BEmENECSTASY AND TERROR:

MANIFESTATIONS OF MARGINALITY IN THE EXPEmNCES OF ONTARIO SCHOOL BOARD TEACHERS OF ADULTS

Elizabeth Wallace Williams

A thesis submitted in conforrnity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Adult Education, Counselling Psychology and Cornmunity Development Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto

O Copyright by Elizabeth Wallace Williams, 1999 National Library Bibliothèque nationale I*m of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliogrsphic Services services bibliographiques 395 Welligton Street 395, nre Wellington O(tawaûN K1AW OttawaON KtAON4 Canada canada

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The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fkom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. BETWEEN ECSTASY AND TERROR: MANIFESTATIONS OF MARGINALITY IN THE EXPERIENCES OF ONTARIO SCHOOL BOARD TEACHERS OF ADULTS

Elizabeth Wallace Williams Supervisor: OISE/University of Toronto, 1999 Professor A.M. Thomas

The genesis of this study is the statement that adult education is marginal. The purpose of the research was to examine this claim and gain greater understanding of the status of adult education practitioners. Teachers employed by Ontario school boards to work with adults were chosen to participate in the study. A qualitative research paradigm was chosen which adopted a five-stage approach to the investigation.

First, background information about school board adult education was gathered, in order to demonstrate the context for the study. Next, the literature was reviewed and three theoretical constmcts of marginality were identified, along with research questions.

Those questions formed an interview protocol for the third stage of inquiry, which was the interviewing of school board teachers of adults. Fourthly, the data fiom the interviews were analyzed using the constructs of marginality as a hnework. Finally, conclusions were drawn f?om the findings.

One conclusion of the study is that there are manifestations of margînality in the experiences of school board teachers of adults. Other conclusions are that those teachers of adults are in the margins of the teaching profession, and also in the margins of school board organizations. Furthemore, it is concluded that the belief that schoot boards exist to educate youth results in the perception that adult educators are marginal, and causes them to experience the effects of that status. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Six years. Nobody told me it would take this long, or that the rest of my iife wodd have to be put on hold. But 1 have enjoyed every minute -well almost every minute. And, throughout, 1 have been encouraged by family, fÎiends, neighbom, w- workers in Ontario and British Columbia and the students, staffand faculty at OISERJT.

To dl, 1 owe my thaaks.

In addition, there are some people 1 want to acknowledge in particular. Firsf 1 must thank the two people who have loved me al1 my life and supported me in every way:

Mary and Peter. Behaving more like surrogate parents, than sister and brother-in-law, their unfailing faith in me has sustained me and given me a reason to go on. 1 cm never repay them for everything they have done for me, except to promise not to bully their son,

John, any more. My graduation will cause almost as much celebration as if Wales had beaten England at rugby, and even my late mother and father must surely be singing

Welsh hyrnns of praise together somewhere.

My daughters, Kimberley, Deborah and Vivienne must receive special awards for living with a mother who is addicted to leaming. For twenty years our kitchen table has been covered with half-written essays instead of fieshly-baked cookies. In spite of this, or dare 1 Say because of it, they have al1 grown up to be bright, responsible young women who have made me proud.

Of al1 the people who have encouraged me in my studies, it is Edward who has been by devoted mentor, day by day. He never doubted that 1 would finish, and 1 cannot

iii thank him enough for his assistance. I have been inspired by bis own brilliant min& his talents in so many disciplines, and his unshakable beiief that mi wine and garlic can cure al1 evils.

Tnbute must aiso be paid to al1 the students and staff on the seventh floor of

OISEKJT. Above dl, 1 must give a Wtual hug to the three people who have been my study support group for over three years: Dr. Gordon Ball, Jayne Butler and Maureen

Simpkins. Thank you for the challenging debate and laughter. Two down, two to go. Our meetings will continue until we have al1 graduated; our fiiendship will endure long after.

Many OISERIT faculty have dso played an important role in my joumey, and 1 have appreciated the hours they have spent reading my papers and guiding my thinking, particularly my first faculty advisor, Dr. Bill Alexander, canoeist extraordinary. A deep debt of gratitude is owed to my thesis cornmittee: my supe~sor,Dr. Alan Thomas, who has energized me by his cornmitment to adult education; Dr. Richard Townsend, whose warm enthusiasm and attention to detail have carried me forward step by step; Dr. Marg

Schneider, whose analytical mind and gentle prodding to use fewer words helped me to reach the end of this study. As well, I am grateful to Dr. James Draper and Dr. David

Radcliffe for their kind support during my oral examination.

The final acknowledgements go to the meen people who must forever be

nameless. They are the school board teachers of adults who were intewiewed for this

study, and contributed in so many ways to the research. I was moved by the stories of

their work with adult students, and awed by their dedication, honesty and keen

appreciation of the issues. These outstanding adult educators have my admiration.

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abs tract ii Acknow ledgernents iii

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY 1.1 Preamble 1.2 Purpose of the Study 1.3 Sûucture of the Thesis 1.4 The Researcher and the Research Paradigm 1.5 Working Defmition of Terms 1.6 Rationale for and Significance of the Study 1.7 Context for the Study 1.8 Statement of the Problem 1.9 Research Questions 1.1 OMethodology 1.1 1Limitations of the Study 1.12Expected Outcomes of the Study 1.13Chapter Summary

CHAf TER 2: BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY: A CHRONOLOGY OF ADULT EDUCATION 2 1 2.1 Introduction 21 2.2 Adult Education in Ontario School Boards: History and Early Policy 21 2.3 Adult Education in Ontario School Boards: Programs and Participation up to the 1990s 30 2.3.1 Community and Non-Credit Continuhg Education 3 1 2.3.2 AduIt Courses Leading to a Seconâary School Diploma 36 2.4 School Board Adult Education 1990-1996: From Boom to Bust 44 2.4. I The Boom Years in the Early 1990s 44 2.4.2 Growing Concems in the Fall of 1994 47 2.4.3 Events of Early 1995 48 2.4.4 Changes in the Spring and Summer of 1995 49 2.4.5 Announcements in the Fa11 of 1995 52 2.4.6 Conflict Erom January to June of 1996 55 2.4.7 Status of Prograrns in the Fall of 1996 62 2.5 Chapter Summary 65

CHAPTER 3: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 3. l introduction 3.2 Marghality and Adult Education 3.2.1 US Opinion on Marginality and Adult Education 3.2.2 Canadian Opinion on Marginality and Adult Education 3.2.3 Marglliality and Ontario School Board Adult Educatian 3.3 Marginality and Adult Education: Confusion, Order, Issues and Questions 3.3.1 The Issue of Defining Marginality 3.3.2 Entry into Marginality 3.3 -3 Relationships 3.3.4 Experiences of Marginality 3.3.5 The Response to Marginality 3.3.6 Summary of Questions Drawn fiom the Adult Education Literature 3.4 Questioning Marginality 3.4.1 What is Marginality? 3.4.2 What are the Circurnstances Surrounding Entry into Marginality? 3.4.3 Who or What is at the Centre, and What are the Relationships.. .? 3.4.4 What are the Experiences of Marginality? 3.4.5 What are the Responses to Marg inality? 3.5 Seeking Manifestations of Marginality in the Experiences of School Board Teachers of Adults 3 .S. 1 Caveat 1 3.5.2 Caveat 2 3.6 Chapter Summary

CWPTER 4: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Theories Under-Pinning the Research Methodology 4.3 Considering Qualitative and Quantitative Research 4.3. I Quantitative Research 4.3.2 Qualitative Paradigrns 4.3.3 Choosing a Qualitative Approach 4.4 Key Considerations in Framing Questions 4.4.1 Validity of the Interview Data 4.4.2 Bias of the Researcher and Participants 4.4.3 The Extent of Structure in the Interviewing 4.4.4 Research Relationship 4.5 The Interview Protocol 4.5.1 Frarnework for Questioning 4.5.2 Rationale for Interview Questions 4.5.3 Field Testing of Questions 4.6 The SeIection of Participants 4.6.1 Criteria for SeIection 4.6.2 IdentifLing the Population 4.6.3 Recruitrnent of Participants 4.7 The lnterviewing Process 4.8 Data Management and Interpretation 4.9 Chapter Summary

CHAPTER 5: TEACHERS OF ADULTS SPEAK 5. 1 Introduction 5.2 Teachers of Adults Introduce Themselves 5.3 The Voices of Teachers of Adults 5.4 Chapter Summary

CHAPTER 6: LOOKING FOR MANIFESTATIONS OF MARGMALITY M STORIES OF TEACHERS 6.1 Introduction 204 6.2 Teachers of Adults Speak About MarginaIity 204 6.3 Manifestations of Three Constructs of Marginality 225 6.3.1 Manifestations of Marginal Man as a Condition with a Type 225 6.32 Manifestations of Marginality as a Stage 240 6-3.3 Manifestations of Marginality as Myth 256 6.4 Conclusion 268 6.5 Chapter Summary 269 vi CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS,RECOMMENDATIONS, REFLECTIONS 7.1 introduction 7.2 Conclusions about Marginality in the Context of School Board Adult Education 7.3 Conclusions About the Status of School Board Teachers of Adult 7.3.1 School Board Adult Educators are in the Margins of the Teaching Profession 7.3.2 Aduk Educatots in the Margins are in the Margins of School Board Organkations 7.4 Implications 7.4.1 Implications for Theory 7.42 Implications for the Practice of School Board Adult Education 7.4.3 Implications for Society 7.5 Recommendations 7.5.1 Recommendations for Future Research 7.52 Recommendations for Policy Developrnent 7.6 Thesis Summary 7.7 Final Refiections

REFERENCES

APPENDICES A. Glossary of Acronyms B. Letter of Informed Consent C. Confidential Participant Information Fonn D. Interview Protocol E. Diagram of School Board

LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES

Figure 1 : Consûuct of Marginality Man as a Condition with a Type Figure 2: Construct of Marginality as a Stage

Table 1: Musgrove, F (1977). Four-Fold Classification of Responses to Marginality Table 2: Summary of the Construct of Marginality as a Stage

vii CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

Within adult education, both programs and educators are, in a word, marginal. Organizationally, the public school structure imposes a marginal position on its adult education programs. (Clark, 1958, p. 1)

1.1. Preamble

In 1958, Burton Clark wrote a monograph entitled: The Marginal@ of A&

Educafion. He was probably not the first one to refer to the marginal status of adult education. He certainly was not the last.

As a survey of the literature will show, there have been repeated assertions that adult education is marginal. However, there is little evidence that these claims have been exarnined within a theoretical framework of marginality. In particular, no one appears to have questioned the use of the tenn marginal in relation to the experiences of adult educators who are practising in Ontario school board settings.

Berger (1969) argues that that the experience of being marginal can be 6'ecstasy", that is literally in an outside status of [email protected]), but feelings of "terrer" cm also anse among those on the rnargins who are not buffered by the institutions in society (p.

93). Hypotheticdy, then, marginality causes people to exist somewhere between ecstasy and terror. This is the starting point for our study. 1.2. Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is twofold: ht,to explore the statement that adult education is marginal; second, to gain greater understanding of the status of adult education practitioners. Teachers employed by school boards in the province of Ontario to teach adults were chosen to participate in the research.

It would have been a gargantuan task to design a study involving adult education in dl its guises, because the field is extremely diverse. It encompasses literacy programs taught by cornmunity agencies, courses for credit towards a secondary school diplorna, college certificate or university degree, employability skills training for business and industry and a vast array of leisure activities undertaken for personal interest. One of those sectors was chosen for this study: adult education under the administration of

Ontano school boards. It will be shown that teachers employed to work with the adults in these school board programs are descnbed as marginal.

As will be discussed shortly, the assertion of marginality creates a problem for us to explore. It is not our intention to just accept that school board teachers of adults are marginal and then look for causes and effects. Our purpose is to gain a greater understanding of the statu of those teachers by talking to them about their experiences in

I working with adults, by aaalyzing their comments within a theoretical fhmework of marginality, and then drawing conclusions about theù status. This research process was hedby the following fundamental question:

In what ways are constructs of marginality manifested in the experiences

of schooI board teachers of adults? 13. Structure of the Thesis

This first chapter explains the parameters of the study. It locates the researcher in the discourse, introduces the research paradigm which was adopteci, and explains how key words and phrases were interpreted. A ratiode for the study follows, with particular reference to the significance of undertaking the research at this the. Preliminary comments about the context of the snidy are made, leading to a statement of the problem and research questions. An overview of the methodology is given with an acknowledgment of the limitations of the study and a statement about the outcomes which were anticipated at the begiming of the research. This chapter ends with a bnef summary.

Chapter 2 describes some key historical events and socio-political developments which have a bearing on the study. The chapter begins by tracing the growth of adult education programs administered by Ontario school boards, fiom pioneering initiatives in the nineteenth cenhily. Development of policy and programs is described, fiom the growth period of the early twentieth cenhiry and the explosion of activities in the 1980s and 1990s, up to the fa11 of 1996 when the first interviews were conducted for this shidy.

Chapter 3 documents a review of literature, and the main theories which emerge fiom the readings. The first part of the chapter offers a sampling of the many references which connect adult education with marginality. Secondly, an analysis of those references leads to the framïng of five research questions. Next, the literature of disciplines beyond adult education is examined in light of the five questions, and three constructs of marginality are identified as a result. The chapter ends by pointhg to po tential fallacies and restating the researc h questions. Chapter 4 explains the methodology used in the research. A rationale for choosing a qualitative research paradigm is offered, followed by a discussion about issues of validity, bias, structure and research relationships. It is shown how the five questions which emerged fiom the literature reviewed in Chapter 3 are set in the context described in Chapter 2, to form the basis of an intewiew protocol. The population of teachers who participated in the study is identified, and the interview process is described in depth.

Chapter 5 reports what was discussed in the interviews. Responses to the first four sets of questions from the inte~ewprotocol are recorded in some detail, to reflect the depth and breadth of the comrnents. Anecdotes and exarnples provided by the teachers add richness and realism to the issues under consideration. Direct quotations fiom those teachers bnng their voices into the discussion so that they can be heard.

Chapter 6 begins by analyzing what participants had to Say in answer to the fifth set of questions about rnarginaiity. The three coostructs of marginality identified in

Chapter 3 are then used as a framework to analyze al1 the research findings, in order to look for manifestations of marginality in the expenences of school board teachers of adults.

In the final chapter, Chapter 7, the findings of the study are examined and conclusions are drawn about the status of school board teachers of adults. Implications for theory and for the practice of aduit education are suggested, and recornmendations for

Merresearch and policy development are made. Reflections about the research endeavour round out the dissertation. Appendices include supporting materials and a list of references. 1.4. The Researcher and The Research Paradigm

This study of the rnarginality of school board adult educators had its ongins in this researcher's background, first as an adult learner, then as a teacher of adults, later as a

CO-ordinatorof adult education prognuns, and fïnally as a teacher of teachers in those programs. In al1 these roles, she has been aware that teachers of adults perceive themselves, and are in tum perceived as being "different" fkom teachers of children and adolescents.

This "difference" expresses itself in many forrns and is described in various ways in the literature, as discussed later. One of those descriptors is marginal, and it is used so fiequently that it has almost become an attribute of the addt educator, in the way that we expect physicians to be dedicated and fire fighters to be courageous. Curiosity about theories of marginality, and their application to the experiences of teachen of adults, resulted in this study.

This work was undertaken from the perspective of critical theory, which is discussed later in the chapter on methodology. This is a research paradigm which favours an approach that is qualitative, rather than quantitative. Therefore, this study centred on analysis of data gathered through interviews, and recognized the subjectivity of both the researcher and the participants. Since words used in a study may also be subject to

interpretation, working definitions of some key terms are offered at the outset.

1.5. Working Definition of Terms

Broad interpretations for the terms ad& student, aduit educution. school board schooi board adult education program, teacher of adulis and marginality were framed as

a starting point for the study, with the expectation that alternative, more cornprehensive interpretations wouid emerge during the research. Some have argued that beginning with definitions hinders the discovery of new meanings (Green, 1971; Sherman and Webb,

1988). Nevertheless an overview of working definitions is offered at this point, to provide a common language for understanding the concepts and issues

Adult Student

The üNESCO (1976) definition of adults as "persons regarded as adults by the societies to which they belong" (p.3) is intemationally accepted. Draper (1985) is describing an adult seeking to continue an education when he States: "The 'adult' usually means someone beyond the legal school-leaving age. Other than that there is no upper age limit for learning" (p. 10).

In looking for a definition which more specifically reflects the critena used for admission to school board adult education programs, we hnn to Rachlis (1982), who defines adult students as those who are 18, or older, and retuming to formal education afler having been out of secondary school for at least a year @.viii). However, it must be noted that establishing an exact age for admission to adult programs is problematic, because it is often a matter of government whim, as will be shown in later chapters.

The question of whether adults in education programs should be called leamers or students is subject to on-going debate. Learning is a lifelong strategy for survival, therefore al1 adults are learners. In common usage the word student has connotations of irnmatunty, dependency and inequality which are often inappropriate when applied to adults. Nevertheless, describing adults engaged in education as students is more accurate, since it means, literally, that they are studying not just learning informally. Carley (1 989), like Rachlis (1982), takes this pragrnatic approach and refers to adult students, rather than adult leamers. Carley's definition of an adult student is: "An individual enrolled in a specially designed adult day programme [sic] conducted by a school board" (p.25). Since it is argued later that many programs for adults rnay not be

"specially designed", nor are al1 adults enrolled in "day" prograrns, an amendecl, more openended definition has been adopted for the purposes of this study, proposing that an adult student is a learner who has met the criteria for admission into a particular adult education program.

Adult Education

First, the difference between learning and education needs to be Merclarified.

Thomas (1 991) maintains: "Leaming is a sort of intangible possession that people work to acquire" (p.3). Williams (1996) points out that: "Education cm be viewed as a way of shaping experiences to enhance the involuntary, continuous learning that is part of being

Under the broad urnbrella of education, adult education can be viewed fkom many different perspectives. Knowles (1977) suggests that it is, variously, a set of activities, a process and a movement. Draper (1985, p. 10) explains that:

Adult Education in Canada is both a field of practice and (since the 1960s) a field of study. According to UNESCO, as a field of practice adult education denotes the entire body or organized educational processes, whatever the content level or method, whether formal or informal, and whether the processes prolong or replace initial education in schools, colleges, universities or apprenticeship systems.

When they seek structure to their lea-g, adults enroll themselves in upgrading programs, in training for ernployability skills, in craft classes and aerobics, to mention just a few. Those activities are organized, administered, fimded and taught by a large variety of agencies, non-govemmental organizations, private trainers and public institutions. Some programs constitute non-fond education, in that they do not grant academic credits towards certificates, diplomas or degrees. Others are categorized as forma1 education, since they do enable students to earn academic credits.

For the purposes of this study, adult education includes al1 the structure& institutionalized programs and activities that help addts leam. In this study we were particularly concemed with the forma1 adult education programs administered by school boards,

School Board

Regulations governing the operation of school boards in Ontario are set out in the

Consolidated Ontario Education S~atutes and Regulations (1993), and numerous definitionsare embedded in that text. The Report of the Royal Commission on Learning

(Ontario Ministry of Education and Training, 1994) provides a more fiuictional definition:

The term school board may refer to tnistees, who are elected to represent local constituents for three-year ternis. When the term is used more inclusively, it refers to the tnistees and the staff in a given jurisdiction. (p.110)

The report also telis us the number of school boards in Ontario at the time the stuciy began:

Depending on how they are counted, the province is divided into 172,169 or 168 school board jurisdictions .... A board jurisdiction may be a municipality, a county, a region, or even a hospital treatxnent centre. Depending on the size of the total population it represents, a board can have fiom three to more than twenty elected trustees (p. 109). It is this understanding of school board governance and jurïsdiction that infomis this research, because this was the situation at the time the inte~ewswere started, late in

1996. However, it must be noted that "The Fewer School Boardsy7Act passed early in

1997 reduced the number of school boards in the province to sixty-six, and introduced new guidelines for trustees.

School Board Adult Education Proerzims

Although a school board is governed by elected trustees, the programs of study are actually administered by employees. Usually a senior administnitor, such as a superintendent of schools or principal, is assigned to oversee the day-to-day running of adult education programs. As mentioned earlier, and explained at length in Chapter 2, school boards offer a wide range of programs including leisure courses, upgrading courses, skills development training, and courses leading to credit towards a secondary school diplorna.

It will be pointed out later that adults often choose school board credit programs because they want to continue their education where they lefi off. School boards are the only institutions permitted to grant the Ontario Secondary School Diploma (OSSD),apart fiom a few exceptions such as schools in prisons. Even though they may be eligible for admission to university or college programs as mature students, many adults still express a desire to "get my Grade 12" as it is known, before going on to post-secondas, education.

Teachers of the part-time and full-the secondary credit courses for adult students, fûnded through provincial grants, and administered by school boards in Ontario, were interviewed for this study. Teachers of Adults

The Oxford English Dictionury (1994) gives the following definition of the word teacher: "One who or that teaches or instructs; an instmctor" (p.689). This reflects common usage, in which the words teacher and instnictor are used inter-changeably .

However, the current Education Act for the province of Ontario distinguishes beh~eenteachea, who are certified by the govemment, and insûuctoa who are not. nie

Education Act states: " 'Teacher' means a person who holds a valid certificate of qualification or a letter of standing as a teacher in an elementary or secondary school in

Ontario" (Consolidated Ontario Education Statutes and Regulaiions, p.37). Since 1997, a teacher in Ontario is also someone who is required to be a member of the Ontario

College of Teachers.

Although it is implied that teachers only work with children and adolescents, certified teachers are also employed to teach credit courses offered in adult education programs. It was From this population of certified teachers who are working with adults that participants for the study were identified.

Mawinalitv

A major challenge in this study was to define marginality. 1s it a concept, a

phenornenon, an issue? Commonly used definitions of marginality are value-laden, and

have negative connotations. For example, if we draw on the resources of electronic

technology, we see that the Microsoft@Thesaurus in the WindowsTMsoftware

application offers synonyms such as peripheral, passable, minimal and nonessential for

the word marginal. Other commonly used synonyms for marginality include alienation,

isolation and estrangement. The Oxford English Dictionary (1 994) suggests that this type of usage is figurative, taking on particuiar meaning when used in the context of specific disciplines, such as economics, psychology, sociology, and so on.

The contextual nature of marginality is underscored by Perlman (1976), who tells us that people living in the shanty-tom of Brazil are called "the marpinals." She explains:

In Portuguese and Spanish, the very word "marginal" has exceedingly derogatory connotations. Um marginal or um elemento marginal means a shiftless, dangerous ne'er-do-well, usually associated with the underworld of crime, violence, drugs and prostitution. @p. 9 1-92)

One of the purposes of this shidy was to discover whether inarginality had any meaning in the context of adult education, drawing the interpretations from the raw data, rather than relying on pre-conceptions. One goal was to remain open to the possibility that marginality can have positive manifestations. It was necessary, therefore, to start with a working definition that was as literal and value-neutral as possible, given the inevitable socially constmcted bias found in al1 language. lne Oxford English Dictionary

(1 994) tells us, simply, that marginality is: "The quality or state of being marginal (in various senses of the adj.)"@.368). The first, and literal definition given for the word margin is: ''That part of the surface which lies imrnediately within its boundary, especially when in some way marked off or distinguished fiom the rest of the surface"

(p.368). This definition was used as a starting point for research, and was eventually

incorporated into the interview protocol to give participants a base for developing their own definitions of marginality. 1.6. Rationale for and Signiticance of the Study

The marginality of adult education is widely presumed, as we will soon leam fiom a review of the literature and by reference to policies and practices in the field. The rationale for this study was that there is littîe evidence that this ptesumption had been investigated using a theoretical hework of marginality.

