DOCSLIB.ORG

Russian Propaganda in British Newspapers: Framing of Russia in the Coverage of MH17 Flight Crash

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Russian Propaganda in British Newspapers: Framing of Russia in the Coverage of MH17 Flight Crash Russian Propaganda in British Newspapers: Framing of Russia in the Coverage of MH17 Flight Crash Master’s Thesis Yuliia Verbunt Student number: 11181338 Graduate School of Communication Master’s Programme Communication Science Political Communication Track Supervised by dr. Jasper van de Pol June 18th, 2017 1 Abstract Russian government has launched a massive propagandistic campaign in Western informational environment to ameliorate European public opinion and to justify its annexation of Crimea, invasion into Eastern Ukraine, and especially the shooting down a civilian flight MH17. As little is still known about the impact of Russian propaganda onto Western media, I use a quantitative framing analysis to reveal how Russia was presented in the coverage of MH17 case by six daily British newspapers of different nature (quality and sensationalist) and ownership (owned by Russian Alexander Lebedev, international News Corp and purely British companies). The coverage of MH17 case in the UK is characterized by a decline of negative tone towards Russia as well as the decline of responsibility and Russian responsibility frames over time, weak conflict frame, absence of fake news frame and absence of critique while citing Russian sources. Ownership and newspaper nature played a significant role in the frame-building process: Russian owned newspapers and sensationalist newspapers were framing Russia in a more favourable manner, which could be the indication of their susceptibility to Russian propaganda. Key words: Russian propaganda, MH17, frame-building, organizational level of influence. 2 Russian Propaganda in British Newspapers: Framing of Russia in the Coverage of MH17 Flight Crash Introduction Officials of the European Union officially acknowledged the presence of Kremlin’s propaganda in the European media environment which aims to influence European public opinion and to create political support for Russian actions undermining the coherence of the EU foreign policy (EP, 2016). On the 23rd of November 2016, the European Parliament adopted a Resolution “EU strategic communication to counteract propaganda against it by third parties” (2016/2030(INI), which states the following (Article 8) : “Russian Government is employing a wide range of tools and instruments, such as think tanks and special foundations (e.g. Russkiy Mir), special authorities (Rossotrudnichestvo), multilingual TV stations (e.g. RT), pseudo news agencies and multimedia services (e.g. Sputnik), cross-border social and religious groups, … social media and internet trolls to challenge democratic values, divide Europe, gather domestic support and create the perception of failed states in the EU’s eastern neighbourhood”. Nevertheless, despite massive Russian attempts to influence opinions of EU citizens, polls show a clear deterioration of Russia’s image throughout the EU countries over the last years. Pew Research survey (2015) shows that 66% of UK citizens, 70% of Germans and French, and 80% of Poles have an unfavourable opinion about Russia. Still, widespread distrust of the Kremlin does not necessarily mean that Russian information activities are ineffective, as they also aim to confuse the audience and destabilize the political landscape (Russel, 2016). The majority of existing studies on Russian media warfare are focused on finding the evidence of Russia’s spreading propaganda, misinformation, fake news, lies and confusion in the 3 EU informational environment. For example, already in 2011, Borchers found the proofs of propagandistic nature of the coverage of Russo-Baltic relationships (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) by RT channel; the same style was confirmed in the coverage of Russia’s military intervention to Syria (Imamgaiazova, 2016) and to Ukraine (Evans, 2015), including the case of MH17 downing (Oates, 2014; Lopatynska, 2015). An increasing amount of disinformation, forged telegrams and fake news items have been detected in the Finnish (Aro, 2016) and Swedish (Kragh & Åsberg, 2017) informational landscapes, especially in at least two important areas: Swedish–NATO cooperation and Swedish/EU support for Ukraine. So far, little is known about the effects of Russian media warfare onto European media outlets. Lelich (2014) states that Russian propaganda is sometimes picked up and rebroadcast by legitimate news outlets and more often by social media, for example, German news sources rebroadcast Russian disinformation about atrocities in Ukraine in early 2014. Similarly, Kragh and Åsberg (2017) declare that wittingly or unwittingly Swedish newspapers have performed a role of interlocutors of the disinformation. Aro (2016) says that some international media outlets had to close the comment sections on their websites because of the attacks of Russian