European text into Ottoman was a Greek and Syriac source acquired during the conquest of Venetian Modon by the Ottomans in 1500 and translated by Cerrah İbrahim ibn Abdullah. According to Nuran Yıldırım, this was not a simple translation of an ancient text, for İbrahim ibn Abdullah added material from various works by Ottoman physicians as well as elements of his own medical experience to the copy found in Modon 2 Şehsuvaroğlu, Bedi N., Anadolu’da Dokuz Asırlık Türk Tıp Tarihi. Turkish History of Medicine in Anatolia for Nine Centuries. Histoire de la médecine des Turcs d’Anatolie (Istanbul: İsmail Akgün Matbaası, 1957), pp. 37–8. See also Şehsuvaroğlu, Bedi N., “Osmanlı Tababetinde Garplılaşma Cereyanları”, Tıp Fakültesi Mecmuası, 19/2 (1956), 168–92. Şehsuvaroğlu and his colleagues, repeated similar arguments almost 30 years later, Şehsuvaroğlu, Bedi N., Ayşegül Erdemir Demirhan and Gönül Cantay Güreşsever, Türk Tıp Tarihi (Bursa: n.p., 1984), p. 91. 3 Sarı, Nil, “A look through the international medical relations of Turkic peoples in history, with emphasis on the Ottoman-European relations”, Türkiye Klinikleri. Tıp Tarihi, 1/2 (2001), p. 82. 4 Kahya, Esin and Ayşegül D. Erdemir, Bilimin Işığında Osmanlıdan Cumhuriyete Tıp ve Sağlık Kurumları (Ankara: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı Yayınları, 2000), p. 173. 5 Ağırakça, “Osmanlı Tıbbının Kaynakları”, p. 159. turkish historicalDownloaded review from 9 Brill.com09/29/2021 (2018) 213-241 12:54:56AM via free access <UN> Medicine in Practice 215 to produce a new text.6 This text, then, became the first work in Turkish to give information on syphilis7 and injuries caused by firearms,8 areas which in fact European physicians had only just started to produce medical texts on. Apart from Cerrah İbrahim ibn Abdullah’s work, Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu and Ramazan Şeşen referred to the works of Abdüsselam el-Muhtedi el-Muhammedi (Hoca İliya el-Yahudi), Musa ibn Hamun (Moses Hamon), İbn Cani (Şaban ibn İshak el-İsraili) and Mahfi-i Gilani as showing European influence but argued that “the influence in these works was not particularly important from the point of view of medicine”.9 Behind Şehsuvaroğlu’s and others’ acceptance of the seventeenth century as the beginning of ‘true’ medical contact with the West was the clear use of western sources by the palace Head Physician, a Christian convert, Salih ibn Nasrullah (d. 1669–70), known also as Ibn Sallum in his works.10 In particular his Tıbb-ı Cedid al Kimyai,11 written in Arabic, was heavily based on the works of the Protestant Swiss German physician Paracelsus (1493–1541) who chal- lenged Galenic theory, claiming that “he could learn more medicine by travel- ling and observing than from any library, and that the books of Hippocrates and Galen should be burned”,12 and “introduced a new medical understanding, 6 Yıldırım, Nuran, “Türkçe Cerrahnâmeler (15. Yüzyıl)”, in 14. Yüzyıldan Cumhuriyet’e Hastalıklar, Hastaneler, Kurumlar. Sağlık Tarihi Yazıları – 1 (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2014), pp. 25–6. 7 Adıvar, Osmanlı Türklerinde İlim, p. 47. According to Yıldırım, Cerrah İbrahim ibn Abdullah did not simply translate the text but added parts to it on syphilis based on his knowledge and his practical experience. Yıldırım, Nuran, “Alâ’im-i Cerrâhîn’de Frengi”, 14. Yüzyıldan Cumhuriyet’e Hastalıklar, Hastaneler, Kurumlar. Sağlık Tarihi Yazıları – 1 (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2014), pp. 50–3. 8 Ağırakça, “Osmanlı Tıbbının Kaynakları”, p. 156; Yıldırım, “Türkçe Cerrahnâmeler (15. Yüzyıl)”, p. 28. 9 İhsanoğlu, Ekmeleddin and Ramazan Şeşen, “Osmanlı Tıbbī Bilimler Literatürü Tarihine Giriş”, in Osmanlı Tıbbi Bilimler Literatürü Tarihi (History of the Literature of Medical Sci- ences during the Ottoman Period), ed. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, Ramazan Şeşen, M. Serdar Bekar, Gülcan Gündüz and Veysel Bulut (Istanbul: ircica, 2008), vol. I, p. lxxxix. 10 For further information about him, see Miri Shefer-Mossensohn, “An Ottoman physician and his social and intellectual milieu: the case of Salih bin Nasrallah Ibn Sallum”, Studia Islamica, 1 (2010), 133–58. 11 Şehsuvaroğlu, Bedi N., Eczacılık Tarihi Dersleri (Istanbul: Hüsnütabiat Matbaası, 1970), p. 296; later in the eighteenth century, this book was translated from Arabic into Turkish by various physicians. Şehsuvaroğlu, Erdemir Demirhan and Cantay Güreşsever, Türk Tıp Tarihi, pp. 99–100. 12 French, Roger, Medicine before Science. The Business of Medicine from the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 148. turkish historical review 9 (2018) 213-241 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 12:54:56AM via free access <UN> 216 Boyar based on chemical principles”.13 Paracelsus, however, did not change medical understanding in Europe in this period and his new approach to medicine was not universally accepted.14 Among the ardent critics of the Paracelsian under- standing was Giovanni Tommaso Minadoi, who, shortly after his graduation from the University of Padua, went to Aleppo to serve as a physician attached to the Venetian consulate for two periods between 1578–1587, and there ob- tained both European acquaintances and local Ottoman connections. This access to Ottoman sources and his diplomatic missions on behalf of Venice enabled him to publish his famous Historia della guerra fra Turchi et Persiani (History of the War between Turks and Persians) in 1587.15 He later became a lecturer in practical medicine at the University of Padua where he wrote medi- cal texts reflecting “his habitual opposition to innovation in medical teaching”, mainly the Paracelsian ideas.16 Paracelsus, nevertheless, eased the way for further challenges to the Galenic theory from the seventeenth century onwards. Tıbb-ı Cedid (The New Medi- cine), in particular, became very popular in the eighteenth century among some Ottoman physicians who made extensive use of the works of Paracelsus and his followers in their medical texts.17 Through the translations and use of various medical texts from European languages, the eighteenth century further prepared the theoretical ground for the adoption of western medicine in the following century.18 It was for this reason, according to the eminent medical historian,
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