This study was thought to be particularly significant at this point in time, for several reasons. One justification was that global demographic trends have resulted in increasing numbers of adults engaging in non-formal and formal education. Yet in spite of the growth, there is a persistent view that adult education is a marginal activity. It was believed that the findings of the study would help policy makers to review the status of adult education and consider what changes should be made in preparation for the next millennium,

Significant, too, was the fact that teachers of adults would be asked to comment on their own status. Too often, teachers are left out of the debate about policy issues, such how progmms for adult learners should be located and funded in relation to the system for children and adolescents, and how the teachers of those programs should be situated.

There is a need to hear about the ecstasy and terror of their condition before making legislative changes which affect their classroom practice.

There is also a need to add to the body of literature on adult education as a field of study. In cornparison to other more traditional disciplines in the humanities, arts and sciences, there has been less academic debate over the essence of adult education. An all- encompassing definition for adult education has proved elusive. Society at large has never embraced the field as a profession, perhaps because many practitioners have resisted the trappings of professionalism, such as regulation and restricted entry. It was felt that the f~ndingsof this study would contribute to the discourse on the nature of adult education, both for enidite reasons related to the search for new knowledges, as well as for pragmatic reasons, such as the need to provide tools for advocacy.

Finally, this study was significant because it was conducted at a tirne of considerable upheaval in the Ontario education system, and this thesis records many of the policy changes which were happening on an almost weekly basis as the research was being conducted. As explained in Chapter 2, many adult education authorities in Canada have larnented the fact that there is so little documentation of developments in the field.

A vast range of activities is found under the umbrella of adult education but it seems that practitioners, who are often pre-occupied with the demands of the disadvantaged, have found little tirne to write about the issues that influence their work. It is anticipated that the background information provided in this thesis will prove useful for scholars who undertake future research in related areas.

1.7. Context for the Study

Any study is informed by the context in which the research is conducted. In this study, the context was framed by the phenornenon of marginality and thickened by the socio-political dimensions of the field of addt education. These twin themes of marginality and adult education are in constant tension throughout the study, and it is to be expected that they will take tum in demanding attention.

Events, policies and programs related to the field of addt education provide the background for the research, and are laid out in Chapter 2. The discussion about theories of marginality is anchored in the literature review in Chapter 3. As will be seen, the background information and the outcome of the literature review help to clarify the problem which underpins this research.

1.8. Statement of the Problem

The problem at the core of this study is that school board teachers of adults are descnbed as being marginal to the Ontario education system.

A major difficuity in trying to understand this problem is that there are at least two ways of looking at it. One perspective is that marginality is more a reality than a perception. Underfbnding, limited resources, poor facilities, and the like, are seen as concrete evidence of marginality. Sometimes, undemuiding and the other conditions are presented as the causes of marginality; at other times, those same conditions are seen as the effects of marginality. Marginality is usually judged to be undesirable so the benefits of marginality are rarely discussed.

Another point of view is that marginality is a perception which grows out of a certain set of values and beliefs. The perception of marginality, although just a perception, can have real and tangible effects. Negative effects may include fùnding cuts; positive effects may include opportunities to be more creative. However, the key concem fiom this perspective is to surface the belief system which creates and sustains the perception, and recognize that changes in that underlying belief system must inevitably change the perception of who is marginal. With a change in paradigm, the margins might even become the centre.

A critique of the discussions about marginality in relation to adult education is that, as will be shown, there is no evidence that the discourse is based on a theoretical framework of marginality . Because there is no commonly undeatood theory to serve as a basis for debate, the issues have become clouded by emotion, opinion, and argument about whether marginality is real or perceived.

In this study, the problem is approached by considering the status of school board adult educators within a theoretical framework of margindity. The method chosen was to identiQ constructs of rnarginality existing in various fields of study, look for manifestations of those constructs in the expenences of school board teachers of adults, and then draw conclusions about the status of the teachers.

1.9. Research Questions

With the problem articulated, the fundamental question becomes: In what ways are constructs of marginality manifested in the expenences of school board teachers of adults? To answer it, five research questions were drawn from the literature reviewed in

Chapter 3 and those became the bais for the interview protocol:

1. What is marginaiity?

2. What are the circumstances surrounding entry into marginal status?

3 Who or what is at the centre and what are the relationships between the margins and the centre, between the margins and other components withh the system, and between the margins and the outside?

4. What are the expenences of marginality?

5. What are the responses to experiences of marginality?

1.10. Methodology

The so-called marginality of adult education might have been approached in many ways. However it was decided to study the experiences of school board teachers of adults, since there was no evidence that their situation had been previously examined in relation to theones of marginality. In addition, the experiences of those teachets was researchable, and they were a defmed population, accessible to the researcher.

The philosophy underpinning this study is that research questions should be used to gain greater understanding, not to vene facts or test hypotheses. This work was therefore undertaken fiom the perspective of critical theory which favours a qualitative rather than a quantitative paradigm. Chapter 4 descnbes the methodology in detail, but the approach is based on five stages.

The first stage was to establish a context for the study by descnbing school board adult education prognuns, policies and events. The second was to review the literahire to identiS theoretical constructs of marginality and draw out research questions. Next, those questions were used as a protocol for interviewing school board teachers of adulis.

Fourthly, al1 the research data were analyzed using the theoretical framework, in order to look for manifestations of marginality. Finally, based on the findings, conclusions were drawn about the statu of the teachers of adults in school board organizations.

1.1 1. Limitations of the study

Qualitative research differs fiom scientific, quantitative reseatch in that it makes no claim that the methods are perfect or the fîndings exact. Throughout this study the researcher was aware of its many limitations, and was particularly concemed about four: that assumptions about marginality might skew the research; that adult students were not given voice during the study; that fmdings fiom interviewing a small sample of teachers of adults in a specific setting could not be generalized across the broad field of adult education; that the complexities of margindity could not be fully explored. In the first place, everyone has a subjective opinion about the causes and effects of the status that is commonly described as marginal, and it needs to be acknowledged that the responses of the interviewees might have been skewed by their opinions. However, efforts were made to avoid any discussion of marginality until the end of each interview.

Although a dictionary definition of marginality was offered, it served only as a starting point for discussion. Asking participants to àraw their location on a simple diagram

(Appendix E) before asking them to describe that location, was an activity designed to avoid putting words into the mouths of the teachers. Participants were encouraged to speak honestly about their experiences for the early part of the interview, and only asked later to consider those experiences in a framework of marginality.

A second limitation of the study was that no interviews were conducted with adult students. In the diversified field of adult education, practitioners disagree on many issues, but invariably agree that the needs and concems of the adults must be central to learning and teaching. A criticism, therefore, is that this study did not place the adult students at the centre of the research, where they might have stated their views and enrîched the understanding of the phenornenon of marghality. Instead their experiences were heard only indirectly, filtered through the perception of their teachers. Cwiously, this placed adult students on the boudaries of the study, and according to our working definition, marginal in relation to it.

In defense of this drawback, two arguments are presented. Firstly, the decision

was made to focus on the experiences of teachers, not the experiences of their students, in

order to rnake the research manageable and focused Secondly, it was felt that, although

the adult student perspective might provide intereshg data, they would be responding as clients of the school board, whereas the purpose of this study was to explore the experiences of employees of school boards. It was concluded that analyzing the expenences of adult students within a fi-amework of marginality might be the focus of a separate study in the fiiture.

A third major limitation of the study was the fact that intemiewing a cornparatively small number of teachers would not produce findings that were generalizable across the field of adult education. However, it is argued that the field is so diverse and huge, encompassing such widely differing views of pnnciples and practices as they apply to learning and education in adult life, that it would be almost impossible to hdany study of any magnitude that would be generalizable.

Finally, this study attempts to comprehend a phenomenon that has show itself to be beyond comprehension in many ways: marginality. The researcher repeatedly found herself in a convoluted, philosophical maze, and sometimes it was more luck than logic that showed her the way out. However, the philosophy underpinning qualitative research is that the researcher can never claim to have discovered the central truth. We must be satisfied if this study increases, to any extent, our understanding of the phenomenon of marginality in the context of adult education. The limitations of the study are acknowledged.

1.12. Expected Outcomes of the Study

Evelyn Jacob (1 988) maintains that, although researches adopting a qualitative paradigm "eschew preconceived ideas", they also "hold some assumptions which guide the development of their descriptive questions" (p.22). That an interview protocol for this study was developed before meeting with participants illustrates this, and it follows that the researcher had formulated some expectations of the outcome of the study ahead of tirne.

To begin with, it was expected that the literature would show that addt education is considered to be marginal. Although the rwearcher had never before undertaken an investigation of what had been written about marginality specifically, she had encountered enough references while reading about other topics in the field to conclude that there would be a significant body of literature on the topic if it were gathered together. Because of the day-to-day use of governrnent guidelines and reports in her work in the field, she also expected that the view of adult education as marginal would be born out by Iegislative documents, particularly those relating to adult education administered by Ontario school boards.

In relation to the teacher interviews, it was expected that the teachers of adults who participated in the study would readily identify themselves as being on the boundaries of the mainstrearn education system. This assumption was based on many informal conversations with teachers and administrators who worked in school board adult education programs over the period of seven or eight years, during which the issue of marginality surfaced routinely. Based on these conversations, it was expected that participants in the study would accept marginality as an appropriate descriptor for their statu, that this status would be viewed negatively by the majority, and a minority would see it as an opportunity for creativity and change. More unpredictable was the way the teachers might respond to their status. It was assumed that responses would probably

Vary from individual to individual, depending on a range of circumstances, attitudes, support mechanisms, and so on. It was hoped, however, that patterns would emerge that would allow for analysis within a fiarnework of marginality.

The problem being addressed by the study is that adult education is described as marginal to school boards. There was no expectation that this problem would be resolved.

The only hope was that the study would increase our understanding of the status of school board teachers of adults. In addition, it was hoped that the findings of the study would prove usefil to policy makers with responsibility for adult education, to teachers of adults seeking to becorne more effective in their work, to future students of adult education and to those seeking greater understanding of phenornenon of marginality.

1.13. Chapter Summary

The purpose of this opening chapter has been to give an overview of the study, provide some background information and sumniarize the research methodology. The chapter began by discussing the researcher and the research paradigm and offered some working definitions of key words and concepts used in the study. The rationale and significance of the study have been explained, with preliminary statements about the background information and literature. The problem has been stated, followed by a

summary of the research questions and methodology. The chapter ends with remarks about the limitations of the study and expected outcornes.

Succeeding chapters flesh out the topics that have been briefly covered here, in

order to provide a thorough explanation of the study, fiom inception to final conclusions.

It is hoped that this description of the quest will be as interesthg to readers as the quest

itself has been to the researcher. CHAPTER 2

BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY: A CHRONOLOGY OF ADULT EDUCATION

2.1. Introduction

The context for this study is the field of adult education. In order to make the research manageable, practitioners in just one sector of the field were chosen to participate in interviews, that is Ontario school board teachers of adult. To help us explore the soîalled marginality of these educators, we need to understand both their particular circumstances and the broader contea. Many of the policies and events which are related here in chronologicai order will be referenced later in the thesis to support various arguments related to marginality. Because the language of education is peppered with acronyms, a glossary has been included in Appendix A.

This chapter begins by describing the history of adult education in Ontario school boards fiom pioneering times in the nineteenth century. Next we review the growth of school board programs for adults, and discuss participation in both non-credit continuing education courses and courses for secondary school credit. Finally, we hear about the

"boom to bust" cycle of the 1990s and the cucurnstances leading up to the time of the fmt interviews in the study, late in 1996.

2.2. Adult Education in Ontario School Boards: RUtory and Early Policy

Since the nineteenth century, when school buildings were first erected in Ontario, adults have used them as centrai locations to discuss cornrnunity issues and teach each other. Selman and Dampier (1991) tell us: "School board night classes appear to have begun in Canada in the 1850s, although their development - and even their existence - was sornewhat sporadic for some time after thatYy(p.42). Kidd (1961) notes that the role of school boards in supervishg adult education in

Ontario was fomalized in 1880 when inspectors of public schools were given responsibility by the Minister of Education for certifying programs offered by the

Mechanics Institutes, the Ontario Society of Artists, and School of Art and Design (p.25).

Records of the Toronto Board of Education show that attendance fluctuated wildly in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, and program schedules were often affecteci by events at home and abroad. For example, Kidd quotes one document as stating: "January

1918 - Evening classes closed due to fuel shortage, for balance of winter term" (p.26).

Night schools becarne more firmly established with three Acts passed in 1954.

Enrolment figures for ten school boards in and around the Metropolitan Toronto area for

1959-1960 show that some 37,037 students were attending a wide variety of night school courses (Kidd, 196 1, p.36). Kidd also noted in 1961 that there was: "a fkequent and growing request for some courses for adults to be offered during the day, at the only times when some adults (for example women with families, and men on shift work) are able to attend" (p.46). Those daytime classes did becorne a reality before too long.

As the 1960s continued, enrolment in adult education grew, largely because the post World War II "Baby Boomers" were retuming to school to complete their secondary education and upgrade skills. By 1966, the response in Ontario was to introduce a system of twenty-five Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology (CAATs). Thomas concludes:

"Federal and provincial negotiations emphasized the post-secondary sector as the principal sector in which to carry out most of the adult education in the province7'

(Hawkins, 1977, p.i). In fact, Ministry of Education Memorandum 1967- l8:54 issued in

February, 1968, listed the responsibilities of the CAATS, and gave school boards responsibility for only three types of courses: courses leading to secondary school diplornas; information and upgrading courses not leading to diplornas; cultural and recreational courses (Ontario Ministries of Education/Coiieges and Universities, 198 1, p.121).

The belief school boards should focus on providing education for children, rather than adults, was therefore strengthened. But paradoxically the numbers of older students who returned to their local schools continued to increase. One explanation for this is noted by Rachlis (1982) who draws on a number of shtdies conducted between 1968 and

1976 to conclude:

Adults tend to look no higher than to the level of institution they last attended when they resurne their education ... for reasons of psychological comfort and convenience. People with some elementary or secondary education look, naturally, to school. They tend not to see or even to consider a college or university as a possible place for their re-entry into formal learning. (pp.3-4)

There was a need for clearer policy on adult education in schools, and documents such as the 1974 Report of the Select Cornmittee on the Utilization of Educational

Facilities, commonly known as the McIlveen Report, might have served as a guide.

However, its recornmendations for a more open, flexible approach to education were largely ignored, and administration of adult programs continued to be ad hoc. One effort to address the growing confusion was "the decision of the then Ministry of Education in

1976 to fieeze grants for 'continuing education' to Boards of Education, pending the development of an adequate definition of continuing education, in the context of Ontario

Boards of Education" (Thomas et al., 1979, p. v). The fieeze did not last very long, and by the time Thomas et al. published their 1979 report, they were able to state: An intemal rninistry cornmittee established by the Minister of Education has deliberated and reported. Grants have been unfiozen, based on an operational agreement, though the nature and consequences of the new policy ... received little basic attention or debate. (p. v)

It was largely left to adult educators, themselves, to draw attention to the situation in school boards, and Hawkins did so in his 1977 report: "Adults in Our Schools: A Shidy to IdentiQ and Compare the needs of Adults in an Ontario School System." Hawkins identified nineteen sub-categories of evening class students fiom al1 sectors of society, including "housewives" (p.6)and pmduced fifteen recommendations of ways in which school boards could accommodate the needs of adults more effectively. He also noted that "The recent policy of the Ontario Ministry of Education supports community use of schools. The Ministry will provide gants of up to 10,000 dollars to Boards of Education appointing a person to implement a community use of schools concept" (p. 18). There is scant evidence that school boards were aware of these incentives to go beyond the education of children and youth.

Kawun (1 978) argued that the lack of clear policy for adult education was at the root of school board ambivalence. In her discussion paper for the Ontario Association for Continuing Education (OACE),Kawun stated @p. 3-4):

Policies are not comprehensive but, rather, fiagrnented, and open to different interpretations. There is an absence of strong leadership fiom the Provincial Govemment in continuing addt education and no govemment officials are primarily identified with continuing adult education Differences in fbnding mechanisms and in formula funding rates produce inequities in hancial support.

in spite of unclear and confushg policy, there was a development in the late

1970s that provided a strong incentive for school boards to pay more attention to adult students: a demographic trend which caused declining numbers of adolescents to enter secondary schools after 1977. Fewer adolescent students meant lower grants, empty classrooms and surplus teachers. Carley (1989) points out that: "school boards, faced with declining enrolments and surplus resources, 'discovered' and needed adult education" (p.53). The pool of potential adult students was now seen as a solution to the econornic woes of school boards, resulting in, as Carley (1991) nicely States it, "a motivation" to recruit adults (p.42). According to Carley, this new htto enrol adults came "within an environment of increased interest in and demand for adult education"

(p.42). For women retuming to the workplace, new immigrants and those seeking work in technical fields, a secondary school diploma was increasingly seen as the key to a good job.

So, while there was continuing growth in continuing education prograrns for skills upgrading and leisure, school boards began to pay greater attention to providing credit courses for adults. Carley (199 1) informs us:

The decade fiom 1977 to 1987 was a penod of tremendous growth in the numbers of adults attending secondary schools in the province of Ontario. The enrolment of adults, defined as being leamers nineteen years of age or older, in credit courses in the secondary schools of Ontario increased fiom approximately 14,000 (1 977) to 45,505 (1 987). (p.40)

However, increased involvement in adult education was not eagerly embraced by al1 school boards. Apparently, many elected trustees and administrators still saw the education of young people as their major role, and did not acknowledge any responsibility for the older population. Several reports in the Iate 1970s and early 1980s attempted to clariQ the situation. Thomas and Davie's (1978) report to the Commission on Declining School Enrolrnents in Ontario, entitled Challenge and Change, pointed out: The Education Act not only allows boards to cater to adult interests, it requires them to provide elementary education for any resident of Ontario up to the age of twenty-one and seven years of secondary education for anyone who has completed elementary education, but has not completed a secondary school leaving certificate. (p. 1O)

Yet, even in the mid-1990s, some school boards were dlmisinterpreting the Act to mean that Ontarians only had a right to publicty-bded education up to age twenty- one. Many were overlooking the point that any one of any age could complete the permitted seven years of secondary education, so a forty-year-old man who dropped out in Grade Ten after only two years of secondary education, was entitled to complete the remaining five years at the taxpayer's expense.

Thomas et al. (1979) argued for "Al1 the Law Allows" rather than "The Minimum the Law Requires" in school board provision for adult education, but it was still not clear exactly what was allowable and what was required. Perhaps in response to continued reminders of the confusion, a number of other studies and reports were produced between

1980 and 1988, which would have a significant effect on school boards.

In 1981, the Ontario Ministries of Education and Colleges and Universities released Continuing Education: The Third System, which adrniîted that continuing education had previously been "hdy defued" (p.2) but made clear that continuing education, in the view of the Ministries, was "the provision of opportunities for lifelong learning in English and French to adult learners who are not involved in traditional full- time credit programs" (p.7). This document listed twenty-one major issues related to the education of adult students in school boards, colleges and universities, and included a useful review of existing legislation and Ministry of Education regdations and circulars which affected school board administration of adult programs (pp. 25-27). - Continuing Education: The Third System (198 1) also pointed out that many sections and regdations of the 1974 Education Act empowered school boards to provide for adult students. The publication also drew attention to Circular H.S.1, 1979-81, which provided for the granting of equivalency secondary school credits for maturity, work experience, equivalent education, and apprenticeship training (Ontario Ministry of

Education/Colleges and Universities, 1981, p. 117), and to Ontario Regulation 228180,

General Legislative Grants (p. 119) which addressed the fiuiding of both credit and non- credit courses.

Although this 198 1 government document raised issues, it frarned them as questions. Shortly after that, the Ministries issued a dr& policy document on continuing education. Carley (1989) points out that the Association of Large School Boards in

Ontario (ALSBO) responded to the drafl, commenting that adult programs were

"permissive not mandatory activities for school boards" (ALSBO, 1982, p. 1, quoted in

Carley, 1989, p.53).

In 1983 the final policy document was produced by the joint Ministries. Entitled

Continuing Education in the Schools, Colleges and Universities of Ontario, it was a very brief publication (eight pages in English, eight pages in French) which was little more than an endorsement of lifelong learning. However, it included as objectives &'the development of trained personnel for continuing education" (p.7) and standards of instruction for part-time programs that were consistent with N1-time programs. It also extended the scope of continuing education to include "short-ted (p.3) as well as part- time programs, opening the door for school board administraton to ciaim funding for short, full-time and daytime non-credit and credit courses. Also in 1983, the Ministry of Education produced a guideline for secondary schools entitled Ontario Schools: Intermediate and Senior (0S:IS) which had a section on "Accommodating Retuming Students" (Section 5.7, p.24 ). Along with a recognition that teachers needed preparation to meet the '4uniqueneeds of older students" (p.24) were recornmendations for intensive short courses, multiple enroiment dates, opportunities for independent study, an apprenticeship training allowance and an equivalent-education al10 wance.

0S:IS noted that up to twelve maturity credits could be granted, and equivalency credits could be offered to various categones of mature students, including those who had

"retumed to day school" or who were "enroled in classes in continuing education"

(Section 6.14, p.33). Like earlier documents, 0S:IS stated that continuing education could include part-time, short-term, credit and non-credit courses "following or outside forma1 fûll-time study" (Section 6.6, p.3 1) and that courses might be ofTered in the evening, summer, or "daytime continuing education" (p.3 1).

School boards now had choices. One choice was to enrol adults in daytime credit courses and receive the same full fûnding for them as for adolescents. Another choice was to register them in continuing education courses, which might also be offered in the daytime, but were not eligible for full grants. Signincant to our study is the varying status of the teachers of those credit courses, and this will be re-visited at the end of this chapter. Most school boards seized on the options laid out in OSrlS and increased their adult programrning.

Carley (1 991) points to research that showed that the number of adult students in daytime credit courses grew fiom approximately 24,000 in 198 1 to approximately 40,000 in 1984 (p.46). A federal report published in 1985 entitled One in Every Five noted that:

"In 1983, one in every five Canadians 17 and over took at lest one adult education course" (Devereaux, p. 1). Recognition of the increasing numbers of adult lemers came in a Ministry of Education document published in 1984. Towards the Year 2000: hre

Conditions and Strategic Optionsfor the Support of Lemning in Ontario noted that many adults were rehuning to schools, colleges and universities. While it argued for more acceptance of adults by those institutions, and spoke of "signs that the boundaries which defued the traditional years of schooling... are breaking down" (p.29), the tone of the publication nevertheless indicated that the education of youth would still have primacy in

Ontario at the start of the new millenium.