Internet trolls. Aro (2016) came to the conclusion that aggressive pro-Russia propaganda trolls in social media had an impact on Finnish citizens as some of them had stopped discussing Russian politics online or became really confused about what was true or false about the war in Ukraine. Kremlin is also conducting aggressive slander campaigns against oppositional journalists and media; “both in Finland and internationally there have been various cases in which pro-Kremlin influencers have intimidated citizens, journalists and researchers who have attempted to uncover 4 Russian info-war tactics.” (p.127). She is of the opinion that Russian propaganda is a threat to the national security of Finland and other countries, especially those where the system of education and public broadcasting tradition are less developed than in Finland. These conclusions are made based on qualitative academic or empirical research. Meanwhile, there is still no quantitative academic research focusing on the effects of Russian media warfare and detecting if the content of Western media outlets was sensitive towards Russian destructive informational efforts. De Vreese (2005) states that framing is an effective tool to study media content because framing is focused on the presentation of issues and the salience of different aspects of these issues. Studying the content through the evolvement of various frames around Russia (like responsibility frame, conflict frame, etc) could provide a more comprehensive picture of Russian image in Western media and thus reveal if there is an influence of Russian propaganda on democratic outlets. In this research, I will make the first academic attempt to examine through a quantitative content analysis if the presentation of Russia and frames around it were influenced by the Russian position in the British coverage of MH17 flight crash. British newspapers were chosen for several reasons. Firstly, the main broadcasting language of all Russian own foreign media is English, and the Headquarters of Russia Today and Sputnik are located in London. Secondly, British citizens were among the victims of MH17crash. Thirdly, British media landscape represents a rich variety of newspapers of different nature (tabloids and broadsheets) and of various ownership including Russian owned newspapers. The ownership and the nature of newspapers are important for this study as they are proved to influence a frame-building process (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996; Semetko & Vakenburg, 2000). 5 The case of downing the Malaysia airlines flight MH17 Amsterdam – Kuala Lumpur matches perfectly the purpose of this research. According to Oates (2014), Russia immediately developed an alternative strategic state narrative about MH17 crash shifting the blame to Ukraine. It launched global broadcasting and expensive online propaganda to dominate international debate surrounding MH17 crash (Sienkiewicz, 2015). Moreover, the ongoing investigation about the crash which lasts for almost three years gives a possibility to examine frames in a longitudinal perspective. I hypothesize in this paper that absence/decline of some frames as well as favourable tone towards Russia or citing Russian sources without any criticism could be an indication of Russian propaganda influence. Comparative analysis across different types of ownership and nature of newspapers should reveal which types of outlets were more favourable towards Russian position. The goal of this research is to answer the question of how has the framing of Russia been evolving in the coverage of MH17 downing across different British newspapers? Context In March 2014, Russia annexed Crimea in the south of Ukraine and started an undeclared “hybrid” war in the eastern Ukraine (Hoskins & O'Loughlin, 2015). NATO is describing Russian tactics in Ukraine and the hybrid war as: “a new form of warfare ... combining an intensive information campaign, cyber warfare and the use of highly trained Special Operation Forces” (NATO STRATCOM, 2014, p. 4). As of 2017, Russia was still denying the presence of its troops in Ukraine, describing the conflict as a civil war. There are elements of both indirect (propaganda) as well as direct Russian involvement in the Ukrainian conflict, which are manifested by the constant presence of thousands of Russian troops and by arming, training and equipping Ukrainian insurgents (Gibney, 2015). 6 In the midst of this war, Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 flying from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur was shot down on the 17th of July, 2014 from the territory of eastern Ukraine, which is under the control of separatists. This crash is one the deadliest airliners shoot down, taking the lives of 298 people (193 Dutch citizens, 43 Malaysian, 27 Australian, 10 British and others). At the same
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Russian Foreign Policy and National Identity