In 1984, the provincial government established a project, under the urnbrella of the Ministry of Colleges and Universities, to review continuing education and to provide recornrnendations to that Ministry, the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Skills

Development. Project Report: For Adults Only wzs published in 1986 and provided a

"snapshot in time" (p.4) of institutionalized continuing education. It provided statistics that were drarnatic in their testimony to the growth of adult programs, such as the information that part-tirne continuing education courses had increased 1'100% (p. 12) in the previous twenty-five years. The report's eleven, comprehensive recommendations endorsed the role of school boards as delivery agents across the spectnun of continuing education, including hi11 and part-time secondary school credit courses, li teracy and language upgrading and skills training. However, suggestions for putting programs into operation were still lacking. School board adult educators were probably very relieved when the Ministry of

Education produced Continuing Education: A Resowce Document in 1987. It provided guidelines on a range of matters, from course delivery to the marketing of programs and even the transportation of students. One of the most signifiant features of this document was that it listed full-tirne adult day schools as an option for delivery, and stated that: "In general, the instruction, services and ledgmaterials provided to adults in day schools should be roughly comparable to those available to regular elementary and secondary school students" (p.15). This stirnulated school boards to apply for full daytime grants for adults earning secondary school credits.

Before the end of the year adult schools had begun to spring up. Carley's (199 1) findings were that: "In 1987 there were thirteen adult secondary schools operating in

Ontario, with approximately seven thousand students" (p.50). In many areas where declining enrolment had caused schools to be closed, regular school buildings were made available for adults. Elsewhere, programs were set up in shopping malls or office suites.

It seemed that school board adult education was finally receiving recognition and visibility. The years fiom the late 1980s to the early 1990s were perhaps the most fniitful and productive of the century for school board adult educators. To emphasize this, we will review the broad range prognims existing at that tirne.

2.3. Adult Education in Ontario School Boards: Programs and Participation up to the 1990s

By the 1990s there were approximately 172 school boards in Ontario, and almost dlwere offering programs for adults. It was estimated that a million adult students were served in 1992-93 (Report of the Royal Commission on Learning, 1994, Vol. 1, pp.30-3 1). Largely due to the lack of policy direction, there was little uniformity in the way programs had evolved. However, within each board, programs were usually divided into two major administrative uni%: nonmedit courses (i.e ., not leading to a secondary school diploma) offered under the umbrella of cornmunity or continuing education, and credit courses leading to a secondary school diploma. The following is a description of activities fdling under these two administrative umbrellas.

2.3.1. Communitv and Non-Credit Continuine Education

Reporting a rather drarnatic statistic, a task force of the Ontario Association for

Continuing Education (OACE) stated in 1987 that 59 Ontario school boards, just over a third of the boards existing in the province at that time, delivered 12,469,428 hours of continuing education in 1985 (OACE, 1987, Appendix C). By the 1WOs, in response to demand from the public and direction of goverment, most larger boards had expanded their activities in four sectors of adult education: leisure and personal interest courses, adult basic education (ABE); English as a second language (ESL), fûnded projects in partnership with other agencies. Each of these four will be reviewed briefly.

Leisure and Persona1 Interest Courses

The range of courses that people take for pleasure and companionship is very broad indeed, from aerobics to Zen philosophy. Following an extensive sunrey of

learning by adults in Ontario in 1976, Waniewicz (1976) concluded:

One of the main findings of the study [of the demand for part-tirne learning] is the fact that about half the adult population of Ontario (in addition to those who are enroled in full-tirne studies) either are or were recently engaged in a deliberate leaming activity, or else are interested in undertaking such an activity in the next year or two". (p. 13) Proof of the popularity of leisure and personal interest courses at the end of the twentieth century exists in abundance. The Ministry of Education and Training (MET) reported that 478,33 1 people enroled in leisure courses in Ontario during 199 1-92

(Ministry On-Line Gopher, May 5,1996). The setting up, marketing and administration of hobby, craft and personal development activities had become big business in those years, and school boards were at the forefiont.

Adult Basic Education -El

ABE is what Thomas, Taylor and Gaskin (1989) define as "the adult equivdent of elementary education" (p.4 1). The title encompasses upgrading classes in literacy, numeracy and life skills, which are usually one step beyond the one-onsne literacy tutoring that is usually conducted by volunteers with individuals who carmot read or write at all.

Anderson (1989) points out: "As early as 1855, the Toronto Board of Education was offering basic literacy and numeracy courses for adults" (p.95). A cenhiry later there was still a demand for ABE in Ontario. Shunleworth (1989) informs us that in the City of York, "the first adult basic education class was organized in 1979 in a pubic library as a continuing education program to serve the 27.2 percent of residents with less than ninth grade education" (p.43 3).

The need for ABE has been documented repeatedly. For exarnple, the 1981 census revealed that 17.4 percent of the Ontario population over 15 and out of school had proceeded no higher than Grade 8 in their forma1 education (Burnaby and Bell, 1989,

p. 186). But, in spite of statistics that suggest a large proportion of the population is

apparently in need of ABE, the end of the twentieth century finds us with a scarcity schoot board programs and weak participation. Based on data nom 165 school boards, the Ontario Ministry of Education (Gopher, May 18, 1996) reports only 7 1,786 adults in the province enroled in basic education courses in 1991-92, which is a small number compared with enrolments that year in credit courses, or English as a Second Language, or personal interest programs. Rachlis (1989) vurites:

Adult Basic Education programs are the orphans of educational institutions. The head office may not even know how they got started, it keeps them undemourished and usually tolerates their existence. (p. 399) blishas a Second Lanrmage (ESL)

The growth in ESL, and French as a Second Language (FSL) classes has reflected the immigration patterns. In 1987, Continuing Education: A Resource Document stated:

While in the 1960s only one out of every ten immigrants to Ontario spoke neither of the official languages, more recently 50 per cent of the immigrants settling in the province have had little or no knowledge of English or French. Their lack of knowledge of one of the officia1 national languages or of information about life in Ontario reduces the ability of these people to participate in their new society. (Ontario Ministry of Education, 1987, p.24)

Since the provincial government responded to these demographic changes by providing fùnding for ESL and FSL, school boards started to offer more of those courses in the 1980s and 1990s, with ESL being the major focus in southem and central Ontario where English is the dominant language.

Burnaby and Bell (1989) explain that ESL programs have advanced fkom

"grammar-translation" at the beginning of the century, through a mainly oral program after the second world war, to the "communicative approach" introduced in the 1970s which focuses more on functional day-to-day communication @p. 188-189). This is still the approach most widely used by school boards in Ontario for daily, part-time ESL programs which are fimded both provincially through continuhg education grants and federally through projects such as the Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada

(LMC)which was introduced in the early 1990s. In addition, many school boards have offered citizenship courses and preparation for the Test of English as a Foreign Language

(TOEFL)for University admission.

in contnist to ABE, participation in school board ESL classes has increased steadily in the past decade. The Ontario Ministry of Education (Gopher, May 18, 1996) reports that 256,5 14 adults were enroled in ESL in the province during 1991-92.

However, as will be explained shortiy, ESL classes were quickly sacnficed when funding

Was cut.

Funded Proiects in Partnershii, with Other Agencies

Un1i ke activities viewed as "education" such as the teaching of languages, maths, sciences, and so on, funding in Ontario for the "training" of adults has traditionally corne fiom federal departrnents and provincial ministries aside fkom education. School boards have a history, dating back to the nineteenth century, of using this fùnding to administer skills development programs (See Rachlis, 1982, pp.7 1-8 1). Y et, when the provincial

Adult Occupational Training Act of 1967 assigned responsibility and hdsfor technical and vocational training for adults in Ontario CAATs, school board involvement was severely curtailed.

By the 1980s, when issues such as global cornpetition and a deepening recession caused a renewed interest in skills training, policy rnakers for the provincial and federal governments seemed to have little understanding of the history of school boards in this area For example, it took strong lobbying by administrative and teacher associations before school board adult educators were included in consultations in the late 1980s and early 1990s with the Canadian Labour Force Development Board (CLFDB)and its provincial am,the Ontario Training and Adjutment Board (OTAB).

It was largely because of the entrepreneurship and newly developed marketing and negotiating skills of adult educators, that provincial and federal fuoding began to flow to school boards at this the. For exarnple, the Canadian Jobs Strategy (CJS) introduced in 1985 provided federal funding for speciai training projects through six programs (Ministry of Colleges and Universities, 1986, p. 10). Provincially, the Liberals expanded funding for workplace training under programs such as Ontario Basic Skills in the Workplace (OBSW). In recognition of the International Year of Literacy in 1991 the province provided hundreds of thousands of dollars in grants for literacy projects. Mer the Ontario New Democratic Party (NDP) was elected in 1992, it bolstered existing programs and established new ones, including jobsOntario which provided training incentives for business and industry as well as skills upgrading for unemployed individuals.

By the early 1990s, school board adult education departments were taking advantage of every opportunity to be se~ceproviders. Then d three levels of government began to insist that training deliverers applying for funding should pool their resources and expertise to avoid waste and duplication. In response, school boards becarne entrepreneurid in partnering with business, industry and other institutions and agencies in the community, to apply for funding and set up classes. For exarnple,

Shuttleworth (1993) informs us that by 1990 York Board of Education adult day school employed twenty-three teachers in its Education for the Workplace program, which was delivered in partnership with Humber College, the Leaming Enrichment Foundation and an advisory group of employers (p. 123).

Mobile cornputer labs, store front operations and workplace training delivered on site in businesses and factories becarne the nom for adult education departments.

Teachers working in these programs had to leam the vocabulary of business to provide training for Total Quality Management (TQM),Statistical Process Control (SPC) and the international operating standard of IS09000. Administrators were innovative in combining skills development programs with academic components that would provide adult students with a secondary school credit, as well as Mproved workplace skills. This resulted in additional funding for the school board involved, and additional credentials for the students, provided there was cornpliance with the credit course regulations which we discuss next.

2.3.2. Adult Courses Leading to a Secondarv School Didoma

The second administrative unit to be found in most school board adult education departments is concemed with the awarding of credits leading to an Ontario Secondary

School Diploma (see Korbee, 1992). Only school boards can gant a secondary school credit and adults have to comply with the various statutes and regulations in the same way as adolescents. For example, a student must be registered in each course for a specified length of time, presently 110 hours, in order to earn a full credit. Partial and half credits are also offerecl, and courses cm be held in the daytime or evening during the regular school year, or in the summertime. At the time of writing, a student needs thirty credits to earn a secondary school diploma. A credit course must be taught by a teacher who is certified by the Ontario

Ministry of Education and Training, with qualifications to teach a particuiar subject at

Intermediate and Senior levels. No specific qualification is required to teach adults students. Provincial General Legislative Grants are provided according to a çpecified formula, and gants vary fiom school board to school board, depending on each board's size and location. No attempt will be made here to explain the various funding fonnulae, except to note that funding is based on "N-tirne equivalents" so that funding is reduced when a student is studying part-time.

Regulations in effect in the Iate twentieth century stipulate that al1 Ontario residents are entitled to seven years of secondary education without paying fees, although many school boards have incorrectly interpreted this to mean seven years for youth under twenty-one only. As will be explained shortly, the age of twenty-one truly becarne significant in November, 1995. At that time, the Ministry of Education announced that the provincial grant for a full-time student over the age of twenty-one would be reduced to approximately half the amount granted for a student under twenty-one. This policy was fully implemented in September, 1996, and the effects of that change are discussed by the teachers of adults inte~ewedfor the study.

Since the early 1990~~adult students have been able to choose from three different models of delivering credit courses: the adolescent &y school model, the continuing education model and the adult day school model. Although a fourth model has been highly successful, that is distance education offered mainly through correspondence courses CO-ordinateddirectly by the Ministry of Education and Training Independent Learning Centre, we will not discuss it here. However, the three school board based models are reviewed briefly.

Mode1 1: Adults Attending Adolescent Dav Schools

Adult students may attend classes hany secondas, school dong with adolescents.

However, Rachlis (1982) States: "Adult daytime -dents were vimially unknown until the mid- 1960s" (p.90). Researchers such as Kidd (1 96 1, p.46) discovered that adults would be interested in attending classes in the daytime, but Rachlis notes: "Before the rnid- 1970s, some high school principals would admit an adult student, but this was exceptional" (p. 130).

It is difficult to trace the growth of the adult population in secondary school programs because they were registered in the sarne way as adolescent students at fint.

More and more adults entered classrooms as the co~ectionbetween a secondary school diploma and a good job became more obvious through the 1970s. Enrolment was also stimulated by policy changes, such as the introduction in 1974 of mahuity credits. Also, as noted earlier, the willingness of school boards to attract adults cm be closely tied to demographic trends, such as declining enrolment in the late 1970s. Based on his research, Rachlis (1982) observed that: "Adult enrolment in schools tends to occur in

school districts with declining regular student enrolment, and tends not to occur in school

districts with increasing enrolment" (p.94).

Statistics on adult students prior to the 1980s are probably unreliable. Rachlis

lamented as late as 1982:

Statistics on adult student enrolments in schools are not reported separately to the Ministry of Education, and thus are not directiy available. There is no list of schools offering adult programs or otherwise hosting adult students. And there is little infornation about the effect on schools of the presence of adult students. (p. 10)

However, by the time Rachlis (1982) concluded his study, data on adult students were being gathered, and he was able to report:

A survey of Ontario school districts identified 138 schools with at least 20 daytime adult students (people over 18 and out of school at least one year). A survey of these schools found that 63 were elementary schools with 5,929 adults in adult-only, non-credit classes, and 75 were secondary schools with 3,461 full- and part-time adults in credit courses. (p. viii)

Although more schools were accepting adults, Rachlis (1 982) found that: "Adults in secondary schools represent less than 0.2% of the total Ontario student population"

(p. 13 1). He found resistance to admitting adults on such grounds as " 'catering' to a special group, such as adults, would result in some neglect of regular students" (p. 136).

When admitted, adults were expected to fit into the school culture with very little accornrnodation. Rachlis discovered that adutt students were sometimes excluded from school activities, such as awards, and they did not use al1 services. For exarnple he found that: "Adult students seek counsel fiom their classroom teachers and usually have little contact with guidance counsellors" (p. 134).

Rachlis (1982) also discovered some positive effects of havhg adult students in schools. For example, some administrators and teachers became more flexible and willing to adapt. In two schools with exceptionally high numbers of adults, he found that the principals had become adult education advocates. Teachen noted the steadying effect on adolescents when mature students were present The adolescents seemed to accept the presence of the adults, but Rachlis quoted one adult student as saying, "1 eat in my car just to get out of the school. The kids are too noisy - they throw food and dishes"

(p. 122).

Remarks such as this confirm the comrnonly held belief that adults prefer to be congregated with other mature students in settings that are separate fiom the teenage milieu. Although, to this day, it is still possible to find adults in an adolescent classroom, various social, psy choiogical and political forces have prevented hem fiom attending in great numbers. Credit courses for adults under the continuing education umbrella have proved to be a more popular alternative.

Model2: Adult Credit Courses Under the continu in^ Education" Model

Through the 1980s and 1990s adult and continuing education departrnents developed beyond the leisure and skills upgrading courses they had traditionally offered, to become the main administrative units for adult credit courses. Originally offered by most school boards at night during the school year, courses soon expanded into the daytime and weekends year round, at a variety of locations fiom church basements to factory floors. Secondary schools were an obvious site for continuing education, but adult classes were also established in elementary schools that would otherwise have had to bear the cost of empty rooms.

Credit courses offered in the day under the continuing education mode1 should not be confused with adolescent schools or "Adult Day Schools." The main difference is in the funding formula. Simply stated, fùnding for a student enroled in continuing education credit courses, even if held in the daytime, has historically been less than a regular &y school student, although the continuing education student might actually be taking as many courses as that day school student. There are many ramifications of this policy, but three are particularly significant for this study because they help to explain some of the comments made during the teacher interviews. Perhaps the most important issue is that fiuiding for adolescent secondary day schools has aiways factored in the cost of resources and facilities. In contrast, fiuiding for continuing education has only paid for minimal instruction costs. So students studying through continuing education have not had the same access to facilities and equipment as regdar day students, unless they were housed in secondary school which pennitted them access to the library, gymnasium, audio-visual equipment and so on.

A second key issue relates to the teaching staff. Regular day school students must be taught by teachers who are paid in accordance with set rates on a grid negotiated by the Ontario Secondary School Teachers Federation (OSSTF). In contrast, grants for continuing education credit courses have not usually been suficient to cover the salaries of federation teachers "on the grid." Because of this, OSSTF has allowed for a special employment agreement, called a "Form 3" contract which permits continuing education departments to hire teachers with an Ontario Teaching Certificate on an hourly rate. One of the charactenstics of the contract is that teachers are paid only for "contact hours" in

the classroom with students. Payrnent is rarely made for tirne spent preparing lessons or

marking work.

Closely tied to the teacher's workload is a third issue: the lack of support services.

Teachers in continuing education have had to take on counselling duties, often in their

own unpaid tirne. With little secretariai support, teachers have had to prepare their own

instructional materials and attend to clerical matters, fiequently again in their own tirne.

Paid professional development activities have been rare, so teachers have had to leam skills on the job. There is normally no provision for supply teachers, and "Fom 3" teachers who become sick have been known to lose their pay if they have had to cancel a class.

As more school boards began to set up daytirne credit classes for adults in the late

1970s and early 1980s, it was this continuing education model that emerged to offer an alternative to regular adolescent classes. By the late 1980s, adults in most jurisdictions were also offered a third model of credit course delivery, as school boards started to establish adult day schools.

Model 3: Adult Credit Courses Under the "Adult Dav School" Model

This third model differs fiom continuing education in that it provides the same bding formula for schools servicing adults only as for regular adolescent day schools.

School boards had nin departrnents under the heading of "Adult Day School" since the middle of the twentieth century, but without the benefit of full gants. Draper (1989) tells us that in 1969: "The first Adult Day School was established as a Metropolitan Toronto

Department of Social Services volunteer project; later the Toronto Board of Education assumed the financial responsibility for teacher salaries and school suppliesy'(p.20).

In the 1980s, adult schools which were funded in the same way as regular adolescent schools began to appear, and the larger urban boards took the lead in

introducing "The Metro Model." In reporting the initiatives of the Board of Education

for the City of York, Shuttleworth (1989) reports:

In June 1982, the Board approved the establishment of the Adult Day School (ADS) as a department of York Humber High School with teachers provided under the collective agreement with the Ontario Secondary School Teachers' Federation. Although projected at 168 the program enroled 265 students by the end of September. In January 1983, ADS became a regular secondary school with continuous intake to expand its services in response to community needs. As of October, 1988, the enmlment reached 1600 with a teacher staff of 123S. (p.434)

It was the publishing of the Ministry of Education's Continuing Education: A

Resource Document in 1987 that give al1 school boards the encouragement they needed to expand their mandate. Taking advantage of the Ministry's statement that programs and services for adults should be "roughly comparable" (p. 15) to those for adolescents, school boards began to apply for full day school fimding in addition to existing continuing education grants. These hdsallowed adult education departments to take over whole buildings left empty by declining enrolment, hire OSSTF "grid" teachers and provide

support services and resources.

Carley ( 1989) found that: "As of 1987, there were 45,505 students aged 19 and over registered in Ontario school board credit programmes delivered during regular

school houn" (p.45). In 1994, The Royal Commission on Learning, reporting on the

status of Ontario education, stated: "The province's adult education sector is expanding: the number of adult students (aged 19 or more) enroled in day school has increased dramaticall y in the last decade. In 1980-8 1, there were 19,360 such leamers; in 199 1-92,

the number was 85,706.. .. In 1992-93, there were 98,423 adult students in day schools, of whom 50,104 were between the ages of 19 and 2 1, while the rest were older." (Vol. 1,

p.30).

Credit Course Options for Adults bv the Earlv 1990s

By the early 1990s, there were three main models of credit course delivery for

adults in the province who wanted to attend school by day: daytime credit classes for

adolescents in a regular secondary school which adults rnight join, credit classes under continuing education which were funded differently fiom adolescent credits even if oflered in the day, and adult day schools that were fully funded in the same way as secondary day schools for adolescents. In addition, night school, summer school,

Ministry of Education correspondence courses, and an increasing number of technology-

based independent study options were available for those who could not attend scheduled

classes.

In some jurisdictions, adult and continuing education departments took over just

part of a school building othewise occupied by children or adolescents. This often

created a situation in which adult students and their teachers in one hallway were

administered by the principal of continuing education under one set of regulations, while

younger students and their teachers in another hallway were administered by the

"regular" principal under a different set of regulations.

Various contractual arrangements covered full time contracts for teachers on the

"grid", teachers on an hourly Form 3 contract, instnictors of non-credit courses and staff

hired for projects. Marketing and government tenders were bringing in students as never

before, and classroom space and resources had to be found for them. Helping adults learn

in a school board setting had never been so complex. Nor so profitable.

2.4. Scbool Board Adult Education, 1990-1996: From Boom to Bust

2.4.1. The Boom Years in the Earlv 1990s

Having reviewed the structure and administration of school board programs for

adults, we now remto the discussion of policy development in the late twentieth

century. In cornparison with some other public institutions, school board adult prograrns

made great gains in the early 1990s, partly because they had fewer overheads, quicker response time and lower instructional costs. Universities appeared pre-occupied with more esoteric issues such as fieedom of expression and zero tolemce (Daly, Feb. 12,

1994, The Toronto Star). Whereas the Ontario CAATs had previously benefitted fmm block grants for training, even if enrolment was low, changes in the fiinding formula ended that generosity (Mayers, May 22, 1995, The Toronto Star).

The political and economic climate fuelled success. The Ontario NDP continued pouring money into skills training and re-training programs as a remedy for the rampant unemployment. The cornmitment to settling immigrants, employrnent equity and human rights resulted in fùnding for programs such as the Ministry of Citizenship's Multicultural

Workplace Program (MWP)which focussed not only on language acquisition, but cross- cultural communication to improve equity and access for workers fiom al1 backgrounds.

Programs under the euphemistic title of "Labour Adjusbnent" fhded school boards to O ffer career counselling, j O b search workshops and re-training for large groups of "displaced workers," particularly in the manufacturing sector. Much of this had been previously administered by local employment offices of what we now know as Human

Resources Development Canada (HRDC). However those ofnces becarne so overwhelmed by the numbers of unemployed in this tirne of recession, that they began to contract out the labour adjustrnent counselling and training, as well as LINC and CIS prograrns. In order to ensure that they benefitted from this change, school board administraton added contract negotiation to their repertoire of skills.

As the NDP govenunent struggled to solve the unemployment problem, creative approaches fiom deliverers of training were welcomed. Don Baker, the now retired supervising principal of Halton Board Adult and Continuing Education Department, recalled this period, stating:

It was very confushg because the desand guidelines kept changing. But if you came up with a unique idea and could convince the funders, then you could run it. It was a time when they encourageci entrepreneurship. (D. Baker, personal communication, February 16,1997)

In 1993, school boards had to make some adjustments when the Ministry of

Education, the Ministry of Skills Development and the Ministry of Colleges and

Universities were al1 combined into a revarnped and renamed Ministry of Education and

Training (MET).Policy changes followed, such as the elimination of Grade 9 credits and the introduction of The Cornmon Curriculum. Whereas these policies were designed for youth, teachers of adults worked hard to apply them to adult programs. Reminders were sent to the Minister that the Ontario Parent Council introduced in September 1993 would have dubious benefit for adult students (CESBA, 1993).

Many hoped that the complexities of adult education would be eased in1994 when the non-credit Literacy, ABE, ESL, and project-based programs were finally drawn under the umbrella of OTAB, the provincial amof CFLDB. OTAB was, by now, an anns- length agency of the new MET, and one of its aims was to end the duplication that had been caused by eleven Ministries funding training. For example, prognuns such as

MWP,OBSW and the Labour Adjustment Preparatory Program were folded into one program named Workplace Nork force Equity and Basic Skills (WIWEBS).

In September, 1994, OTAB moved to establish twenty-four regiond Local Boards

(OTAB, 1994) to oversee training endeavours across the province. It was expected that

Local Boards would CO-ordinateregional training initiatives by overseeing needs identification, training program development and equitable dissemination of fwiding to prognun deliverers: universities, colleges, private trainers, community agencies and school boards. The exact procedures for administration and accountability were unclear and OTAB was having operating difficulties, nunoured to be caused by the lack of CO- operation between business and labour representatives. However, most adult education administers appeared, by now, to be very confident of theu ability to weather any

government policy changes, and were probably not as concemed as they should have

been about the clouds gathering on the horizon.

2.4.2. Growine Concerns in the Fall of 1994

In the fa11 of 1994, the newsletter of the Ontario Council for Adult Educators

(OCAE, October, 1994), one of the largest associations for school board teachers of

adults, drew attention to two major developments. First, the Pnor Learning Assessrnent

(PLA) process in the CAATs was gaining momentum, and many teachers feared that

adults would tum to colleges for equivalency standing, instead of returning for a

secondary school diploma. Also, MET was becoming more and more vocal about

adopting the General Education Development (GED)equivalency diploma, which was

seen as a threat to school board credit courses.

At the same time, the federal government was beginning to acknowledge what

practising educators and the Ontario governrnent had been saying for some time: "Federal

interests overlap provincial interests" (Ontario Ministry of Colleges and Universities,

1986, p. 10). The way federally funded LLNC prograrns competed with provincially-

funded ESL classes is an example of this overlap. Doubts were also raised about the

federal funding of private and public institutions to deliver skills training. One front page headline screarned: '31.7 million cornputer course fiasco sparks probe" (Lakey, Dec. 4,

1994, The Toronto Star).

That fall, OCAE announced that the theme of its next conference in Febniary

1995 would be "The Andragogical Edge" for teachers of adults "On The Edge." The conference promised a "road map that will help you steer a fast and steady course through today's changing adult education landscape" (OCAE, 1994, p. 1). However, it might be argued that adult education was already over the edge, because in 1995 things began to change. The time of almost uncontrolled growth of school board adult education was over.

2.4.3. Events of Earlv 1995

By 1995, the economic realities were having an impact al1 across Canada.

Taxpayers were more insistent than ever that the dollars spent on education should produce solutions for the problems in society. Critics pointed to irrelevant curriculum, outdated equipment and methods, poor student performance, inflated salaries and light workload of teachers, and top-heavy administration.

Late in1994, the Ontario NDP published a report on the provincial school system:

For the Love of Learning: Report of The Royal Commission on Learning. The very %st words in the preface of the short version quipped: "Talk about your lifelong leaming"

(Shoa Version, p. viii), but references to adult education only amounted to approximately

4 pages out of about 800. Only 5 out of 167 recommendations mentioned adults specifically, and they were later descnbed as "'well-intentioned but misinformed and damaging" (CESBA, Febniary 1996, p.4). Al1 the sarne, this was the first Royal Commission to recomrnend that adult education be the concern of school boards.

Recomrnendation #27 proposed that:

In order to ensure that al1 Ontario residents, regardless of age, have access to a secondary school diploma, publicly hnded school boards be given the mandate and the bdsto provide adult educational programs. (Report of the Royal Commission, 1994, Vol. IV, p. 169)

A second provincial govemment publication, also printed at the end of 1994 but disserninated early in 1995, was Lifelong Learning and the New Econumy. This thin, twenty-four page report fiom the already disbanded "former Premier's Council on

Economic Renewal" (p. i), was the result of four years work by the several dozen members and working group representatives of the Task Force on Lifelong Leaming.

Their main message was encapsulated in the words of one of the task force members, Bob

Rosehart, and quoted repeatedly throughout the document: "Our present educational system is an archipelago with lousy ferry service. What we have to build is a learning highway" (p. 1).

Unfominately there was no chance to improve the ferry service or build highways.

In the spring, the NDP premier, Bob Rae, called an election - and lost.

2.4.4. Chanpes in the S~ringand Summer of 1995

Ontario voters elected the Progressive Conservatives (PC) in the spring of 1995.

However, before it left office, the outgoing NDP government had taken some fmd steps to influence education in Ontario. For example, in Apnl, it acted on the Ontario Parent

Council Report (1994) and instmcted that School Councils be established in each school to give parents a louder voice (MET,Policy Memorandurn PPM 122, April 12, 1995). No mention was made of giving adult students a voice to speak for themselves. The NDP also set up the Secondary School Reference Group to orchestrate the phasing out of Ontario Academic Credits, commonly referred to as Grade 13, as recommended by The Royal Commission. Although this proposal had been on record since the 1967 Hall-Dennis Report, Living and Learning, the OSSTF president accused the politicians of "lobbing a grenade" at high schools and is reported as saying, "There is a wrecking crew out after Ontario secondary education ... Its mission is to dismantle secondary education" (Duffy, May 18, 1995, The Toronto Star).

Another legacy of the NDP was a cornmittee to oversee the setting up of an

Ontario College of Teachers. There were mixed reactions to this arnong the various teacher unions that fell under the umbrella of the Ontario Teachea Federation (OTF).

OSSTF, described as "the first and loudest opponent" accused the govemment of proposing college fees as a "tax grab" (Lewington, Oct. 12, 1995, The Globe and Mail).

There was no indication of how the College would interact with teachers and instmctors of adults.

On June 8,1995, the PC led by Mike Harris took office and began the "Common

Sense Revolution." Mr. Snobelen was appointed as Minister of Education and Training

and promptly announced that there was a need to "create a crisis'' to produce change.

Apart fiom any policy leanings, the Minister was a high school &op-out who had become

a millionaire, and was seen to person@ the belief that success cmbe achieved without an

education.

One of the first announcements of the PC government was that it planned to

abolish OTAB, thereby writing off half a decade of work to CO-ordinatetraining in the

province. An unintended achievement of the OTAB consultation process was the new level of CO-operationbetween the five sectors involved in delivery of addt prograrns: pnvate trainers, school boards, colleges, universities and community-based trainers. They fonned the Ontario Council of Education and Trainllig Organizations (OCETO) and argued for maintainhg OTAB (OCETO, 1995). But to no avail.

The most vulnerable adults were doubtless those in Literacy, ABE and ESL prograrns. A CESBA survey of literacy and numeracy programs showed that 53% of school boards had served fewer of these learners in 1994 than in previous years. A question about how many were on class waiting lists earned the response: "Al1 the prograrns were cancelled." Another comment was, "We don't have a waiting list because we can't open another class" (CESBA, Nov. 1995). Completion of the survey was reported as "a challenge" because it was often difficult to identify exactly who had responsibility for prograrns within each school board. Seeing a need to become "a stronger more effective voice for promoting adult literacy issues in Ontario," the Ontario

Literacy Coalition (OLC)restnictured itself (OLC,1995).

One of the earliest "Cornmon Sense" cuts was the NDP jobsontario program, which had provided re-training for the unemployed. Peel Board of Education, whose emlment in adult education and training had numbered 188,000 in 1994, reported at the end of 1995: "That figure dropped to 170,000 this year with the elimination of the NDP's jobsonturio work training program" (Lewington, J., November 17, 1995, The Globe and

Mail). Waming that the recession had turned into a 'Tobless recovery," newspaper columnist David Crane pointed out: "The economy is generating jobs for those with education and skills while it continues to eliminate jobs for the uneducated and unskilled .... This is why the Harris govenunent's decision to end the jobsontmio prognim is a mistake." (Crane, July 30,1995, The Toronto Star).

Meanwhile, at the federal level, an article in The Globe und Mail (Greenspoon,

July 28, 1995) announced that Human Resources Minister, Lloyd Axworthy, had "lost much of his ardour for governrnent-nui training programs." It went on to report:

"Sources Say Mr. Axworthy has concluded that direct govenunent training fails to make the grade in too many cases, costs too much money and intrudes too deeply on provincial jurisdiction." The inevitable federal cut backs ended many job search training programs which had depended on CJS fbnding, as well as Transitions, which provided a training allowance for underemployed people over forty-five. And then, in addition to cutbacks in non-credit project-based programs, came announcements that seriously affected adult credit programs too.

2.4.5. Announcements in the Fall of 1995

By this time, the Ontario Prior Learning Assessment Network had existed for more than a year to support a process for giving mature students academic credit for knowledge and skills learned through experience. In October, 1995, HRDC,CLFDB and the Canadian Association for Pnor Learning Assessment were involved in the fïrst

National Forum on PLA held in Ottawa. It was clear that PLA had become a process anchored at the CAATs, where students could apply for colleges credits by producing a portfolio of achievements. The concem of many school board adult educators was that adult students would go to colleges instead of attending secondary school credit courses.

In November, 1995, Snobelen made several announcements that had an even more profound impact on the adult credit courses. Two were expected and had no immediate effect: Grade 13 would be eliminated in the fiiture; the Ontario ColIege of

Teachers would be in place by 1996. The third announcement, however, was heard as a death knell, because it cut fhding for addt programs.

On November 30th, Snobelen sent a letter to chairs and directors of al1 school boards announcing a cut of 9% in grants for the year 1996-97. It included the following

Effective September 1996, adult students 21 years of age and over who are currently enroled in regular day school programs will be fbnded under continuing education programs. Adult education will continue to be important to the long term economic health of Ontario for the foreseeable future. This change in funding will offer boards the same kind of flexibility in staffhg for al1 adult programming as they currently have in their evening continuing education prograrns. (MET,November 30,1995)

These reductions meant that adult day schools, many of which had only opened in the early 1990s would probably not be financially viable any longer. Resources, facilities and support services would be more limited. The MET euphemism "flexibility in smng" meant that adult programs would once again be taught by hourly paid Form 3 teachers who would not be cornpensated for preparation, marking, or professional developrnent outside of contact hours in the classroom.

The letter was faxed to school boards late in the day on that Thursday and so staff did not see it until the morning of Friday, December 1. It so happened that on that Friday, more than a hundred principals and administrators of school board adult programs, including this researcher, were together at the fa11 conference of CESBA, prophetically named "Survival in the 90s." There was shock and disbelief as the news was circulated.

All workshops were cancelled and an open forum was held to discuss the announcement.

Accusations of ageism and exploitation of teachers were heard. It was clear that adult students in &y schools would no longer receive the full fbnding they had enjoyed since the late 1980s. Quoted in The Toronto Sun (Levy,

Decernber 1, 1995) a Ministry representative confirmed: "Funds for adult education - now $5,000 per student -will be chopped to $2,257, the same amount allocated for continuing education." Because of adjustments in the funding formula for different school boards, the allocation would be much less for some boards. When it made its calculations, Peel Board of Education reported: "Funding will drop fiom the current approximately $5,000 level to $1,500 per student" @ay schools.. ., Feb. 1 1, 1996, The

Mississaugu News).

The Ministry was sending a message that the "Continuing Education Model" was to becorne the main vehicle for delivering credit courses, and therefore the lesser continuing education funding formula would apply, rather than the full day school funding. In announcing the effects of the grant reduction, Peel Board stated "It has left school board administrators to advise the board to offer adult programs only outside the regular school day" @ay schools.. ., Feb. 1 1, 1 W6,The Mississaugu News).

However, as far as the general public were concemed, the reduction in adult education took second place to the cuts in junior kindergarten hding which had also been announced in the Minister's letter. An indication that children and youth were seen as the centre of the education system was an eight page "Special Report on Education" in

The Toronto Star (Special.. ., December 3, 1995) which made no reference to adult students or their teachers. 2.4.6. ConfIict from January to June of 1996

A year after the 1994 Royal Commission on Learning report, Commission CO- chairperson Gerald Caplan complained that it had " 'disappeared into the vapour' "

(Dm,Jan. 28, 1996, The Toronto Sm).He was quoted as saying that "the budget- cutting zeal in govemment leaves little room for constructive thought or refom." He cnticized OSSTF, in particular, for taking a " 'destructive position' " in refusing to accept change, and for opposing the planned Ontario College of Teachers. But many adult educators were pleased to see that OSSTF was becoming more vocal about adult education,

Many teachers of adults had been critical of OSSTF's lack of interest in their status in the past. However, presumably realizing how many federation jobs were at risk,

OSSTF now becarne active. A brochure and video declared "Adults in Public High

Schools: A Comrnunity Investrnent" (OSSTF,nd, circulated late 199Yearly 1996).

Buttons, clearly responding to Harris's policy platform, announced: "Adult Education Is

Conunon Sense." During the winter of 1994-95, OSSTF began to give lobbying

workshops for their members who taught adults. There is no evidence, however, that

OSSTF was willing to support instnictors and teaching assistants who were not federation

members.

At this time, the trustees' association, the Ontario Public School Boards

Association published a statement supporting adult education in a CESBA newsletter:

The Ontario Public School Boards Association supports the concept that al1 have a right to a secondary education regardless of age. Therefore, the association recommends thal the base per pupil grant includefundingfor those over the age of 21 who do not have a secondary school diploma or its equivufent, and who are enroled in secondmy school credir courses, apprenticeship courses, adult continuing education credit courses, Adult Basic Education, ESUFSL, dday or evening classes. (CESB A, Feb. 1996).

But Snobelen appeared detemiined to cut the annual provincial budget for education, reported as $12.3 billion (DufTy, Feb. 1, 1996, The Toronto Sîar).

Administrators of adult and continuhg education programs found themselves in a fight to keep the daytime credit classes. Peel Board of Education was one of the many boards which encouraged adult students to becorne more vocal in defence of courses. One Peel student lobbyist was reported as saying: " 'Adult daytime education is vital to the community and we have to find some way to keep it alive' " (Calleja, Feb. 15, 1996, The

Toronto Slar). The sarne article reported:

A recornmendation to end the program is being considered by tmstees after the province informed boards that adult prognuns will now be hded at the lower continuing education rate rather than a regular day school rate. That means the board will lose $2.5 million in provincial funding for the 1996-97school year.

While adult students themselves were very aware of adult education in schools, the general public was still more pre-occupied with children's schooling. Following up on the previous government's policy memorandum of April 1995, Snobelen took action to ensure that School Councils would be established in every school by June, 1996, and chaired by parents (Ontario Parent Council, Feb. 1996). There was no indication that adult students would have their own voice on School Councils.

On the federal scene, Douglas Young had taken over nom Lloyd Axworthy as

HRDC Minister, and Young took an even harder line on the issue of training. In

February, The Globe and Mail (Seguin, Feb. 24, 1996) reported him as saying: "The federal govemment will pull out of manpower training withui three years and turn over management of the programs to the provinces." The question of how this would be accomplished was of concem to school board administrators, because so many of the skills upgrading prograrns, particularl y computer and j Ob seanh courses, still benefitted from federal funding.

By March, 1995, news of teacher layoffs began to appear. It was cluu that school boards were not the only institutions to be affected by the cutbacks: "Ontario's 24 cornmunity colleges will cut 1,158 full-time teachers this year, a teacher union survey has revealed" (Calleja, March 1 1, 1996, The Toronto Star). Many school board instructors of adults and teaching assistants were concerned over this, because many supplemented their income by working for colleges. But full-time licensed teachers working in schools boards were more upset by announcements which were made, in most cases, just days before the March Break holiday .

For example, the Tuesday before the holiday, Halton Board of Education sent lay- off notices to 1,501 staff, including 572 teachers (Kelly, March 5, 1996, The Oukville

Beaver). Counted among staff were teaching assistants and instructors in adult programs.

The vast majority of teachers in the adult day school, 53 out of approximately 80, received notice. Protesters at the board's administrative office included adult leamer with signs saying: "Adult leamers are adult earnersy'(Whitnell, March 8,1996, The Burlington

Post).

Many concemed with education accused school boards of playing political garnes by announcing such massive layoffs so early in the yeûr. MPP Terence Young, who was apparently "hopping mad" because the Halton Board's actions had resulted in student protests against the government, was reported as saying: They (school board officiais) have administrated a phony crisis. They have manipulated our youth into holding an emergency assembly and are using them as political actoa. This stinks. It is purely a game of political poshuing to get to Mike Harris and they are using children to do it (Mallett, March 12, 1996, The Oakville Free Press Jourmr)

Three weeks later, Halton Board announced that it had rescinded 325 of the 572 lay-off notices for teachers (Mitchison, March 27, 1996, The Burlingto~Post). But the newspaper article pointed out that there was "no good newsyyfor 53 teachers in adult education whose layoff notices stayed in effect. This kind of "flip-flop" action was seen in boards across the province. Alan King, former Queen's University professor of education, assessed the situation as "uglyY'and was reported as saying: "To some extent, the threat of massive job loss is meant to force teachers' unions to give up costly contract provisions" (Crawford, March 10,1996, The Toronto Star).

On the weekend of March 9/10, the teacher representatives acted, and it was announced that: 'Two large teachea' unions have voted to join the Canadian Labor

Congress as the fight over govemrnent cuts to education heats up" (Campion-Smith,

March 1 1, 1996, The Toronto Star). One of those unions was OSSTF, and it was clear that the teachers' representatives were ready to stand under the CLC umbrella with other worker unions, such as the Canadian Automobile Worken, whose members were mainly automotive workers. This fuelled academic discussioo about '6assembly-lineschoolsyy and "teacher as factory worker." Many teachers arnong the general OSSTF membership were angry that their representatives had not aligned themselves with associations for professionals.

Early in March, Snobelen revealed the long-awaited "tool kit" for education, actually Bill 34: An Act to Amend the Education Act. Although there had been wild speculation about how Snobelen might reduce spending on education, the "tool kit" was a disappointment because it contained very little in the way of specinc measures. School boards were given only "watered down" guidelines to deal with policy decisions such as a moratorium on new construction and the $81 million reduction in funding for administration, busing and custodid services (Wright, March 7,1996, The Toronto Star).

The govemment was careful to point out that these were al1 "out of classroom" expenses which should not affect teachers and students,

OSSTF responded angrily, arguing that al1 cutbacks affected teachers and students. One spokesperson referred to the "tool kit" as a Fisher Pice@ toy, and added:

"But it had one deadly weapon in it - a chah saw, marked to destroy the quality of education in Ontario by hacking $400 million fiom education (Baldwin,March 3 1, 1996,

The OakvilZe Beaver). For adult educators the "tool kit" included public c~~rmationof news in the Minister's letter the previous November, that "The amount of money spent on adult education will be cut in half' (Canadian Press, March 29, 1996, The Globe and

Mail). There was wide cynicism among teachen about the government's agenda. One wrote:

Snobelen would love nothing more than to sit back and watch one group of teachers slugging it out with another - the high school federation offers JK as the sacrificial lamb while the elementary one opts for adult programs. To their credit, the teachers' leaders have not fdlen for that trap. (Heffeman, March 15, 1996, The Toronto Star)

Meanwhile, the Education and Training Reference Group (ETRG) used its remaining budget to sponsor a final conference on Feb. 29March 1, 1996, entitled 'The

Business of Education and Training in Ontario." This group had served as a resource to

OTAB and represented the five sectors who delivered education and training: comrnunity agencies, private trainers, universities, colleges and school boards. With the end of

OTAB looming, ETRG used the conference to address the challenges facing educators and trainers and "to promote a dynamic training culture in Ontario" (ETRG,1996). At the beginning of April the provincial Conservatives announced cutbacks of $1 3 5 million in spending for training and the dissolution of OTAB (Staff, April 12, 1996, The Toronto

Star).

The so-called jobless recovery was lurching on in Ontario, but clearly the provincial govemment was no longer convinced that training was helping. A global review conducted by The Economist suggested that "subsidy, lower taxes and de- regdation" would be more useful to the jobless than training (The training.. . April 13,

1996, The Globe and Mail). Assessing the Canadian employrnent situation in headline tems, the popular press concluded: "Ambition called elusive element in preparing adults for the job battleground of tomorrow" (Staff, April20, 1996, The Globe and Mail).

However, in a report to school board adult educators, the outgoing president of

CESBA urged them to keep the faith: "As we see public education in Ontario become even more politicized, especially for the margindized, those of us who are the providers cannot afford to become cornplacent, even if we are the best product in town" (CESBA,

President's Report, April 1996).

Any complacency that may have been fett among school boards in general was shaken that spring by John Sweeney's report recommending that half the school boards in

Ontario should be eliminated. It also recommended changes in the legislation that empowered each board to negotiate its own agreements on teacher salaries, benefits and working conditions. (Wright, Aug.24, 1996, The Toronto Star). Whereas these recornmendations did not affect adult educatoa any more than regular staff, it can be argued that as school board trustees and administrators felt themselves more at risk, they were less likely to support adult education programs that were already considered to be a fringe activity.

In May, 1996, there was fiuther cause for concern when Snobelen announced that the GED diploma equivalency program would be offered across Ontario as part of an education system based on "accountability to al1 Ontario taxpayers." Snobelen was quoted as saying: "We are pleased to welcome Ontario into a prograrn which has provided more than 360,000 Canadian adults with the opportunity to earn high school equivalency credentials" (MET,News Release, May 16, 1996). GED had actually first been brought fiom the U.S.to Nova Scotia in 1969.

OSSTF saw the introduction of GED as yet another way of cutting teacher jobs, since it is based on tests which mature students can take without attending classes, and uncertified instructors can assist with preparation. CESBA saw the benefits of keeping any fee-paying preparation courses under the school board umbrella as an option for adult students, and wrote the following in a letter to Snobelen:

As educators who deal exclusively with adults who rem to school not having completed hi& school diploma requirements, it has become increasingly clear to us that the GED would fil1 a niche in education qualifications that is currently vacant .... We feel that publicly funded school boards of Ontario are uniquely situated to provide preparation and testing services for the GED. (CESBA,President's Letter, Jan. 23, 1996)

At the end of May, promises of Merreforms to education were included in the document: "Doing Better For Less: Introducing Ontario's Business Plans" which presented the cost-reducfion plans of each Ontario ministry, including a "massive" reform of the "broken" education system (Waker, May 28, 1997, The Toronto Star). Many were applauding the "horse sense" of Snobelen, the home-trainer, turned trucking magnate, turned Education Minister (Kastner, May 12, 1996, The Toronto Star).

At the federal level, HRDC Minister, Doug Young,was trying to fblfill Prime

Minister Chretien' s promise to devolve labour-marketing training to the provinces. The

Minister was reported as saying: "We are phasing out of manpower training. We are going to zero budget in manpower training" (Greenspoon, May 29,1996, The Globe and

Mai[). With federally fûnded projects coming to an end, and provincial grant cutbacks on credit courses, school board tnistees and administrators were acting to radically downscale their adult education programs for the following September.

2.4.7. Status of Programs in the Fall of 1996

When the school year started in September, 1996, schools appeared fiom the outside to have undergone little change in the way they operated. Nearly al1 teachers had been hired back, the parent councils had made little impact so far, and the provincial govemment had announced it was going to delay reforms such as the elimination of

Gracie 13 (Lewington, July 16, 1996, The Globe and Mail).