    University of New Orleans ScholarWorks@UNO Senior Honors Theses Undergraduate Showcase 12-2017 Russian Foreign Policy and National Identity Monica Hanson-Green University of New Orleans Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Hanson-Green, Monica, "Russian Foreign Policy and National Identity" (2017). Senior Honors Theses. 99. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/99 This Honors Thesis-Restricted is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by ScholarWorks@UNO with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Honors Thesis-Restricted in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Honors Thesis-Restricted has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY An Honors Thesis Presented to the Program of International Studies of the University of New Orleans In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts, with University High Honors and Honors in International Studies By Monica Hanson-Green December 2017 Advised by Dr. Michael Huelshoff ii Table of Contents
    [Show full text]
  • How the Kremlin Weaponizes Information, Culture and Money by Peter Pomerantsev and Michael Weiss
    The Menace of Unreality: How the Kremlin Weaponizes Information, Culture and Money by Peter Pomerantsev and Michael Weiss A Special Report presented by The Interpreter, a project of the Institute of Modern Russia imrussia.org interpretermag.com The Institute of Modern Russia (IMR) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan public policy organization—a think tank based in New York. IMR’s mission is to foster democratic and economic development in Russia through research, advocacy, public events, and grant-making. We are committed to strengthening respect for human rights, the rule of law, and civil society in Russia. Our goal is to promote a principles- based approach to US-Russia relations and Russia’s integration into the community of democracies. The Interpreter is a daily online journal dedicated primarily to translating media from the Russian press and blogosphere into English and reporting on events inside Russia and in countries directly impacted by Russia’s foreign policy. Conceived as a kind of “Inopressa in reverse,” The Interpreter aspires to dismantle the language barrier that separates journalists, Russia analysts, policymakers, diplomats and interested laymen in the English-speaking world from the debates, scandals, intrigues and political developments taking place in the Russian Federation. CONTENTS Introductions ...................................................................... 4 Executive Summary ........................................................... 6 Background ........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • India-Russia Cooperation
    OCTOBER 2017 Exploring New Drivers in India-Russia Cooperation ALEKSEI ZAKHAROV Exploring New Drivers in India-Russia Cooperation ALEKSEI ZAKHAROV ABOUT THE AUTHOR Alaksei Zakharov obtained his Diploma of Specialist in International Relations from the Volgograd State University. He completed his PhD on US-India relations (1991-2016) at the same university, where his PhD viva was held in October 2017. He is a research fellow at the Centre for Indian Studies, Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences. He worked on this paper while working as a Visiting Fellow at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. ISBN : 978-81-935589-7-3 © 2017 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from ORF. Exploring New Drivers in India-Russia Cooperation ABSTRACT The 70th anniversary of Russia-India relations is an opportune time to make a comprehensive assessment of the current state of their cooperation, keeping in mind the long history of friendship between the two countries. In the last few years, India and Russia have been struggling to retain the legacy of their long-term relationship while moving beyond the traditional spheres of cooperation to reach new heights. To expand their bilateral agenda, it is time for Moscow and New Delhi to identify more promising fields of cooperation and boost their engagement in these. INTRODUCTION A cursory look at the last few joint statements of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin may suggest that not only is the bilateral relationship well and healthy, but that it is continually evolving.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Corporate Raiding: a Discussion of Advanced Fraud Schemes in the Russian Market