However, behind the scenes, there was contiming concern among educators.

During the summer, Bill 3 1, establishing the Ontario College of Teachers, had been passed (Ontario College of Teachers Project, September 1996), and there was uncertainty about how it would operate. At the end of the summer, Snobelen had announced that he was giving senous consideration to the Sweeney recommendations of the spring to cut the number of school boards in half, and remove the nght of teachers and individual school boards to bargain under Bill 100 (Wright, Aug. 24,1996, The Toronto Star). Barely had the classes begun in September, when Snobelen announced that a discussion paper on school reform would be distnbuted across Ontario to seek input on a revised curriculum and initiatives such as credit for work experience and PLA (Lewington, Sept.

2 1, 1996, The Globe and Mail).

During the fdl months, David Crombie's "Who Does What" panel was taiking of acting on the Sweeney report, cutting the number of school boards in haif and finding a new method of funding the remaining ones that did not rely on the local tax base. Many teachers of adults and instnictors joined other teachers in the days of protest that were being held around the province to send a message to Mike Harris's government It was reported that on October 25, "an estimated 30 to 40 per cent of Toronto public school teachers took an unpaid day off to protest against the policies of the provincial government" (Galt, October 3 1, 1996, The Globe and Mail). At the beginning of

November, the seventeen school boards fiom the Greater Toronto asked to meet urgently

with Snobelen" (Small, Nov. 17, 1996, The Toronto Star).

By this point, adult programs had been cut drastically. For several school boards

this marked the end of adult day schools, since they were no longer financially viable,

and there was a massive swing back to the continuhg education model. Full-time "grid"

teachers with seniority were moved back to the regular adolescent high xhools. Others

with less seniority were laid off or hired back to teach on Form 3 contracts at an hourly

rate. At the CESBA fa11 conference, administrators admitted to actively soliciting

students under twenty-one to corne into the adult education department so that the larger

grants received for the adolescents would underwrite the cost of teaching adults with

much lower fùnding. In the non-credit programs, instructors who had been hùed to facilitate govemment-fûnded projects saw those projects disappear. Discussions between Ottawa and the provincial govemment over tramfer of training dollars broke down, and it was observed that ''the stailing of the negotiations has created chaos among community groups that rely on Ottawa for funding of training programs" (Rusk, Oct. 2 1, 1996, The

Globe and Mail). School boards were also caught in that chaos.

At the same tirne, it was realized that money could be made by setting up preparation courses for the GED tests. Six test sites had been set up across the province in the fdl (Staff, Sept. 10, 1996, The Toronto Star) and school boards, like private centres, began to charge fees for helping people prepare for the test. As the focus on youth unemployment caused the government to introduce various youth opportunity programs, school boards competed for those bdstoo, reducing efforts to attract older students, such as those over forty-five who had formerly been funded under the

Transitions program.

At the sarne time as the govemment was removing support for adult education, the community demand for adult programs continued unabated. An Angus Reid poll reported that "sixty-two per cent of employees questioned in a poll sponsored by Royal

Bank of Canada said they had taken at least one adult education course in the past year"

(Gibb-Clark, Nov. 18, 1996, The Globe and MaiC). At the sarne time, adult students were reported to be suffering fiom the cutbacks in school board programs and the shifi to the continuing education mode1 of delivery (Shoah, Nov. 14, 1996, The Globe and

Mail). It was in this climate that the interviewing of school board teachers of adults began as part of the present study. 2.5. Chapter Summary

This chapter has aimed to provide a context for the study by supplying background uiformation on school board adult education. Ontario school board policies, programs and activities have been described in some detail, beginning with early adult education initiatives in the nineteenth century, and ending with the events leading up to the first interviews in the fa11 of 1996.

There has been a discernible pattern of "ups and downs" in the development of comrnunity and continuing education programs offered by Ontario school boards. Slow expansion in the nineteenth and early twentieth century was followed by a spurt of activity der World War II caused by the demand to educate demobilized war veterans.

There was a sharp decline in school board prograrnming after cornmunity colleges were established in 1965, in spite of evidence that adults still wanted to finish their schooling locally before going to college. Policy changes led to a sudden and tremendous explosion of programs in the late 1980s and early 1WOs, but there was an equally sudden cancellation of many new programs after 1995. Al1 of these developments resulted fiom social and economic re-alignments at local, provincial, national and international levels.

A deliberate effort has been made to report events chronologically and without reference to issues of marginality. However, many would argue that the policy decisions descnbed in this chapter are evidence that adult educators are marginal. Those arguments will be considered later in the thesis when the expenences related by the teachers of adults are being analyzed. The concem here was to provide a foundation for the next phase of the study. CHAPTER 3

REVIEW OF TRE LITERATURE

3.1. Introduction

A review of literature was undertaken to ground the research in scholarly Wrxting related to both adult education and marginality. Furthemore, it was hoped to identi6 theories which might be applied to our study, and to draw out questions for an interview protoco 1.

Four approaches were taken, and this chapter is divided into four corresponding parts. The fust task was to demonstrate the perceived comection between marginality and adult education, and to provide a sarnpling of the many references which speak to that comection. The next part of the cbapter synthesizes and analyzes t'ose references to draw out major issues and then frame them as questions. Using those questions as a guide, the chapter then explores theones of marginality drawn fiom various disciplines, and identifies three major constnicts as a framework for research. The final part warns of some potential fallacies and the chapter ends with a summary.

3.2. Marginality and Adult Education

Since the 1%Os, references to the marginality of the field have appeared more and more fiequently, even though one would have expected adult education to be moving toward the centre of the post World War II demand for idormation and new skills. A sample of those references illustrates that margindity is a tem which is regularly used, but interpreted in scores of different ways, thereby contnbuting to "the adult education jumble" (Adams, 1944, p. 128). In order to put perimeters on the "jumble" we lirnit ourselves to the adult education literature of North America. Because writers fkom the United States have ben among the most vocal about marginality, we begin with them. Afterwards, we move on to hear fiom Canadian authorities: first, their general views on the relationship between adult education and marginality, and secondly, their opinions of rnarginality in the context of Ontario school board adult education programs.

3.2.1. U.S. Opinion on Maminalitv and Adult Education

Our representational sarnpling of what writers in the United States have said about marginality starts with Burton Clark, because he is credited with having popularized the concept that adult education is marginal. Clark focussed attention on the phenornenon when he conducted his 1952-53 study of one California school system. His findings were documented in his doctoral thesis and then in a 1958 essay entitled "The

Marginality of Adult Education" which provides the opening quote for this thesis. A monograph which went into its third printing in 1968 under the title: Ad& Education in

Transition: A Study of Institutional lnsecurity is based on Clark's original thesis, and that is where we begin our scrutiny.

Based on his lengthy shidy of adult schools in Los Angeles, Clark identifies the primary issue as "the marginal position of adult education within the public school system and the effect this status has upon the adult school" (Clark, 1968, p.45). For exarnple, one of the efZects reported is "cafeteria style"(p.82) program offerings. Clark describes the status of adult programs as "the handicap of marginality" (p. 129) suggesting

disadvantage. He refen to the "marginal position" (p.45) of adult education and also describes it as a "marginal activity" (p.52). He maintains that: "The depression as a histoncal event afXected the adult school principally through its main wlnerability, its marginal existence" (p. 142). Clark aiso notes six symptoms of marguiaiity: lack of constitutional status; part-time administration; absence of separate facilities; low acceptance by economy-minded interest groups; the need to sell the programs to the public; arnbiguous fuianciai status @p. 58-60).

Conclusions such as these are peppered through Clark's (1968) monograph, and he is regularly cited by other authorities. For exarnple, it would seem likely, given the unreferenced but easily recognizable quotes in an article published in 1960, that Sheats was drawing on Clark's original fïndings to suggest both causes and effects of marg inality :

The marginality of adult education in the established institutional structure of our society has been ascnbed in part to its ~aidessness," to its open-ended and opportunistic "service" approach, to its "cafeteria" offerings of whatever the public demands, to its policy of drift and the absence of goal-directedness. (Sheats, 1960, p.554)

Although there is little to suggest it, Niemi and NagIe (1979) seem to assume that

Clark's 1958 essay is a "theory of the marginality of adult and continuing education"

(p. 136). Using a quote fiom page one of Clark's essay, they go on to maintain:

"According to that theory, adult and continuing education commands 'too little rnoney, too few facilities, and too tenuous a hold on its clientele to gain support for its aims and recognition for its professional personnel7" (p. 136). Rather than test the "theory", they merely quote Clark and argue:

This marginality has one positive aspect: because administrators operate on an enrollment economy, they must sell prograrns as well as design them. The independence that marks this entrepreneurial role enables them to plan fieely to meet the needs of particuiar clienteles. In such flexibility, some believe, lies the strength of the adult and continuing education enterprise. (Niemi and Nagle, 1979, p. 136)

Mezirow (1984) seems to agree with Niemi and NagIe's statement that marginality may have benefits when he states:

Perhaps it is because we have been marginal to the mainstream of education for so long that we have been able to sustain our own rather distinctive perspective on learner centeredness in conceptuaiizing our role. (p. 130)

Over time, sorne authorities have changed their opinion of the effects of marginality. Writing in 1976, Hiemstra maintained: "Many of the factors prompting the long and continuous argument over the uniqueness of adult and continuing education have stemmed fiom the marginal status given adult educators by other educaton or by professionals in related disciplines" (1 976,p.8 1). Hiemstra also thought then that: "adult educators have been able to move away fiom a marginal status to one of professionalism"

(p. 81). Twenty years ago Hiemstra's view was:

Various forces... and the rapid growth in participation are helping most adult educators rnove fiom a status of marginality in institutional or cornrnunity settings to one of being accepted, understood, and even supported. (p. 104)

When questioned more recently, however, Hiemstra reversed his opinion and stated: "If anything, we have Iost ground during the past 20 years and may never regain even the foothold, small though it was, of the 70s" (Personal e-mail communication, July 16,

This suggestion that there were gains in the 1970s contrasts with the views of

Apps (1979) who, in equating marginality with lack of support, states: Though the number of adults participating in various kinds of educational activities is at an all-time high, the field continues to be marginal in ternis of the s~ppoait receives fiom decision makers at every level. 61.61)

The literature contains many claims that adult education is marginal because decision-makers are preoccupied with children and adolescents. London wrote in 1959:

The prevalence of the concept of education being for the young, and the organization of educationai institutions to serve this age grouping, has resulted in adult education assuming a marginal role within formai education institutions. (p. 3)

Over the years, there have been many changes of opinion about whether adult education is becoming more or less marginal. In 1956, White pointed out that adult education "is often a marginal interest of an organization, and may even be used as a means for Mering some other organizational purpose" (p. 156). More than thirty years later, Kowalski and Fallon (1988) assert: "The adult education profession ...has one foot in the past age of marginality and the other in an emerging age of cntical importance"

(p. 177).

Long (1987) laments that: "The inferionty mentality or the syndrome of marginality among Amencan adult educators has a long and distinguished history7'

(p.45). Now we tuni to see where Canadian authonties stand on the issues.

3.2.2. Canadian O~inionon Mareinalitv and Adult Education

Harris's (1 987) evaluation of cornmunity education in Canada starts us off on a positive note. She States: "In general, there is evidence that adult education is moving from its peripheral position in the overall education system to a more central location''

(p. 15 7). However, she goes on to Say:

Unfortunately, as the formai side of adult education, particularly continuing education, appears to be making strides, the non-formal version, community development, is bewming increasingly marginal, more obscure, and less supported. (p. 157)

Echoing this, literacy programs, which are integral to cornrnunity development initiatives, are similady seen to be marginal by Pearpoint (1989). In dting about issues and future trends in that field, he writes: "Literacy has been on the margins of adult education, which has equally been on the fiinge of the mainStream education systems for recent decades" (p.423). Thomas (1991) echoes these views in noting that when a university, college or school board institution offers formal academic courses for accreditation, non-forma1 programs such as literacy and basic upgrading are fiequently perceived as marginal. Thomas states:

In mainstrearn educational agencies at least, such programs for the most part have been perceived as marginal and indeed have operated under a constant threat of elimination despite their provision of revenue, allowance for experimentation, and drawing to the agency of an additional and perhaps crucial segment of the population. (p. 132)

This view is supported by Poonwassie (1991) in speaking about programs for adults at post-secondary institutions in Canada. He states: "Any competition for scarce resources on university campuses by a fledgling field such as adult education is relegated to the margins of academia3'@.178). Poonwassie continues: "It appears that continuing education units are seen as tenuous and marginal to mainstream university activity

(research and teaching); they are viewed as the service and public relations arm of the university" (p. 180). And using evocative language, somewhat echoing Berger's (1 97 1)

"ecstasy/terror7' continuum adapted for the title of this thesis, Poonwassie questions:

Should continuing education units remain at the 'bbleeding edge" of the university, where there is flexibility and the possibility of quick response to urgent cornrnunity requests, or should they become ossified in the bureaucratie entanglements of senate cornmittees and university fiuiding commissions? (p. 18 1)

Selman and Dampier (1 991) have particular concem about the effect of marginality on the administrators of adult education prograrns. One concem is that those administrators are not expected to have advanced training in education. This reason is

The addt or continuhg education unit is fiequently a marginal enterprise within the parent organization and factors other than aduit education qualifications sometimes take precedence when appointments are made. (P. 247)

The effect of marginality on administration is only one factor mentioned by

Selman and Dampier (1991) in their text, The Foundatiorw of Ad& Education in Canada.

Although they suggest that advances in technology rnight help adult education to becorne less marginal @.296), they are less optimistic in such statements as:

In many of its settings, be it school board night classes or Company training programs, for instance, adult education has developed histoncally as an "added on," and ofien secondary or marginal activity for the sponsoring activity. (p.2)

In the majority of cases, adult education is a marginal enterprise sponsored by organizations whose chief aims and objectives lie elsewhere. (p.35)

There has been a tendency for adult education to isolate itself fiom other branches of education, perhaps as a sort of self-defence mechanism, a response to its marginality in so many settings. (p.296).

Whereas technology is seen by some as a bridge to end marginality, others argue that govemment intervention is necessary to draw adult education into the mainstrearn of education. Thomas (1 991) points out that, throughout the twentieth century:

"Governments and the public saw adult education as being, at best, marginal to the basic mission of educational agencies" (p.27). The relationship between government policy and marginal statu is just one of the issues which emerges in documents, reports and studies which relate to Ontario school board adult education. We move on to examine some of those issues now.

3.23. Mareinalitv and Ontario School Board Adult Education

The literature makes a number of references to adult education being marginal to a school board system designed for youth. Thomas et al. (1979) note: "When seMces to the young were growing steadily, the 'additional' services to adults were largely a marginal part of the overall activities of the Board[s]" (pl). in commenthg on the ways elected school board trustees view adult educatio~the authors report:

The fact that so fa. it has been impossible to fmd more than a few examples of candidates for office on a Board of Education mentioning a responsibility for the adult prograrn of that Board, suggests the relatively marginal role that adult education has played in the activities of Boards of Education in Ontario. (p.1)

After a study of part-time continuing education teachers in 1969, Draper and reported that teachers who taught young people in the regular day program tended to perceive any additional night school teaching they did as a "marginal activity" (1969, p.39, and "a marginal extension of their primary function" (p.71). After his smdy of school boards Rachlis (1982) concluded: "Adult education in the schools of Ontario has traditionally been O Eered.. .as marginal night schools operated by school boards" (p. 125).

Draper refers to al1 part-time night school teachen as being "marginal to the system, like phantoms of the night" (Draper, 1993, p.24 1).

Marginality is raised in a 1986 report of a provincial govemment review of issues and trends in continuing education entitled For Adulls On&. Speaking of al1 institutions and organizations which provided adult education, including school boards, the authors of the report points to some outcomes of marghlity in stating: "For some providen, ACE

[Adult Continuhg Education] is a very marginal activity and therefore either they offer adults, part-time and at night, only that which is available in 'regular' day classes, or they integrate adults into day classes" (Ontario Ministry of Coiieges and Universities, 1986, p.24).

In its report entitled Educating Adults, the Ontario Association for Continuing

Education (OCAE) suggested that marginality had been a characteristic of adult education, and that it was mainly disadvantageous. Pointing to growth in the numbers of adult students, the report announced: "ACE [Adult and Continuing Education] cmno longer be considered a marginal activity and it cannot be allowed to continue to suffer fiom inadequate policy, legislation, fùnding and leadership" (OACE,1 987, Part 1, p.5).

In his study of change resulting fkom the presence of adults in schools, Coombs

(1989) suggests that it is new adult programs that tend to be marginal. He States:

"Minirnally, there must be at least tacit support for changes implied by the introduction of new, often experimental, and initially marginal [adult] programs" (p. 1 1). He goes on to

Say: The role of the principal is centrai to the management of change in schools; perhaps even more important when change involves new prograrns for adults, programs which may be marginal within school boards" (pp. 12-1 3).

We have seen that many writers have of5ered evidence that adult education is marginal, but others have stated categoncally that adult education is not marginal. Some have argued adult education used to be marginal but is now more mainstream, whereas others maintain it continues to be marginal. The next step, is to sift through the references to marginality we have drawn fiom the adult education literature, synthesize and analyze them, and identiQ the key issues that need to be addressed in our exploration of marginality as it might relate to school board teachers of adults.

3.3. Marginality and Adult Education: Confusion,Order, Issues and Questions

The rnuddle of marginaiity has been revealed. As we begin to search for patterns it must first of al1 be acknowledged that the main body of aduit education Merature in

North Amenca in the past fi@ years is the work of English-speaking, white, male academics, as is evidenced in the references that we have reviewed in this chapter. While their contributions to the discussion is recognized, there is clearly a need to seek out more diverse perspectives of marginality, and this will be done in due course. However, at this point, we will simply use the sources discussed in the first part of the chapter, and move on to identiQ key issues which emerged.

3.3.1. The Issue of Definine_Mareinalitv

The first issue is that there is no exact definition of marginality in the context of adult education. Everyone talks about marginality; no one seems to know what it is.

'ïheonsts and practitioners in the field have labelled a phenornenon without consttvcting a conceptual framework for it. Instead, we are offered a mixture of causes and effects of marginality ,such as Clark's (1 968) list of six symptoms: part-time administration; absence of separate facilities; low acceptance by economy-rninded interest groups; the need to sel1 the program to the public; ambiguous financial status @p. 58-60).

Authors ascribe negative or positive value to marginality without saying exactly what marginality is. We infer it is a negative, undesirable condition when the OCAE

(1987) states: "ACE [Adult and Continuing Education] ...cannot be allowed to continue to saerfiom inadequate policy, legislation, funding and leadership7'(Part 1, p.5). In contnist we are told that there are positive aspects to being marginal, including independence fiom bureaucracy and flexibility in program delivery (e.g., Mezirow, 1984; Poonwassie, 1991).

Apart fiom whether marginality is beneficid or not, there is discussion at a more basic level about whether it exists at all. Even some who argue that adult education is no longer marginal concede that it was marginal at one tirne, but do not explain what that means (e.g., Kowalski and Fallon, 1988; Selman and Dampier, 1991). Harris (1987) argues that cornmunity development, which she considers to be one sector of adult education, is becoming more marginal. Selman and Dampier (1 991) see signs that technology is causing adult education to become less marginal. Authorities are willing to discuss the extent of a phenornenon but not, it seems, to establish cognitive benchmarks for "more marginal" or "less marginal."

Although Niemi and Nagle (1979) refer to Clark's (1968) "theory" of marginality, neither he nor the other authorities appear to have agreed upon a theoretical construct of marginality in a school board context that would help us to proceed with our study.

Because of this, it is imperative to seek answers to the question: mat is marginaliiy?

3.3.2. Entrv into Marginality

The second issue is that, although there is apparently no comrnonly accepted construct of rnarginality in the context of adult education, many authorities view marginality as being "real" and considerable discussion exists about how one enters into a

marginal state. The dominant opinion seerns to be that adult educaton do not enter the margllis voluntarily. One prevalent view is that marginality is the inevitable outcome of adult education being set up as an "add on" to a system designed for children and youth (e.g.,

London, 1959; Selrnan and Dampier, 1991). Others beiieve that marginality has resulted fiom the lack of support and bding (e.g., Apps, 1979; Harris, 1987).

A less prevalent view is that adult educators have chosen to be marginal. We are reminded that many adult educators relish their independence fiom the mainstream system because it gives them flexibility and the opportunity to be entrepreneurid (e.g.,

Niemi and Nagle, 1979; Poonwassie, 1991). Selman and Dampier (1991) identifi a

"tendency for adult education to isolate itself' (p.296) but also see "encouraging signs of its willingness to join the rest of the educational world (p.296).

The idea that adult educators may chose to enter marginality voluntarily opposes the view that it is imposed and involuntary. We are presented with contrasting arguments that marginality may be caused by extemal factors, such as lack of funding, or by intemal characteristics of the marginal, such as the "absence of goal-directedness" (Sheats, 1960, p.554).

More complex is the problem of whether teacher of adults are entering a status that is "reai", or just perceived with real effects. In either case, the second question that emerges is: Wha! are the circumstances surrounding en@ info marginality?

333. Relationshim

The adult education literature raises the issue of relationships between those seen to be in the margins, those at the so-called centre of the education system, and others inside and outside of the education system. To begin with, it seems that the centre of an education system is perceived by different people in different ways. Many see senior administrators at the core. Others see elected school board trustees or boards of govemon of post-secondary institutions as being the decision-makers. Whoever they are perceived to be, Apps (1979) states unequivocally that adult education is "marginal in terms of the support it receives fkom decision makers" (p.61).

Thomas et al. (1979) report that they found few elected trustees who felt any responsibility toward adult education. London (1 959) writes of adult education

"assuming a marginal role within formal educational institutions" (p.3). Pearpoint (1989) locates adult literacy "on the fiinge" (p.423) of mainstream education systems. Selman and Dampier (199 1) use a parentlchild metaphor to descnbe the relationship betuveen the adult educators in the rnargins and their parent organizations. Poonwassie describes university continuing education as being on the "bleeding edge" (p.8) compared with the central bureaucracy.

Moving on to relationships among teaching staff, Hiemstra (1976) speaks of the

"marginal statu given adult educators by other educators" (p.8 1). Poonwassie (1 99 1) suggests that adult educators at a university level will remah marginal to the mainstream professoriat as long as they focus on service, rather than teaching and research, and are in cornpetition with them for hdsand resources.

A second dimension is the relationship that adult educaton have among themselves. Draper's (1993) reference to 4Cphantomsof the night" (p.241) is just one indication that many teachers of adults may be isolated fiom each other, as well as fiom teachers of children and youth. Draper and Smith (1969) ais0 discovered that teachers of children and youth who accepted additional night school positions viewed those positions as "a marginal extension of their prllnary hction" (p.71).

Another relationship which is mentioned in the literature is the relationship between adult educators and those outside the system, that is stakeholders in society at large. Niemi and Nagle (1979) suggest that their marginal position enables adult educators to "plan fkely to meet the needs of particular clientele" (p. 136). Poonwassie openly refers to adult education as the "public relations arm" of a university, reaching out to society. Harris (1987) finds evidence of a move fiom adult education's "peripheral position ...to a more central location" (p. 157) in society as a whole. However, Thomas

(199 1) concludes that govemment and the public still see adult education as marginal.

Since it appears that relationship issues are important in considering questions of marginality, the third major question is: Who or what is at the centre and whal are the relationships between the murgins and the centre, beîween the rnarghs and other components within the systern, and berneen the margins and the outside?

33.4. Ex~eriencesof Mareinality

A fourth issue uncovered in the aduit education literature is related to experiences of marginality, or of being perceived marginal. To begin with, we see that some authorities interpret marginaliw as a negative experience, with disadvantages and even pain; others describe positive expenences, meaning there are benefits and advantages.

Setting the trend for viewing marginality as negative was Clark (1968), who referred to "the handicap of rnarginality" (p. 129) and the "vulnerability" of a marginal existence (p. 142). One extrapolation of Hiemstra's (1 979) comment, that he sees a move "fiom a marginal status to one of professionalism" (p.81) leads to the conclusion that those in the margins are not professional, are perhaps even unprofessional, if that can be defmed. The OACE (1987) reports that adult educators "sufEer nom inadequate policy, legislation, fûnding and leadership" (Part 1, p.9, and Thomas (1991) declares that those programs have "operated under constant threat of elimination" (p. 132). Poonwassie

(199 1) goes even merin locating continuing education at "the bleeding edge" (p.8).

References that describe the experience ofmarginality in positive terms are more difficult to End. Niemi and Nagle (1979) use words such as "independence,"

"entrepreneurial," "plan fieely," and "flexibility" in connection with being an adrninistrator of adult education, and point out that: "In such flexibility, some believe, lies the strength of the adult and continuing education enterprise" (p.4). Thomas (1 991) notes that adult education provides a place for experimentation. Poonwassie (1 99 1) hints that it is better for university continuing education programs to remain on "ihe bleeding edge" than to "becorne ossified in the bwaucratic entanglements of senate cornmittees and university fimding commissions" (p. 18 1). This verbalizes the idea that the main advantage of being in the margins is not being part of the mainstream.

Many acadernics have written about marginality, often with passion. However, it is questionable whether they have experienced marpinaiity personally or whether they are responding to what they have observed as researchers in the field. Little appears to have been written by adult educators about their persond experiences in relation to marginality, which provides one rationale for the present shldy.

There are hints in the literature that there are psychological, physical, emotioaal and philosophical dimensions of marginality which are not fully understood. The simply worded question that hesthe discussion of this issue is:' What are the experiences'of

marginaliiy ?

33.5. The Resaonse to Mareinality

The point must be made that the distinction between an experience and the response to that expenence is somewhat artificial, since the two are often so interrelated that it is difficult to separate them. However, there is considerable discussion of the

response to marginality in the literature, and so we will also address responses here.

The literature that we have reviewed up until now focuses largely on

organizational responses to marginality. In discussing the ways in which the adult

education programs adjusted to operating in the margins, Clark (1968) points to the

'kafeteria style" (p.82) of offenng courses. Selman and Dampier (199 1) believe that adult

education departments may have responded to marginality by isolating themselves fiom

other educators "as a sort of self-defence mechanism" (p.296). Mezirow (1984)

philosophizes that this response has enabled adult educators to maintain a "distinctive

perspective on learner centeredness in conceptuaiizing our role" (p. 130).

In contrast, Poonwassie sees professors in university continuing education

programs fighting for "hegemonic advantage" (p. 181). Fighting to end marginality is

also the response of various associations, such as the Ontario Association for Continuing

Education, which has argued that adult and continuing education "can no longer be

considered marginal" (OACE, 1987, Part 1, p. 17).

There is little documentation of how adult educaton have responded individudly

to being perceived marginal. However, it is commonly known that many, such as tuton

in the "fnnge" literacy programs mentioned by Pearpoint (1991), have responded willingly to the demands of the disadvantaged, without apparently worrying about their own status. And if outspoken advocacy to what Thomas (199 1) labels "the constant tbreat of elimination" of programs can be considered a response to marginality, then iiteracy tutors are known to respond energeticaily.

We can assume that individual responses, just like the expenences of being perceived as marginal, have physical, psychological, philosophical and emotional dimensions. It would seem that the fiAh question to be asked is: What are the responses to experiences of marginality?

3.3.6. Summarv of Ouestions Drawn from the Adult Education Literature

From the many references to marginality in the adult education literature, we have drawn out five questions:

What is marginality?

What are the circumstances surrounding entry into marg inality?

Who or what is at the centre and what are the relationships between the margins and the centre, between the margins and other components within the system, and between the margins and the outside?

What are the expenences of margindity?

What are the responses to expenences of marginality?

These questions emerged in the context of adult education. However, cornmon sense dictates that if marginality exists, it is not confined to one context. There is a need to broaden the search in order to find more inclusive answers. 3.4. Questionhg Marginaiity

So far, our review of the literahue has been limited to adult education. Now it is time to investigate other disciplines and fields of study, using the five questions drawn fiom the adult education literature as a hmework. Our task is to search for additionai

literal and figurative interpretations of marginality. We begin with the nrst question that explores the very essence of marginality.

3.4.1. What is Mareinalifv?

A three word interrogative pulls us into complexity. As before, we are faced with

the problem of whether marginality is an existing condition, a real expenence, a concept,

a phenornenon.... Although it seems necessary to address this question before

proceeding, we must acknowledge that it may prove unanswerable, except to Say: It

depends. To support this intentionally equivocal statement, we will look at the way

marginality is presented in an may of literature.

In the Introduction it was explained that The ûxford English Dictionary (1994)

would provide a literal, working definition for marginality: being in the margin which is

"that part of the surface which lies immediately within its boundary, especially when in

some way marked off or distinguished from the rest of the surface" ( OED,p.368). This

meaning is re-enforced by literal usage in the world of natural history where the margin is

"the contour or boundary line of a body, or to a distinct border differing in texture etc.

from the main body" (OED,p.368). We enact this every spring when we put "borders"

around Our flower beds to separate them fiom the grass. In the vernacular the word margh is cornmonly used, for example to refer to the edge of a page, and children who are leaniing to write soon leam that they may not write in the margin. As we mature, we leam to use 'margin" for practical purposes. For example, we understand the necessity for a "margin of safety" which is "an allowance made for safety, specifically a number equal to the factor of safety minus one" (OED,

1984, p.368). In the world of work, the margin has also held specific meaning which is less common and may even be archaic. Carpenters have used it to mean 'Yhe flat part of the stiles and rails of framed work" (OED, p.368) and to buildea installing slate roofs the margin is "that part of the upper side of a course of slates which appears uncovered by the next supenor course" (OED, p.368). Still in current use is the figurative language of the world of economics. Heyne (1994) tells us:

Economic analysis is basically marginal analysis. Many economists even use the word marginalism to refer to what we have called "the economic way of thinking." Marginal means additional. Economic theory is marginal analysis because it assumes that decisions are always reached by weighing additional costs against additional benefits. Nothing matters in decision making except marginal costs and marginal benefits. (p. 11 1)

As we move beyond these particular usages into the more abstract field of social psychology, we find that marginality has been constructed and de-constructeci in ways which make exact definitions more problematic. To illustrate this, we examine three conceptual frarneworks which emerge vividly from the literature. For the purposes of discussion, we will name these three constructs: Marginal Man as a condition with a type, marginality as a stage, and marginality as myth. Marginal Man as a Condition witb a Tvue

This constnict is drawn fiom a synthesis of the writings of Park and Stonequist at the beginning of the twentieth century. Our constnict, which is diagrammed in Figure 1, uses a capitalized fonn, Marginal Man, to distinguish it fkom the original references by

Park and Stonequist.

Figure 1

Construct of Mareinal Man as a Condition with a Tv~e

Based on Park (1 928) and Stonequist (1937).

In May, 1928, Robert E. Park's article titled "Human migration and the marginal man" appeared in The American Journal of Sociology and the publishing of this article gave forma1 recognition to a "personality type with characteristic forms of behavior"

(Park, 1928, p.88 1). Park's "type" of marginal man atüacted the attention of sociologists as populations became more mobile afier World War II, and migration and marriage between people fiom diverse cultures became more common. At the tirne Park was writing, a woman was barely recognized as being a person in her own right, and there was less sensitivity to naming ethnic and racial groups, so it is not surprishg that he did not use inclusive language in stating:

One of the consequences of migration is to create a situation in which the ...individual - who may or may not be a mixed blood - finds himself sûiving to live in two diverse cultural groups. The effect is to produce an unstable character - a personality type with characteristic forms of behavior. This is the "marginal man." (p.881)

In drawing on ''types" identified by earlier sociologists such as 66racialhybrids"

(p.883) and "the stranger" @.888), Park uses language that is unacceptable today. He gives this description of a Jew in Europe "after the walls of the medieval ghetto were tom down" (p.891):

There appeared a new type of personality, namely, a cultural hybrid, a man living and sha~gintimately in the cultural life and traditions of two distinct peoples; never quite willing to break, even if he were permitted to do so, with his past and his traditions, and not quite accepted, because of racial prejudice, in the new society in which he now sought to find a place. He was a man on the margins of two cultures and two societies, which never completely interpenetrated and fbsed. The emancipated Jew was, and is, historically and typically the marginal man. (p.892)

Park (1 928) speaks of the "sense of moral dichotomy and conflict," the "inner turmoil" and the "spintual Uistability, intensified self-consciousness, restlessness and malaise" (p.893) which he saw as characterizhg his marginal man. But he also concludes: "It is in the mhd of the marginal man - where the changes and fusions of

culture are going on - that we can best shidy the processes of civilization and of

progress" (p.893). The focus on progress is sificant, since Park characterized his marginal man as someone who was trying to move fiom a less desirable, non-domlliant culture into a more desirable dominant culture, but with littie success.

This is the characterization which Everett V. Stonequist also adopts in writing The

Murginal Man in i 937, and his views are congruent with Park's in many other ways. For example, Stonequist states:

The individual who, through migration, education, maniage, or some other influence leaves one social group or culture without making a satisfactory adjustment to another finds himself in the margin of each but a member of neither. He is a "marginal man". (Stoaequist, 1937, p.2)

Stonequist is as gender specific as Park, and also uses language which would not meet current standards of "Political Correctness", particularly in references to race. But

Stonequist is otherwise more progressive in his interpretation of marginal man. For exarnple, Stonequist interprets culture more broadly than Park, recognizing that group culture can centre on class or religion, not just skin colour or place of birth. Stonequist conceives of a marginal man as "poised in psychological uncertainty between two (or more) social worlds, reflecting in his sou1 the discords and harmonies, repulsions and attractions of these worlds, one of which is often 'dominant' over the other" (p.8).

Stonequist (1937) also points out that "It is the individual who participates extenrively and intimately in the culture of the dominant group who, when he is rejected, becomes the extreme type of marginal person" @. 139). The author speaks at some length about the marginal person's ''hypersensitivity" (p. l5O), "dual personality" @.4) and "the succeeding disillusionment and emotional reaction when the individual is denied the status to which he aspires" (p. 160). Stonequist suggests that some individuals who feel repulsed by the groups they seek to join may fmd alternative creative outlets and leadership roles in the subordinate group, but a person whose self worth is grievously afXected by the rejection mut continue to suffer as "a divided self' (p.2 17).

Stonequist (1 937) maintains that the efforts of what he called the marginal man to alter his own status makes him an interesting study and, like Park, he concludes:

The iife histories of marginal men offer the most significant material for the analysis of the cultural process as it springs fiom the contacts of social groups. It is in the mind of the marginal man that the inner significance and the dnving motives of such cultural change are more luminously reveaied. (Stonequist, p.22 1)

Park and Stonequist' s construction of marginal man as a personality type was embraced by sociologists and retained credibility well into the rniddle of the mentieth century (e.g., Merton, 1957, p.266; Schutz, 1964, p. 104; Turner, 1964, p.4; Githens and

Prestage, 1977, p.6). Nevertheless, indiçating that a different paradigm was emerging,

Musgrove (1977) tells us that "The psychological concept of marginal man as a personality type had fdlen into disrepute by the 1960s" (p.230). It would appear that the construct of marginality as a more-or-less fixed location between dominant and non- dominant cultures, inhabited by marginal people who belonged to neither, gave way to the construct of marginality as a stage in life which everyone expenences at one time or another.

Marginalitv as a Stage

It is fiom the literature of social-psychology that references are drawn to support a construct of marginality as a stage in the jowney of life. This construct, which is diagrammed in Figure 2, is suggested by a range of studies by anthropologists, theologians, and other social scientists. There is a congruency in those varieci perspectives which supports this second construct, although there is no evidence that the authonties themselves ever collaborated to develop a common conceptual framework.

Berger (1 969) proposes that dl people find themselves constantiy moving between "the realm of ordinary, everyday life in society, and various marginal realms in which the taken-for granted assumptions of the former realms are threatened or put to question" (p.92). He points out that these marginal realms may be extrerne, as in the situation of someone who is dying, or unpredictable, as in the case of a "cognitive exile"

(p.9) whose questioning of the prevailing ideologies causes temporary or long-term alienation from the mainstream.

Using the argument that provides the title for this thesis, Berger (1969) suggests that this marginality may result in "experiences of ecstasy - of ek-stasis, a standing outside of the taken-for-granted routines of evexyday life" (p.35)' providing inspiration to poets arnong others. On the other band it may cause high anxiety for those who have left the relative security of the mainstream society, only to discover that "human societies and their institutions are, at their root, a barrier against naked terror" (p.93).

In contrast to Park and Stonequist's view of the marginal man, Berger (1969) observes that: "The modem individual exists in a plurality of worlds, migrating back and forth between competing and often contradictory plausibility structures" (p.55). Berger is suggesting, then, that we al1 expenence marginality, and perhaps many times, as we journey through life to death, so there is not one "type" of Marginal Man.

Musgrove's (1 977) study of marginal communities supports this conclusion. In the fmt chapter of The Marginal Mind he explains: The seven groups of people selected for study had moved into unusual, extreme or abnormal positions in contemponiry Eng lish society. Their positions could be described as 'marginal'. The focus of this book is the modification of consciousness in adult Me through the experience of marginaiity. (p. 1)

Musgrove goes on to explain that two of the seven "groups" include the blind and people with other physical disabilities who have been ''placed in marginal positions through misfortune" (1977, p. 1). The others, who "have taken up their marginal positions fiom choice" (p. 1) include "self-employed artists; late entrants to the Anglican ministry; a Sufi commune; Hare Krishna devotees; and (although the notion of choice is somewhat problematic) adult homosexuals" (pp. 1-2). The author's parenthetical comment raises the question of whether the experiences and responses of individuals who voluntarily choose to present themselves as marginal are diflerent fiom those of peaons who have no control over the perception that they are marginal.

Based on his research findings, Musgrove (1977) rejects "the conventional marginal man theory (in the tradition of Stonequist)" on the grounds that Stonequist and others saw only "the lack of congruence between primary and secondary socialization"

(p.2 14) as the key to marginality. Musgrove argues that people are being constantly subjected to socialkation and re-socialization, resuiting in fiequent transformations of self and perspective in relation to the mainstream society. The author refers to the work of many authorities to support the notion that change, and the search for other realities and their true selves, continually exposes people to marginality. He observes that marginality is often experienced as a shift in the conception of tirne' of what is typically taken-for granted and of basic "recipe" knowledge. Musgrove also offers a classification of responses to marginaiity, distinguishing between convergers, quietists, utopians and separatists (see Table 1).

Table 1

"Simpie Four-Fold Classification" of Resoonses to Mareinality

Drawn From:

Musgrove, Fm(1977, p.17). Mizrgins of the &nd. London: Methuen and Co. Ltd.

Converpers: "Play down, hide or deny any real difference between their position and the centre: thus the blind often tried to pass as sighted, and the parsons declared they were 'ordinary folk.' "

Ouietists: For example, people with disabilities. They "accepted that they were in some way marked off fiom the centre but found a haven in their enclave of marginality ."

Uto~ians: For example, Sufis and Hare Krishna communes. They "stood deliberately and even self-consciously outside normal society but hoped in some way to change it."

Separatists: For example, artists. They "simply asserted their distinctive (and superior) values and style of life."

Willis (1978) also discovered that "profane" groups, such as hippies and bikers, develop their own cultures as a way of responding to the so-called mainstream. Central to

the culture of the bikers is the powerful, forcefil motor bike which symbolizes the

aggressiveness and muscularity of the bikers. Like the biken, the hippies have their own

heroes, control agents in mainstream society such as police, a particular sense of tirne, typicality and recipe howledge, and an understanding of how they are perceived by mainstream society. Arnong the hippies, Willis found that: "The sense of community was based more on a shedunderstanding of aprecariouî life project rather than on a conscious espousd of a confidently felt alternative" (p. 1 1 1).

The literature which interprets margidity as a life stage is substantial and, as

Berger, Musgrove and Willis illustrate, different authorities have focussed on different aspects. To provide details of the various perspectives would take up a disproportionate arnount of this chapter. But, they al1 seem to point to the conclusion that there are phases within each instance of marginality. Figure 2 is an attempt to diagnun those phases as they are presented in the literature, and Table 2 sumrnarizes the key concepts in each phase, based on the following sources.

The construct of marginality as a stage centres on the idea that marginality begins with a questioning of the noms and values which are at the centre of society and "taken for granteci" (e.g., Berger, 1969; Musgrove, 1977). Although rnost people are aware of the pluralism of society and often question the prevailing noms, some people "stand off to a degree that is discontinuously greater" (Musgrove, 1977, p.7) so that they are separated either voluntarily or involuntarily fiom the mainStream (e.g., van Gennep, 1960; Berger,

1969; Musgrove, 1977).

After separation, individuals enter a state of "liminality" (e.g., van Gennep, 1960;

Turner, 1969) which is a period of disonentation and mixed emotions from ecstasy to terror (Berger, 1969). From there, many move into "cornmunitas" (Turner, 1969) where they interact with like-mhded individuals, such as in artist communes or religious sec&

(e.g., Berger, 1969; Musgrove, 1977; Willis, 1978). People who have separated from Figure 2 Diagram of a Consbuct of Marginalitv as a Stage* Bascd on the titerature of anthropology, theology and social psychology up to the 1970s, as referenced in Chapter 3.

NEW RMW

FOR- GRANTED

THRESHOLD STATE Table 2

Based on the literature of anthropology, theobgy and social psychology up to the 1 WOs, as referenced in Chapter 3. Mainstream r Defhed in tenns of dominant values and power which create a plausibility structure a Centred on acceptance of the historical self, socialized to accept the dominant nonns Usually not questioning the taken-for-granted the, typicality and recipe knowledge r Some recognition of the pldism of society and minor resistance to the taken-for-granted Se~aration a Standing off fkom the taken-for-granted to a degree discontinuously greater than the next in line r A pre-liminal phase which may be iinked to developmental stage or age, or involve a quest for self r May be a voluntary separation (hi& statu) or involuntary casting out (resulting in stigma) a May be slow and incremental, or sudden and dramatic, even leading to death Liminality a Rejection of mainstrearn values and noms, and disengagement fiom the major institutions of society @ Disorientation, sense of arnbiguity, farniliar props to consciousness are lost a May feel ecstasy of living in reconstituted time and typicality and gaining new knowledge r May feel terror of being alone and stigrnatized which may cause deviant behaviour Cornmunitas a Following liminality, counter-individuals congregate and create subuniverses of meaning a Cognitive minorities huddle together in ghettos, communes, sects around a body of deviant knowledge a Musgrove's (1977) classification of people as convergers, quietists, utopians or separatists a Often populated by people in a post-adolescent/pre-adult stage in a search for moral and authentic self Svmbolic Awareness r Individuals in cornmunitas often structure themselves in a symbolic replication of the social state @ Overarching syrnbols which bracket or embrace both marginal and central realms Syrnbofic order enables the person in the marginal situation to regain a foothold in sanity a Powerful pressures to conform to the dominant views and beliefs Threshold State r Rites of hparation to aggregate to a new condition or re-aggregate to the old Individuals in the anterooms of life and open to change and transfiguration Customs such as carrying the bride over the threshold syrnbolize new statuses and roles The dangerous but powerful position of a chief-elect; the more than human power of neophytes Re-Aggreeation to the Old Realitv r Someone fiom the margins submits to the pressure of the mainstream society Finding a new role may mean that identity is re-confirmed not transfonned @ Real selves may be uncoverisd after years of being a parent or at retirement A woman returns to the centre of society afker childbirth; a homosexual passes; an alcoholic recovers Il &mation to a New Realitv a Transformation of consciousness and a turning away from the centre r The voluntary marginal fmd it easier to replace the forrnerly taken-for-granted with new typicalities The relationship between self and society is changed and new redities are negotiated a A homosexual cornes out; a teenager enters a new stage conesponding to a developmental stage society because of a permanent change, for example blindness, may spend the rest of their lives as "outsiders" (e.g., Goffian, 1963; Berger, 1969; Berger and Luckmann, 1971).

While some remain in the margins, others may be atûacted back toward the centre through a consciousness of the overarching symbols and structures of the mainstream society (e.g ., Douglas, 1970; Berger, 1969). There are strong pressures to re-enter mainstream society and many enter a threshold state (e.g., van Gennep, 1960; Tumer,

1969;Douglas, 1970). Certain rites of passage help them to re-aggregate into the old reality, or to move on to a new reality (e.g., van Gennep, 1960; Turner, 1969; Douglas,

1970; Musgrove, 1977).

It is not intended to imply that these phases are the only ones related to marginality, or that the list of sources is exhaustive. However, this constnict named marginality as a stage cm be authenticated by day-today living. For example, the period of puberty and adolescence is a stage of life in which most of us expenence the phases of marginality intensely, fiom breaking away fiom parental values to join the "teenage" culture, through to rites such as graduation in preparation for becoming a contributing member of the so-called mainstream society.

Of course, not al1 incidents of marginality can be attributed to developmental stages. As stated earlier, many are precipitated by crisis, or changing consciousness. The constnict of marginality as a stage is predicated on one major assumption: marginaiity exists in relation to a centre which contains a set of taken-for-ganted values, symbols and rites which are labelled mainstrearn. It is the questionhg of who is at the centre, and who is perceived as mainstream and marginal that grounds the third constnict. Madnalitv- as Mvth

While some writers about marpinaiity in the 1970s were championhg the theories of what we have cailed marginaiity as a stage, nunblings were being heard fiom those who viewed the issue nom a postmodemist perspective. From this perspective, marginality is exposed as a myth when we begin to question assumptions about who and what is thought to be at the centre of society. Whereas the Marginal Man type and marginality as a stage are constructs endorsed mainly by male authonties, we now hear the voices of women, too, particularly women of colour and lesbians who are challenging the myth of centre and margins.