    111th CONGRESS Printed for the use of the 2d Session Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe BEYOND CORPORATE RAIDING: A DISCUSSION OF ADVANCED FRAUD SCHEMES IN THE RUSSIAN MARKET NOVEMBER 9, 2010 Briefing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe Washington: 2015 VerDate Sep 11 2014 04:03 Sep 01, 2015 Jkt 095243 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 3190 Sfmt 3190 E:\HR\OC\A243.XXX A243 smartinez on DSK4TPTVN1PROD with HEARINGS g:\graphics\CSCE.eps Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 234 Ford House Office Building Washington, DC 20515 202–225–1901 [email protected] http://www.csce.gov Legislative Branch Commissioners SENATE HOUSE BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, MARYLAND, ALCEE L. HASTINGS, FLORIDA, Chairman Co-Chairman CHRISTOPHER DODD, CONNECTICUT EDWARD MARKEY, MASSACHUSETTS SAM BROWNBACK, KANSAS LOUISE MCINTOSH SLAUGHTER, SAXBY CHAMBLISS, GEORGIA NEW YORK RICHARD BURR, NORTH CAROLINA MIKE MCINTYRE, NORTH CAROLINA ROGER WICKER, MISSISSIPPI G.K. BUTTERFIELD, NORTH CAROLINA JEANNE SHAHEEN, NEW HAMPSHIRE JOSEPH PITTS, PENNSYLVANIA SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, RHODE ISLAND ROBERT ADERHOLT, ALABAMA TOM UDALL, NEW MEXICO DARRELL ISSA, CALIFORNIA EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS MICHAEL POSNER, Department of State ALEXANDER VERSHBOW, Department of Defense (II) VerDate Sep 11 2014 04:03 Sep 01, 2015 Jkt 095243 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 3190 Sfmt 3190 E:\HR\OC\A243.XXX A243 smartinez on DSK4TPTVN1PROD with HEARINGS ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION FOR SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE The Helsinki process, formally titled the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, traces its origin to the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in Finland on August 1, 1975, by the leaders of 33 European countries, the United States and Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • Eurasian Union: the Real, the Imaginary and the Likely
    CHAILLOT PAPER Nº 132 — September 2014 Eurasian Union: the real, the imaginary and the likely BY Nicu Popescu Chaillot Papers European Union Institute for Security Studies EU Institute for Security Studies 100, avenue de Suffren 75015 Paris http://www.iss.europa.eu Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2014. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. ISBN: 978-92-9198-247-9 ISSN: 1683-4917 QN-AA-14-002-EN-N DOI : 10.2815/42011 Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in Condé-sur-Noireau (France) by Corlet Imprimeur. Graphic design by Metropolis, Lisbon. EURASIAN UNION: THE REAL, THE IMAGINARY AND THE LIKELY Nicu Popescu CHAILLOT PAPERS September 2014 132 The author Nicu Popescu, Ph.D, is a Senior Analyst at the EUISS where he deals with EU-Russia relations and the post-Soviet space. He is the author of EU Foreign Policy and Post-Soviet Conflicts: Stealth Intervention (Routledge, 2011) and a former advisor to the Moldovan Prime Minister. European Union Institute for Security Studies Paris Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2014. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. Contents Foreword 5 Antonio Missiroli Introduction 7 The real Eurasia 9 1 Decision-making 11 Economics 11 Political commitment 13 The Russian debate 14 Russkii Mir vs Eurasia? 17 The geopolitical Eurasia 19 2 Deepening vs widening 19 The current members 20 The future members 22 The Chinese neighbour
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of Russia's Soft Power
    The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power Results of the Past Twenty Years Vera D. Ageeva Vera D. Ageeva, PhD in International Relations Higher School of Economics in St. Petersburg, Russia Department of Political Science and International Relations Deputy Head of Department, Associate Professor Paris Institute of Political Studies (Sciences Po Paris), France The Centre for International Studies (CERI) Doctoral Student ORCID: 0000-0002-5419-0968 SPIN RSCI: 3009-1828 E-mail: [email protected] Tel.: +7 (812) 644-59-11*61415 Address: 123 Griboedov Embankment, St. Petersburg 190008, Russia E-mail: [email protected] Address: 27 Rue Saint-Guillaume, Paris 75007, France DOI: 10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-1-118-145 Abstract The article examines the evolution of Russia’s soft power strategy over the past twenty years. The author analyzes the goals the Russian leadership set when starting this work, and shows that those goals were not limited to improving the Russian image on the world stage. The following periodization of Russia’s soft power evolution is proposed: the rise (2000-2007/2008), institutionalization (2007/2008-2013/2014), and tightening (2013/2014- till present). The article explores how Russian soft power changed during these periods: what tools were used, what role formal and informal institutions played, and what ideas and values were used as a foreign policy 118 RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power narrative. The analysis of the evolution of the Russian strategy allows us to correlate different stages of its development with Joseph Nye’s concept, as well as to show the intermediate and final results of its implementation.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of the Putin Consensus Ben Judah and Andrew Wilson
    M P o e L M i CY The end of The o PuTin Consensus Ben Judah and Andrew Wilson Since December, Russia has been rocked by mass protests SU The “Putin consensus” of the 2000s is over. demanding clean elections and an end to the culture of Although Prime Minister Vladimir Putin is immunity on corruption. After a decade of over-control, certain to win a hollow victory in the Russian Russia is undergoing a process of re-politicisation. After presidential elections in March, the current the financial crisis exposed Russia’s chronic governance MMARY electoral cycle has weakened his authority and crisis and its dashed dreams of being a rising economic shown the fragility of his regime. Russia is undergoing a process of re-politicisation and is power, as ECFR argued in Dealing with a Post-BRIC entering a phase of “late Putinism” that is likely Russia, the “Putin consensus” has broken down and to be characterised by elite divisions, continued the “Putin majority” in society has decayed.1 However, protests and a gradual ebbing away of popular although Russia is restless, it is not yet revolutionary. support. The protest movement that erupted There is still a passive Putin plurality, largely drawn from after the falsified vote in the parliamentary the older, poorer and more provincial parts of society election in December has not yet challenged that are frightened of change and see no alternative to Putin’s grip on power but is nevertheless a symptom of an increasingly unstable Russia. Putin. The protest movement remains a minority, but it is concentrated in the country’s most dynamic demographics The European Union should see the current – particularly among Muscovites the new middle classes, crisis as a clear signal that the Putin system will the young and the cultural elites.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Investment Protection in EU-Russia Relations
    POLICY BRIEFS No. 02/2010 ISSN 1653-8994 Vested and Invested Interests: The Role of Investment Protection in EU-Russia Relations Fredrik Erixon and Iana Dreyer Fredrik Erixon ([email protected]) is Director of ECIPE and Iana Dreyer ([email protected]) is an independent consultant Relations between the European Union and Russia its economic statecraft and approach to foreign eco- have lately been improving. After years with a turbu- nomic relations. Russia has reissued its application to lent stop-go relation, fraught by Russian assertiveness join the World Trade Organisation (WTO) alone (and and unpredictability, and the Kremlin’s desire to re- not as a Customs Union together with Belarus and Ka- gain its regional power, there are signs that the Rus- zakhstan), and communicated a willingness to join the sian leadership is warming up to a new approach that WTO sooner rather than later. And it has signaled an is more constructive and aims for deeper integration interest to press ahead with negotiations with the EU with world and European markets through new com- over commercial policy. The first step towards that end mercial policy deals. The crisis, which hit Russia hard, is a new Partnership for Modernization. has forced upon Russia a more realistic notion about SUMMARY This paper concerns Russia’s invest- core principles of trade and investment. lavish investment projects in Europe, and ment policy and why Europe should put when Europe is building up a collective greater emphasis on its policy for im- It simply is not possible for Russia to re- approach for addressing investment proving investment protection in Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • Announcement – Independent Print Ltd
    ANNOUNCEMENT – INDEPENDENT PRINT LTD Independent Print Limited acquires Independent and Independent on Sunday LONDON, March 25--Independent Print Limited, a company owned by the Lebedev family, has agreed to acquire The Independent and Independent on Sunday newspapers in a deal that will safeguard the future of the business. The agreement provides a commitment by the Lebedev family to invest in the newspapers, which are currently loss-making, and inject new energy and impetus into them. The purchase of the Independent newspapers follows the Lebedevs’ acquisition last year of a 75% shareholding in the London Evening Standard. Since then the Evening Standard’s circulation has risen from 250,000 to 600,000 and it is now read by 1.4 million Londoners daily, substantially increasing its commercial revenues. Evgeny Lebedev last month became Chairman of Evening Standard Ltd. Completion of the transaction is expected to take place in May 2010 following employee consultation and receipt of the relevant regulatory approval. In addition to the London Evening Standard, The Lebedevs also co-own, with President Mikhail Gorbachev, Novaya Gazeta, one of Russia's few pro-democracy newspapers. The paper has a reputation for independence and high-quality journalism. Anna Politkovskaya, whose fearless reports from Chechnya resulted in her assassination in 2006, worked for Novaya Gazeta. Alexander Lebedev said: "I invest in institutions which contribute to democracy and transparency and, at the heart of that, are newspapers which report independently and campaign for the truth to be revealed. I am a supporter of in-depth investigative reporting and campaigns which promote transparency and seek to fight international corruption.