The argument is that, when efforts are made to examine the metanarratives in society, the myth is revealed. Lorde (1990), in her writings about redefining difference, says :

Sornewhere, on the edge of consciousness, there is what 1 cal1 a mythical nom, which each one of us within our hearts knows "that is not me." In america[sic], this nom is usually defined as white, thin, male, Young, heterosexual, christian[sic], and financially secure. It is with this mythical nom that the trappings of power reside within this society. b.282)

Ferguson (1 990) argues that the centre tries to avoid scrutiny by remaining invisible. He speaks of 'We omnipresent center, the invisible center which claims universality without ever defining itself, and which exiles to its margins those who cannot or will not pay allegiance to the standards which it sets or the limits which it imposes''

(p. 13). Ferguson suggests that the centre wants to avoid scrutiny, and so: ""Inour society dominant discourse tries never to speak its own name. Its authority is based on absence" The postmodemist view is that, not only is the "malestream" (West, 1990, p. 19) perceived as the ma»istream, but those in the margins allow themselves to be relegated to the margins, and give up power when they resign themselves to being marginal. Those who are perceived to be holding the power at the centre, we are told, are aided when those in the margins become isolated fiom one other, because fragmentation prevents them fiom making to a unified challenge. Speaking of those in the arts in particda., Ferguson

Too often the alternatives to dominant cultural power have been successfilly segregated, so that many different bodies of marginalized creative production exist in uneasy isolation. Such isolation can only contribute to the security of a political power wtiich implicitly defines itself as representative of a stable center around which everyone else must be arranged. (p.9)

Ferguson also observes that the powerful centre exploits the creativity, energy and innovation of those in the margins. He points out: "The vital, independent cultures of socially subordinated groups are constantly mined for new ideas with which to energize the jaded and restless mainstream of a political and economic system based on the circulation of commodities" (p. 1 1).

Perlman describes the plight of the people who live as squatters on the outskirts of

large cities and are known as "marginals". Although the favelas were seen to be

inhabited by dishonest, laq people, Perlman discovered that the "marginals" were in fact

honest, hard-working people with their own codes of conduct and sense of comrnunity.

She concluded that:

The evidence strongly indicates that the favelados are not marginal but in fact integrated into the society, albeit in a manner detrimental to their own interests. They are certaînly not separate fiom, or on the margin of the system, but are tightly bound into it in a severely asymmetrical form. They contribute their hard work, their hi& hopes, and their loyaities, but they do not benefit fiom the goods and services of the system. It is my contention ththe fmela residents me not economically and politicali'y marginal, but are stigmatized and excludedfom the closed social system Rather than being passively marginal in terms of their own attitudes and behavior, they are being actively marginalid by the system and by public policy. (p. 195)

This conclusion, which draws attention to political as well as psycho- social considerations, closely parallels the opinion of Paulo Freire. Freire, who has written extensively about oppression and the oppressed, has also developed theories based on experiences in his native Brazil. In his highiy regarded book,

The Pedagogy ojthe Oppressed, first translated in 1970, Freire vvrites:

The truth is, however, that the oppressed are not "marginals," are not men living "outside society. They have always been "inside" - inside the structure which made them "beings for others." (p.61)

In his foreword to Perlman's (1976) book, Cardoso generalizes Perlman's findings and argues that they have application beyond the world of the fdas. He writes:

The concept of margindity, like al1 myths, exerts a magnetic attraction. It offers a compelling yet simple explanation of a complex social reality and an ideology that appeals to deep-rooted social prejudices. Were it merely an illusion, marginality would not have attnicted so much attention and energy; nor would it have brought the author to take up the challenge of research in the favelas. This only happened because the myth of marginality hides behind it something very real. Until the inner structure of the myth is discovered, one remah ûapped within the bonds of its ideology which the myth affirms as if it were an absolute. (p. xi)

Yet, Giroux (199 1) points out that, fiom a postmodernist perspective, there are problems with narning marginality at dl, since "any notion of difference and marginality nins the nsk of rnystiQing as well as enabling radical cultural politics" (p.25). Like others, he challenges the "imperialist masternarrative" (p.25) which is perceived to be at the centre of society. Giroux argues that postmodem cnticism is useful because it gives voice to peoples who are labelled "other" and helps them to present themselves as equals in a society which would prefer to keep them in the margins.

Women are frequently perceived as "other" as Davies (1 99 1) confirms in stating:

"Women, as a category, are marginalized, excluded, or othered in patriarchal discourse"

(p.25 1). Davies reminds us that any examination of the status of women must take into account the "double subordination of the black woman" (p.249). She concludes:

"Oppositional moves may take the form of resisting ascription as marginal by the

'center,' redefining what the center is, and finally created completely different and nonhierarchical arrangements" (p.252). Her perspective is corroborated by Gordon, whose (1994) study of single women revealed that many women "made their margins their centre" @. 192). Both women conclude that any discussion of these issues must acknowledge that there is not one, but "multiple marginalities" (Davies, p.249; Gordon, p. 178).

Inqluirin~into Multi~leMareinalities

A survey of the literature supports the proposition that there are multiple marginalities, but from the muddle of interpretations we have identified three constructs, based on the thinking of leading authorities in their time.

To recapitulate, we have seen that Park (1928) and Stonequist (1937) believed that a marginal man entered that condition through migration or, in the case of people whose parents came from different cultures, by birth. Secondly, authorities such as Berger

(1969), Musgrove (1977) and Willis (1978) suggest marginality is a stage of existence that all humans enter at some time either voluntarily or involuntarily. For example, artists who find themselves at odds with mainstream society often choose alternative lifestyles on the fiinges; others, such as those who become blind, become marginai through circurnstances beyond their control. A third, postmodemist perspective is that those who want to remain at the centre, particularly in western society, are usually white, wealthy males who are deiiberately attempting to marginalize "other." The argument is that

"marginals" must resist being forced to enter a status which is a socidiy constructed myth-

These three constructs help us to consider the question: What is marginality? Yet we have found no definitive answer except, as predicted: It depends. However, in spite of the postmodemist argument that marginality must be recognized as a myth, there appears to be an overwhelrning arnount of evidence that the condition which we label marginality is expenenced as being very real.

And it would seem that marginality manifests itself in different ways in the lives of different people at different times. In order to examine manifestations of marginality a little more, we tum back to the four remaining questions that emerged from adult education literature, and use them to look for answers in the broader literature, beginning with a discussion of entry into marginality.

3.4.2. What are the Circumstances Surroundine Entrv into MarPinalitv?

Based on the assumption that marginality is experienced as being real, the literature indicates that entry into that state is a different experience for different individuals. Park (1928) in speaking of the transitionai period of immigration "when old habits are being discarded and new ones are not yet formed," referred to it as a time of

"inner turmoil and intense self-consciousness" (p.892). Gofian (1963) reports on the rage and shame felt by people who had become physically deforrned when they first looked at themselves in the rnirror and suddenly realized they were "different" (e.g., pp.

There are strong indications in the literature that the ckcumstances surrounding entry into a marginal state will affect the way in which "marginals" experience and respond to their marginality. A key factor appears to be whether this marginality was imposed or chosen. It is suggested that those who are prepared for a change in status, such as artists, seem to fare better than those who must cope with a sudden, traumatic change such as the accidental loss of a limb.

We have heard that women who deliberately decide to challenge the establishment, such as in a university setting, can be energized as they move to break the mold. The stress caused by entry into that status named marginality can apparently be eased if the individual receives support and the role of "significant other" is fiequently discussed in the literature. In contrast, entry into marginality can seem even more stressful for those facing opposition and isolation.

A postmodemist position is that people cm resist entry into marginality.

However, whether they accept that they are marginal or resist, it appears that those faced with marginality have to consider their situation in relationship to the centre and others.

The next question addresses these relationships.

3.4.3. Who or What is at the Centre and What are the Relationships between the Marpins and the Centre, between the Margns and Other Com~onentsWithin the Svstem, and between the Mareins and the Outside?

To begin with the issue of who is at the centre of western society, we must fmt of al1 acknowledge that there is a postmodemist position that argues that the centre is a socially constmcted myth. It is seen as having been created by those in power who have a vested interest in keeping thei.dominant position, and perpetuated by the masses who, for various reasons, do not offer resistance. However, whether we agree with these arguments or not, there seems to be little doubt about who is commonly perceived to be at the centre of society, and how they relate to the people perceived to be in the margins.

Musgrove (1977, p.7) sees institutions such as marriage and industrial- bureaucratie organizations at the centre. Lorde (1990) identifies the members of those institutions as "white, thin, male, Young, heterosexual, christian [sic], and hancially secure" (p.282). Gue (1985, p.36) reminds us that the centre is operationalized through bureaucraties, and Morgan (1 986, p.54) suggests that systems of organization - whether they are open or closed, for example - affect the ways in which noms are imposed. In speaking of the management of business organhtions in particular, Morgan tall

The relationship between those seen as the centre and those seen as marginal is often strained, to Say the least. In some cases, those viewed as the centre are blamed for the condition of "other" and there is open conflict. Merton's (1957) benchmark study of military men uncovered feelings of alienation in men who felt marginal to the dominant group yet still identified with its noms. Those who no longer felt any co~ectionto the centre were less infiuenced by the dominant group. For their part, members of the dominant group felt greater hostility towards men who had once belonged and had le& than towards those who had always been considered as part of the "out-group" (pp. 295-

297). This bnngs into focus the relationship between those who appear to be in the mainstream society, and those who are perceived to be in the margins. A postmodernist critique of the so-called mainstream is that it unquestioningly accepts the central power and reinforces the perception of what the central values are in society. At the sarne the, people who hold alternative viewpoints and values are seen as a threat to "normality."

Musgrove (1977) quotes a blind person's experience of interacting in society: "It's like animals - if there's one different, the other will shun them and tear them apart" (p.25).

As a defence against vulnerability, people who want to challenge so-called mainstream noms have reportedly found it useful to "huddle together" with others

(Berger, 1969, p.22). It is well known that, particularly in recent times, lobby groups or interest groups made up of those with alternative viewpoints have developed significant political influence. This highlights the importance of relationships among members of groups regarded as marginal. Willis, after his (1978) study of the "profane culturesy'of biker clubs and hippie groups, reports that they developed rites and acquired symbols which helped to bring coherence to their lives.

In addition to the circumstances of entry into marginal condition, it would seem that relationships with the perceived centre, with members of the so-called mainstream society and with other people who are also viewed as marginal, are thought to affect the actual lived expenences of marginality.

3.4.4. What are the Erwriences of Mar~inality?

Nowhere, even in the postmodemist literature, are the experiences of king perceived as marginal dismissed as being inconsequential. Numerous sources describe those experiences in either negative or positive terms, and we can survey opinions fiom those two points of view.

Stonequist (1 937) apparently saw marginality as an overwhelmingly negative expenence. He characterizes the Marginal Man as being caught between two cultures and living as a "dual penonality" resulting in "acute personal difficulty or mental tension"

(p.4). Stonequist describes the "d&aciné" as "a man without roots, who is in danger of being blown about by every gust of circumstance" (p.6) experiencing "a conflict of loyalties" (p.69). Acknowledging that each person experiences marginality differently, he adds: "At its minimum it denotes a subtle, perhaps indefinable sense of estrangement and malaise, an imer isolation related to his social life" (p. 159).

Writers fiom the 1969s and 1970s identify feelings of uncertainty and loss in the transitional stage after separation from the mainstream which van Gennep (1 960) named

"liminality" (p.2 1). Turner (1969) states: "Liminality is fiequently likened to death, to being in the womb, to invisibility, to darkness, to bisexuality, to the wilderness, and to an eclipse of the sun or moon" (p.95). Berger (1969, p.67) echoes Durkheim in speaking of the "terror" of being separated fiom the order imposed by the institutions of society.

Although many authonties have written about the isolation, dienation and stigma expenenced by those viewed as marginal (e.g., Gue, 1985; Kanungo, 1982; Gofhan,

1963), it would seem that there may also be advantages to marginality, both for society and individuals. Park (1928) noted the benefits which might accrue to society by studying those in the margins when he wrote: "It is... in the mind of the marginal man that the process of civilization is visibly going on and it is in the mind of the marginal man that the process of civilization may best be studied" (p.881). Similarly, Willis (1976) seems to be suggesthg that people such as the bikers and hippies that he interviewed might play an important role in the evolution of societies when he concludes:

It is sometimes the dispossessed who are best placed to exploit the revolutionary double edge of unexplored things around us. It is the acid of profane cultures which eats away the bourgeois scales from the cornmonplace. (p.6)

We have referred several times to Berger's (1969) assertion that individuals in the margins may experience "ecstasy" because they are literally "ek-stasis" (p.35) and not constrained by society. A popular interpretation of ecstasy is "high state of feeling... rapture" (OED, p.62) which suggests that there might be a positive side to a marginal situation. Musgrove (1977) encountered this in his research with groups he defined as marginal, such as artists and reiigious communes.

Similarly, Willis (1976) found that the hippie culture enjoyed a sense of

"expandedawareness"(p.85). The hippies, like othea living apart from the mainsûeam, expressed the view that one of the main advantages of accepting rnarginality was that "It set the mhd fiee fiom the micro-dot of consciousness called 'normality' "(p.85). Hippies developed a working relationship with "contml agents" (p. 1 14) in their world, such as the dmg squad, as a way to reinforce their identity, and 'Tt did not matter if one were exploited so long as the experience of the situation was pleasant" (p. 129).

The experience of women who find themselves in the margins, although often stressful, is also seen to have some advantages. Aisenberg (1988) suggests that "a position on the periphery does not preclude opportunity to exert influence" (p.153). She points out that women in academia establish their own "counter~ysterns~~in universities and colkges, which have resulted in "expanding the canon.. .altering the foci of scholarshi p and classroom pedagogy9'(p. 153). Gordon (1 994) also discovered that women can tu.their situation to advantage. She quotes one black, lesbian woman as saying:

"It's nice to be on the margin.... I'm there anyway, 1 might as well enjoy if' (p. 193).

bel1 hooks (1990) aiso fin& a positive side to being viewed as marginai. She writes of growing up as a black Amencan, made marginal by laws that separated her and others of her race ftom white America, but able 90ident* marghality as much more than a site of deprivation" (p.341). For her it was "a central location for the production of a counter hegemonic discourse" (p.341). Although hooks would agree that marginality is socially constructed by those who seek to maintain a power position, at the sarne time she invites those who find themselves in the margins to view marginality as:

...a site one stays in, clings to even because it nourishes one's capacity to resist. It offers the possibility of radical perspectives fiom which to see and create, to imagine alternatives, new worlds. (p.341)

3.4.5. What are the Res~onsesto Marginalitv?

The literature indicates that, just as individuals may experience marginality in different ways, their responses to marginality may Vary too. Stonequist (1937, p. 130) concludes that "Since the [marginal] situation itself is dynamic, the individual may change his responses fiom one tirne to another." At the same tirne, though, he deduces that there are three major directions these responses may take: assimilation into the dominant group (Assimilation and Passing); identification with the subordinate group

(the Nationalist Role); or "some forrn of accommodation, perhaps only temporary and incomplete, between the two groups" (the Intermediary Role). In this "ikbetween" situation, the individuai may become "an acute and able critic of the dominant group and its culture" (p. 154) or else a mediator between the two cultures in the roles of "interpreter, conciliator, reformer, teacher" (p. 177). If rejected by the dominant group, the author suggests, the individual may take on a leadership role in the subordinate group.

Githens and Prestage (1977) draw with some chagrin on Park and Stonequist's marginai man theones, to analyze the response of women in politics who fhd themselves caught between other women and male politicians (pp. 6-9). They conclude that women in politics respond to their situation in ways that can be collectively labelled

"Symptomatic Marginality" (p.424). Githens and Prestage also see that Stonequist's typology of responses has application in the case of women politicians: they may succeed in being accepted into the dominant political culture (Assimilation and Passing); champion subordinate women's groups (the Nationalist Role); or mediate between women's groups and govemment (the Interrnediary Role).

There is considerable evidence in the literature that many individuals respond creatively to being perceived as marginal. For example, the artists of Musgrove's (1977) study felt fieer to pumie their work after removing themselves fiom the constraints imposed by the socalled mainstrearn. Willis (1978) reported on the ''profane creativity"

(pl) of the hippies and bikers he interviewed. Management consultant Joel Barker

(1992) says: "So where is the strange but logical place for innovation to corne fiom? The edges. The fiinges. Where there are outsiders who do not know it can't be done" (p.70).

Creativity is one response to being labelled marginal, but the literature suggests that response depends on the individual's physical, emotional and psychological state, as well as philosophical orientation. Goffman (1963) concludes that "the stigmatized person

sometimes vacillates between cowering and bravado" (p.18). In his study of military men, Merton (1 957) suggests that it is the attitude of the Marginal Man which affects

response. For example, if he aspired to move up to the officer class, he would "buck" for

promotion with the appropriate amount of "spit and polish" (p.271). Mezirow (1991)

reminds us that one response to marginal statu is tmsformation, brought on by

"accretions of changes in meaning schemes" (p. 174) or by the major life crises, such as those in the lives of perceived marginal comrnunities studied by Musgrove.

Afier inte~ewingmembers of eight "groups", Musgrove (1977) concluded that

responses are situationai. He identified four classifications of response, as surnmarized in

Table 1. One criticism of these classifications is that they may be too general: for

exarnple, not al1 clencs are convergers who try to pass themselves off as "ordinary folk."

However, Musgrove's conclusions do support the perception that people congregated in

what Turner (1 969) would cal1 cbcommunitas"have a more-or-less generalized response to

their situation.

For example, Musgrove (1 977) found that al1 Hare Krishna members approached

the so-called mainstream in a similar way, dressing and behaving in a way which set them

apart. Similady, Willis (1978) found that hippies in England al1 adopted clothing that was

"a colourfûl unseating of conventional wisdom. It was the visual dimension of a many-

faceted game with an unsuspecting stiff and pompous partner" (p.97). Perlman (1 976)

discovered that the response of the inhabitants of the Brazilianfavelas to their situation

was to become ccwellorganized and cohesive and make wide use of the urban milieu and

its institutions" (p.242) in spite of the perception of them as being "illegal squatters and ...

part of a social1y disorganized sub-group" (p.93). A postmodernist response is that labels such as "sub-group" must be resisted at al1 costs. bel1 hooks (1990) tells us that resistance is more than just speaking out against

injustice and inequality. It means resisting the subversive voices of people at the centre who Say they understand those in the margin. She explains: "Often this speech about the

'other' is also a mask, an oppressive tak hiding gaps, absences, that space where our

words would be if we were speaking, if there was silence, ifwe were there" (p.343).

McLaren (1994) insists that people who are identifiai zs kkîg h the margins must

"outface the barremess of postmodem culture"@. 155). His cal1 to action provides a

dramatic answer to our question regarding how people might respond to being labelled

marginal:

We need to stare boldly and unflinchingly into history's grim visage and assume our narrative space within the very contours of its flesh, a space where we can speak our own stones, listen loudly to the stories of others, and dream our own dreams without the dead letter of bourgeois ethics weighing like a nightmare on minds still capable of envisioning, still willing to hope, still intent upon constructing a space of difference, a space of possibility. (p. 155)

3.5. Seeking Manifestations of Marginality in the Experiences of School Board Teachers of Adults

The situation remains cornplex. At the same time, the literature has provided

illumination, and we now see the complexities more clearly. For example, there is

additional evidence that there is not one, commody-agreed dennition of marginality.

Therefore, it seems doubtfkl that we will be able to prove, unequivocally, that school

board teachers of adults are marginal, as the adult education literature would have us

believe, because there are so many interpretations of what marginality is. However, the

literature has led us to three major constmcts of marginality which provide us with a vehicle to proceed. We can certainly investigate whether any, or al1 of the mjor constructs, are manifested in the experiences of those teachers.

Yet, we must proceed with caution, because there is a nsk that the study might be built on false assumptions. There are two potential fallacies, in particular, that have become evident through the literature review, and those will be explored now. First, the research is based on references in the literature to the marginality of teachers of adults only, not teachers of children and youth, who, by extension, are presumed to be securely embedded in the centre. Secondly, the study has its genesis in references by numerous authorities to a phenornenon which was labelled marginality, but which may more properly be named something else.

3.5.1. Caveat 1

It cannot be assumed that teachers of children and vouth are at the centre of the education system in relation to teachers of adults.

The cornparison in the adult education literature between teachers of adults and teachers of children and youth, may have led us to infer that teachers of adults are more likely to be marginal than other teachers. However, Bailey's (1 995) findings in relation to "teachers marginalised by mandated change" help to pinpoint the fallacy of assuming that teachers of children and youth are completely aligned with the nomand values of the mainstrearn education system.

From her (1995) study, Bailey found that marginalisation was caused because administrators lacked respect for teachers as professionals, and were inconsiderate and paternalistic in dealings with the teachers who were perceived to be "at the bottom of a p yramid-shaped hierarchy" (p.270). In response to mandatory education policies which they had no hand in developing, Bailey reports that teachers variously "became passive and insular in their teacher.. .closed their classroom doors.. .became angry and aggressive"

(p.271). She found their responses included stress, fiutration, ilhess and discouragement, and concluded that the failure of many mandated change efforts might be attributable to the fact that administrators do not Men to teachers.

Bailey's (1995) study has at least two major implications for the present research.

The fmt relates to use of terms. First, it rnust be noted that she was concemed with teachers who self-identified as having been deliberately "mmpinaiised." That is to Say, they had been forced into the marginal position against their will because of their resistance to policy decisions. Bailey has meticulously documented the causes and effects of marginalisation, but does not lay out a conceptual framework to support the choice of that word by herself and the teachers to describe their situation. In ou.study of teachers of adults, we have consistently used the word "marginal" in the study of teachea of adults, to avoid making the assumption that people are marginalised against their will.

The second implication is that marginality may be an occupational fact of life for any teachers who challenge the existing education system. The present mode1 of schooling took root at the begiming of the twentieth century in response to the needs of the industrial age. Many authonties (e.g., Perelman, 1992; Drucker, 1993; Davis and

Botkin, 1994) cal1 for an end to factory schools where teachers are more like assembly line workers than professionals. However, it appears that any teacher who resists this mode1 will inevitably be viewed as marginal. hterestingly, a library search for the key title words "marginal teacher" uncovered a book about dismîssing staff that was entitled: The Marginal Teacher: A Step-by-StepGuide to Fair Procedwes for Idenrijcation and

Dismissal (Lawrence, et al., 1993).

Perhaps, as McLaren (1993) suggests, a teacher who chooses to challenge noms and values of the education system will becorne '%he liminal servant" (p. 1 14). McLaren identifies this as a "potentially dangerous role" (p. 1 17). It means the teacher becomes a

"cultural provocateur" and "social activist," fighting for equality inside and outside the classroom and atternpting "to educate fellow teachers to the dangers of false consciousness" (p. 114). This is often the role adopted by the teacher of adults, so perhaps lirninality is inevitable. The caveat is that we may problematize those teachers instead of the education system.

3.5.2. Caveat 2

It cannot be assumed that the ex~eriencesof teachers of adults can be fullv understood bv amlvin~constructs of mar~inalitv.

The decision to use marginality as a fiamework for analyzing the experiences of

teachers of adults is based on the plethora of adult education literature that says those

teachers are marginal. Clark (1968) has earned the distinction of popularizing "the

marginality of adult education," and we began this literature review with describing his

work. We will end this chapter by offenng some critiques of it.

Clark approached his 1950s study as a sociologist, not an adult educator, and we

see at once that he appeared less concemed with the individual experience of marginality

than with marginality of groups of teachers of adults within the organizational structure.