    [Show full text]
  • Extending Russia Competing from Advantageous Ground
    Extending Russia Competing from Advantageous Ground James Dobbins, Raphael S. Cohen, Nathan Chandler, Bryan Frederick, Edward Geist, Paul DeLuca, Forrest E. Morgan, Howard J. Shatz, Brent Williams C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR3063 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0021-5 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: Pete Soriano/Adobe Stock Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report documents research and analysis conducted as part of the RAND Corporation research project Extending Russia: Competing from Advantageous Ground, sponsored by the Army Quadrennial Defense Review Office, Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff G-8, Headquarters, Department of the Army.
    [Show full text]
  • Esi Manual, the Russian Debate on the South Caucasus: Who Is Who?
    ESI MANUAL THE RUSSIAN DEBATE ON THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: WHO IS WHO? Part 1: Russian Print Media Berlin – Istanbul, December 2009 2 Russia’s Foreign Policy and the Caucasus ~ Contents ~ NEWSPAPERS ..................................................................................................................................................... 3 DAILIES .............................................................................................................................................................. 4 WEEKLIES ......................................................................................................................................................... 12 NEWS AGENCIES............................................................................................................................................. 14 WEB-MEDIA ...................................................................................................................................................... 17 ENGLISH LANGUAGE MEDIA ..................................................................................................................... 26 Russia’s Foreign Policy and the Caucasus 3 NEWSPAPERS Most widely read Russian newspapers by circulation and Average Issue Readership (AIR). Paper Owner Circulation Average Issue Readership (AIR) DAILY NEWSPAPERS Moskovsky Komsomolets Pavel Gusev 2.040,000 ---- Komsomolskaya Pravda YeSN 640,900 2.171,500 Rossiyskaya Gazeta Russian government 218,905 1.160,900 Izvestiya SOGAZ 177,000 420,200 Novaya Gazeta* Staff
    [Show full text]
  • Representations of Eastern Europe in NATO and EU Expansion Jason N
    Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2003 European Re-Union: Representations of Eastern Europe in NATO and EU Expansion Jason N. Dittmer Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES EUROPEAN RE-UNION: REPRESENTATIONS OF EASTERN EUROPE IN NATO AND EU EXPANSION By JASON N. DITTMER A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Geography In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2003 The members of the Committee approve the dissertation of Jason N. Dittmer defended on March 25, 2003 ______________________________ Patrick O’Sullivan Professor Directing Dissertation Jonathan Grant Outside Committee Member ______________________________ Jonathan Leib Committee Member ______________________________ Jan Kodras Committee Member Approved: _____________________________ Barney Warf, Chair, Department of Geography The Office of Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above committee members. ii This dissertation is dedicated to my mother, who always made her children’s education a priority and gave up many of her own personal satisfactions to make sure that we were in the best schools with the best teachers. Thanks Mom… This dissertation is also dedicated to Karl Fiebelkorn, who would be mortified to know that something so academic as this dissertation was dedicated to him. But think of it this way Karl – this is just to tide you over until I can dedicate to you my magnum opus: “I See How It Is”: Reflections on Brotherhood. You are missed, Karl. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the assistance of a great many of my colleagues and friends, who have all influenced my thoughts on these matters (and many others).
    [Show full text]