He explains: "In one sense this is a study in the sociology of forma1 organizations; in

another, a study of an institution" (1968, p.43). A lengthy critique of Clark's findings is offered by Parrish (1985), who undertook a quantitative study of Clark's 1968 text Based on a count of the number of times Clark used the word marginaiity (twenty-nine), Parrish produced fourteen classifications of usage and definitions for marginality:

(1) values marginality, (2) practice marginality, (3)autonomous extra- organizational marginality, (4) autonomous organizational marpinaiity, (5)intra-organizationai marginality, (6) human system marginaiity, (8) client system marginality, (9) organizational system marginaiity, (10) organizational micro-system marginaiity, (1 1) organizational macro- system marginality, (1 2) organhtional multiple subunit micro-system marginality, (1 3) organizational multiple subunit macro-system marginality, (14) inter-system marginality. (Parrish, 1985, p. iii)

Although Parrish admits himself that his work may be viewed by some as "hair- splitting" (1985, p.342), it is usehl in several ways. First of dl, his findings support the proposition that: "Clark was inconsistent in applying the term marginality" (p. ii). It is not even clear why Clark chose the word marginality in preference to other words, and this provides a rationale for continued exarnination of the term, although it is unlikely we can achieve the "uniformity of understanding" (p.2) that Parrish seeks.

Parrish (1985) larnents that that "NO-oneseems to have taken the step to quant@

sources and indices of marginality or to mathematically compare relevant variable values of the adult education subunit arnong values of other subunits within a common parental organization, or other units within the organization" (p.334). He argues that: "When

terms cannot be used to convey precise meaning between individu&, their scientific

worth is limited" (p.3 34). Peshclaims that "the advancement of the field [of adult

education] will be seriously impaire&' (p. 335) if adult educaton resist a uniform

interpretation of marginality. This is, perhaps, an unwananted concem, but we mut agree that: "Conceptuai confusion persists for the casual reader of adult education literature who wishes to understand marginality ,its contexts and implications'' (Pamish, p.3 35). If it has no other value, Parrish's critique serves to raise doubts about research of marginality which lacks a conceptuai fi-amework. Since we have chosen to use theoreticai constructs and qualitative research to conduct this present study, we are encouraged to proceed with our investigation of the claim that adult education is marginal.

3.6 Chapter Summary

We began this chapter by providing references which demonstrated that many authorities in the past fifty years have perceived a connection between marginality and adult education. By synthesizing and analyzing these references, we were able to draw out £ive major questions which were used as a guide through the literature of the humanities and social sciences, in order to discover many more references to marginality.

Three constructs of marginality were identified: Marginal Man as a condition with a type; marginality as a stage; marginality as myth. The literature also helped to surface some potentially false assurnptions.

We are dealing with complex matters, and there is no suggestion that we have uncovered them al1 or found a definitive theoretical framework. However, an attempt has been made to structure the issues so that we can proceed with the study. In Chapter 4 we show how the questions and constructs developed in this chapter underpin the rnethodology used to explore manifestations of marginality in the experiences of school board teachers of adults. CHAPTER 4

RESEAIRCH METHODOLOGY

4.1. Introduction

Re-cicere, Latin, meaning 'to go round again'

Research is going around, exploring, looking within a situation, context or field. Inquiry, then, is not simply questioning or searching. It is questioning and searching with intent, with some limits, or with an object in mind. (Giarelli and Chambliss, 1988, p.32.)

Earlier chapters have provided an overview of the dissertation, a background to the study and a review of the literature which al1 explain the context for the study. This chapter will describe the methodology used to conduct the research and gather data. The theones underpinning the research methodology are explained fust, followed by

information about the interview protocol, the selection of participants, the interview process, and management of data gathered.

4.2. Theories Under-Pinning the Research Methodology

Well before this inquiry deserved the title "study," months, even years, were spent

in discussing, reading and thinking about many aspects of adult education, in order to

identiQ a researchable topic and frame a research question. Giareliî and Chambliss

(1988) point out that "Before enquiry there is always query, or question, and secondly,

before query there is aesthetic activity, or feeling and appreciation which we cal1

'qualitative thinking"' @.32).

In this study, that somewhat painful and painstaking period of thinking about "an

unanalyzed, undetermîned qualitative whole" (Giarelli and Chambliss, 1988, p.32) ended

with an epiphany on n commuter GO Train, leading later to a research question being scribbled on a piece of papa while lying on the living-room floor. Hirsch (1967) would perhaps have approved of these unorthodox activities because he suggests that: "The act of understanding is at first a genial (or a mistaken) guess and there are no methods for

rnaking guesses, no niles for generating insights" (p.45).

These activities were the equivalent of a first step in the classic five-step study design favoured by authorities such as Memam and Simpson (1984): problem

identification, establishment of a conceptuai framework, selection of methodology,

selection of appropriate date collection technique, and data analysis (pp. 8-9). This

chapter continues by describing the last four steps in the process.

For step two, a great deal of time was spent trylng to identify a suitable cognitive

framework for the research. Finally, it was concluded that the study does not fit

exclusively into any one category. Rather, the philosophy which infonns the research

draws on a number of theoretical frameworks. However, fiom the beginning, the

research chose a qualitative, rather than a quantitative approach.

4.3. Considering Qualitative and Quantitative Research

Care is taken to avoid suggesting that qualitative research is in opposition to

quantitative studies, or that one is better than the other. ALthough many researchers have

presented them as conflicting, and have argued strongly in favour of one or another, the

view here is that they are equally valid paradigms. A brief overview of both helps us to

understand why some studies cal1 for quantitative methods and others are better served by

a qualitative approach. 4.3.1. Quantitative Research

Quantitative research is the dominant methodology in positivistic studies.

Lincoln and Guba (1985) refer to three paradigm eras: prepositivist, positivist and postpositivist. The authoa suggest (p.18) that the prepositivist era lasted, mughly speaking, fiom fie theof Aristotle (384-322 B.C.)to David Hume (1 7 11-1 776 A.D.)

They describe this period as a time of passive observation, and that when scientists becarne active observers in the early nineteenth century, science passed into the positivist period (p. 19).

Lincoln and Guba (1985) quote fiom Hamilton in marking the publication of John

Shüirt Mill's A System of Logic in 1843, as the beginning of positivism (p.20). Lincoln and Guba narne five assumptions of positivism:

An ontological assumption of a single, tangible reality "out there" that can be broken apart into pieces capable of being studied independently; the whole is simply the sum of the parts. An epistemological assumption about the possibility of separation of the observer fiom the observed - the knower fiom the known. An assurnption of the temporal and contextual independence of observations, so that what is hue at one time and place may, under appropriate circumstances (such as sarnpling) also be tnie at another time and place. An assumption of linear causality; there are no effects without causes and no causes without effects. An axiological assumption of value fkeedom, that is, that the methodology guarantees that the results of an inquiry are essentially free from the influence of any value system (bias). (p.28)

These assumptions underpin quantitative research, which therefore relies on

numbers, statistics, testing, experiments and other scientific methods for gathering "hard

data" Marshall and Rossman (1989) conclude that the four cornerstones of the

conventional positivist paradigm are intemal validity, extemal validity, reliability and objectivity @p. 145-7). They cite Lincoln and Guba (1985) in point&g out that these have been supplanted in quaiitative research by credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability, as we will now discuss.

4.3.2. Qualitative Paradi~ms

Lincoln and Guba (1985) suggest that the four "tnistworthiness criteria" that qualitative studies share are: research must be conducted in a credible manner; rather than the original researcher havhg to show generalizability, the responsibility of transfemng and applying findings rests with future researchers; only change is ûuly dependable so replication is always a problem; confirmation of validity must corne fiom the data themselves, rather than expecting the researcher to evaluate them objectively @p. 30 1-

321).

Van Manen (1990) tells us that "Qualitative research (qualis means 'whatness')

asks the ii estin question: What is it?'@.33). However, qualitative researchers do not

expect to come up with one answer that is "the truth." Tiemey (1991) States that "A major

difference.. .between positivist research and cntical interpretations is that the cntical

researcher assumes that one's fmdings are tentative and provisional" (p.7).

Unlike scientific experiments which use chernicals, minerais, non-human subjects

and so on, Sherman and Webb (1988) suggest that " 'Qualitative' implies a direct

concem with [human] experience as it is 'lived' or 'felt' or 'undergone' " (p.7). This is a

fairly recent research paradigm, and Merriam and Simpson (1984) point out that '9t was

not until the mid-twentieth century that a source other than rational and empirical

knowledge was thought suitable for systematic inquiry" (p.5). One of the key characteristics of qualitative inquiry is that greater emphasis is

placed on the context in which the research takes place. The notion that the human

experience could be shidied in isolation is rejected. Kirby and McKenna (1989) also

point to the fallacy of insisting that scholarly research cmonly take place by maintainhg

a separation between politics and knowledge, theory and practice. They maintain:

"Research is a process that involves questions of interpretation and conceptualization; as

such, it is a political process" (p. 169)

Davie (1987) explains that: "Qualitative research is a generic terni which has

corne to be used to describe a farnily of approaches such as hermeneutic enquiry,

phenomenological enquiry, ethnographie research and various kin& of field research"

(p. 197). Noting that there is "an array of methods" under the qualitative umbrella,

Marshall and Rossman (1 989) list six major domains of qualitative research: human

ethnology, ecological psychology, holistic ethnography, cognitive anthropology,

ethnography of communication, and symbolic interactionism (pp. 9-1 1).

No attempt will be made, here, to explain al1 of the mushrooming domains and

categories of qualitative research, but it is thought useful to note some cornmonalities

arnong them. Sherman and Webb (1988) propose that they al1 have in common the wish

to appraise, describe and interpret a particular situation, in order to give "a reasoned judgment about the signzjicance and value of those things" (p.7). They hasten to add that

'Tudgment" does not imply approval or disapproval, but rather a step to keep the process

of inquiry moving. 43.3. Choosin~a Oualitathe A~~roach

Some argue that labelling a researcher or a study as quantitative or qualitative is unimportant. Giarelli and Charnbliss (1988) point out that "For Aristotle, there was no hard and fast distinction between the philosopher, who possesses 'wisdom' and the scientist, who possesses 'knowledge7 "(p.3 1). In a curt statement which questions the very foundation for discussing the ciifference between paradigrns, Giarelli (1988) notes:

"Put simply, if the logical positivist program is unsupportable, then the typical ways of discussing the differences between quantitative and qualitative inquiry are monbund"

(P-22).

Nevertheless, the protocol demanded of this thesis expects some categorizing of the methodology. Davie's (1987) explanation of the difference between quantitative and qualitative research helps to clarify why this present study chose a qualitative approach:

The important difference between qualitative research and various positivistic approaches is not the methodology, nor the kind of research material, but rather with epistemology. By epistemology, 1 mean an individual's beliefs about the origin and methods of the gaining of knowledge. (Davie, 1987, p. 198)

Davie goes on to argue that those who engage in quantitative, positivistic research are looking for an "independent reality," whereas qualitative researchers believe: "Reality is constructed by the observer and is inherently limited by the observer's values and point of view" (p. 198).

Much educational research in the past has focussed on measurement and evaluation based on quantitative methods. Statistical analysis of enrolment, success and failure rates, and so on, are much beloved of education administrators and their governrnent hders. Whereas it is likely that society will continue to see "hard data" to gauge whether students are getthg a "good education" some critics of education fed that numbers are not the only measure of schooiing. Sherman and Webb (1988) comment that

"Questions about worth and intent posed by philosophy are as much a part of the discussion as are measurement and analysis" (p. 1 1).

Hutchinson (1 988) agrees that educational research has hitherto been "anemic" and "atheoreticai" and suggests the need for studies that "explain the everyday world of teachers" (p. 126). This perspective informs the choice of a qualitative approach to research in the field of adult education because the purpose of this study was to gain an understanding of the relationship between theories of marginality and the status of teachers employed by school boards in the province of Ontario to teach adults. It was not the intention to test whether teachers met some pre-determined criteria of margidity, and label them marginal or not, in a way which would satisfy scientists.

Underlying the purpose and the method chosen for this study was a belief that full understanding could never be achieved, that the data gathered would be informed by the subjective values of the researcher and the participants, and that the process could never result in the kind of objective '?ruth'' or "knowledge" that is sought after by those who engage in quantitative research. Based on these beliefs, it was determined that the research could best be described as qualitative.

Some time was then spent in trying to categorize this particular study more

precisely under one of the major qualitative domains. Phenomenology seemed an obvious

choice, since the phenornenon of marginality is a major focus of the study. However,

Morse and Field (1995) draw on Omery in stating: "It is a requisite of phenomenology

that no preconceived notions, expectations, or frameworks be present to guide the researchers as they gather and analyze the data" (p.22) and this study has already developed constnicts of marginality which informed the research process.

Ethnography, too, seemed to be a likely category, as it is a study of people and their cultures. However, "Ethnographies are analytical descriptions or reconstructions of intact cultural scenes and groups" (Goetz and lecompte, 1984, p.2), and at the outset of the study it had not been demonstrated that there was an "intact culture" of adult education, per se. Similarly, a characteristic of the grounded theory paradigm is that

"researchers irnmerse themselves in the social environment" (Hutchinson, 1988, p. US), but it is not clear that the milieu in which adult educators operate could be described as a social environment, and conducting inte~ewsis not the same as immersion.

Kirby and McKenna (1989) argue for a qualitative paradigm named "research fiom the rnargins" which resonates for this study in particular. Advocating research which includes and empowers those who are marginalized, îhey offer six assumptions as a precursor to research:

1. knowledge is socially constnicted; 2. social interactions form the bais of social knowledge; 3. different people experience the world differently; 4. because they have different experience people have dif3erent knowledge; 5. knowledge changes over tirne; 6. differences in power have resulted in the commodincation of knowledge and a monopoly on knowledge production (p.26).

Whereas the present study accepts those assumptions, it is not clear that teachea

of adults are marginalized, or that it is possible to engage them in a research process that

will "help change the world in which they live" @. 17), which is the mission of KVby and

McKenna (1989). This study has taken great care in avoiding any pre-suppositions about

the relationship between teachers and marginality. In contrast, Clark (1 968) admitted that "the research orientation guiding the analysis was a problem-conflict one" (p.141). In other words, he was lookiog for problems, and found the "hmdicap of marginality"

(p.129). The approach used in this present study was more open to a variety of interpretations of marginality.

Having attempted to label the research method precisely, we are persuaded that it is acceptable to pursue eclectic, "paradigm transcending research" (Hutchinson, 1988, p. 123) under the wide urnbrella of qualitative inquiry. In fact, Edson (1988) points out:

"If we view the purpose of qualitative inquiry as a quest to gain understanding, there is no qualitative method, per se, only rnethods to gather information with which we construct our qualitative understanding" (p.44). Rather than engage in merdebate about research paradigms, we will satisfy ourselves with adopting the stance of Kirby and McKenna

(1989):

If you can increase the understanding of an issue or a circurnstance, illuminate one experience, portray one person's story in a new light, you will have helped others to understand the social world a little better. This is what research is al1 about. (p.96)

Edson (1988) also reflects the perspective of this study when he states: "We undertake qualitative inquiry, not so much fkom our recognition that we do not know al1 the answers to out problems but rather fiom an appreciation of the fact that we do not know al1 the questions" (p.45). Nevertheless, in order to proceed with the study, we must prepare some questions in order to gather data

As is common in qualitative studies, it was decided that the questions would be posed in an interview with selected participants in order to gather data In considering the steps needed to design and conduct inte~ews,some important issues were addressed. 4.4. Key considerations in Framing Questions, Conductiag the Interviews and Gathering Data

Some of the most animated discussions in the literature on research methodology centre on interview strategies and outcornes. Marshall and Rossman (1989, p.83) point out that there can be many drawbacks to using interviews for research: the unwillingness of participants; an inexpenenced or uninformed researcher asking inappropriate questions; the lack of reliability of untruthful participants; the resulting large volume of data.

In order to justify the use of interviews, we will now look at four issues which frequently raise concem: the vaiidity of the interview data; the biases of the researcher and participants; the relationship between the researcher and each participant, and the extent of structure in the interviews.

4-4.1. Validitv of the Interview Data

Measor (1 985) admits: "When 1 was challenged about the validity of the data, rny own reaction was really that I felt the data was vaiid .... Such an emotive statement of course has no validity in social science terms, and it has no omamentation of scientific rigour @.73)." Supporters of the positivistic paradigm continue to question whether the information, anecdotes and opinions offered by participants can really be classified as data.

Van Manen (1990) maintains that data, meanhg things given or granted, need not necessarily be tied to quantitative research. His position in that: "When someone has related a valuable experïence to me, then I have indeed gained something, even though the 'thing' gained is not a quantifiable entity" (p.53). Van Manen argues that personal life stones, including anecdotes, are a very valid source of data He points out that:

"Biographers and historians value anecdotes for their power to reveal the true character of persons or of times which are hard to capture in any other manner" (pp. 1 16-7). He goes so far as to Say: "Interview material that is skimpy and that lacks sufficient concreteness in the form of stones, anecdotes, examples of experiences, etc., may be quite useless"

(p.66).

There is a need to respond, also, to the concern that teachers' knowledge is not a vdid source of data. Gitlen et al. (1992) note that the expenential knowledge of teachers, based more on practice than on acadernic theones, has not been valued enough. The authors are speaking mainly of teachers of children, but they might referrhg just as well to teachen of adults when they Say: "They are often discredited as experts and have for the most part been denied a Say in fundamental matters of educational policy" (p.2). The authors go on to argue that the hierarchy of the education system "leaves teachers silenced and limits reform efforts by excluding the concems and insights of those who are best informed about the everyday working of schools" (p.6).

It was the intention of this study to validate the voice of teachers. Schratz (1993) reminds us that "voices" are different fiom "dialogueyyin that dialogue follows social convention. "Voices are more emotive, more disembodied, more disturbing... voices remind us of the individuality that lies beneath the surface of institutional structure" ($8).

Like others, Gitlin et ai. (1 992) believe that these individual voices must be heard:

Those [teachers] who have been excluded have the right to tell their stones and the telling of these stories allows these groups to enter into policy debates, and to challenge the authority to others - such as university researchers, business people, and district and state policy makers - to tell the education story. (p.23) Gitlin et al. (1992) maintain that "When the central aim of the research process is to develop voice, traditional notions of reliability are also altered" (p.28). According to these authors, each voice is different and cannot be duplicated, so each life story mut be valued for its own contribution to the research. This provides an answer to demands for

"triangulation" to verify data. Whereas other sources, such as the literature, may be said to offer additional information and viewpoints, there can be no ''truth" against which to compare the coments of teachers. Theu voices are uniquely their own.

This challenges the positivistic expectation that studies should be replicable to prove their validity. Marshall and Rossman (1 989) argue: "Qualitative research does not pretend to be replicable .... [The] flexible research design cannot be replicated by future researchers, nor should it be attempted" (p. 148). Gitlin et al. (1992) codrm:

The validity or 'truthfÙlness' of the data can be understood no longer as something extracted by an individual armed with a set of research procedures, but rather as a munial process pursued by the researcher and those studied, that recognizes the value of practical knowledge, theoretical enquiry and systematic examination. (p.27)

The fact that research is undertaken systematically, with ample evidence of design and process, bolsters the case for validity in qualitative research.

Marshall (1985) offers ten criteria for judging the value and tmstworthiness of qualitative research: data collection methods are specific; analysis is docurnented; negative instances are accounted for; biases are declared; data collection and analysis

strategies are made public; field decisions which result in change of focus are recorded;

competing hypotheses are presented; data are preserved; participant truthfulness is

assessed; theoretical significance and generalizability are made explicit. Van Manen (1990) also insists that qualitative research has its own standards for rigour, substituting "bard" data for the soflness, soulfidness, subtlety and sensitivity essential to the interpretation of the human experience. He maintains that ''Human science strives for precision and exactness by aiming for interpretive descriptions that exact fullness and completeness of detail, and that explores to a degree of perfection the hindamental nature of the notion being addressed in the text" (p. 17).

In the present study, considerable effort has ken spent to follow a research process which is valid, according to cnteria suggested by authonties such as Marshall

(1 985) and Van Manen (1 990). Nevertheless, it is openly acknowledged that influences, such as the Hawthorne Effect which is thought to cause participants to change behaviour and attitudes simply because they are being studied, may affect the data The entire research process is recognizably subjective and biased, which are issues to be addressed next.

4.4.2. Bias of the Researcher and Partici~ants

We are al1 biased. Kirby and McKenna (1989) state: "There is no such thing as an impartial or unimpassioned researcher" (p.54). To pretend othewise is foolish and fdse consciousness. Qualitative researchers assume that the biases of the researcher and each interview participant affect the interview process and result in a different dynamic in each situation. It is understood, therefore, that each interview will follow a unique process and the data produced are unique each time.

Most qualitative researchers would reject a survey approach in which teams of researchers interview large nurnbers of people, under the assumption that questions can be asked and answered without bias. This is in contrast to Babbie's (1992) more traditional view that, during surveys, "The interviewer's presence should not affect a respondent's perception of a question or the mergiven. The interviewer, then, should be a neuM medium through which questions and answers are transmitted" (p.270).

Babbie also suggests that researchers should adapt their interpersonal style,.and even their appearance, to suit each participant, on the grounds that: "Clearly, the interview will be more successful if the interviewer can becorne the kind of person the respondent is cornfortable with" (p.27 1).

In contrast, qualitative researchers argue for a more authentic approach on the part of the researcher, in declarîng personal bias and communicating in a style that is natural rather than contrived. Qualitative researchers admit that: "Al1 good research is for them, for us, and for me" (Reason and Marshall, 1987, p. 1 12), so there is no pretense that the study is objective, or that the researcher can remain detached fiorn the process. Kirby and

McKe~a(1989) offer researchers some advice on this:

Remember that who you are has a central place in the research process because you bnng your own thoughts, aspirations and feelings, and your own ethnicity, race, class, gender, sexual orientation, occupation, farnily background, schooling, etc., to your research. (p.46)

There is every likelihood that our ways of seeing the world colour our view of the data. Even Babbie (1992) cautions that, in field research, "There is a constant risk that you will observe only those things that support your theoretical conclusion" (p.302). This is equally tme during the data analysis stage when the researcher's bias affects the interpretation of the data. Van Manen (1990) points out that analysis is actuaily the interpretation of the participant's interpretation of a situation (p.26). That same risk extends to the reporting of findings in written form, and we must heed his caution that: "To reduce the whole world to text and to treat al1 experiences texhially is to be forgetful of the metaphoric origin of one's methodology" (p.38).

The question of whether the participants are providing honest, accurate information always arises in a qualitative study, because critics point out there is no scientific measurement to prove they are telling the truth. The response fiom those who favour qualitative research is that the purpose of their research is to increase understanding, not to uncover truth. Their argument continues that there is no pure, absolute tmth waiting to be discovered since al1 knowledge is socially constmcted and inherently biased.

On the part of the participants, it is likely that their remarks du~gthe intewiew are skewed by factors such as their own emotions, past experiences, political convictions, ethics, and so on. Van Manen (1990) points out that qualitative research is the study of persons in their uniqueness as hurnan beings (p.6) and so, as previously noted, their remarks are uniquely their own.

Their comrnents may, however, be influenced by a number of factors, such as reluctance to talk freely about topics - particularly if their opinions have never been sought before. Teachers engaged in the Educative Research Project in Salt Lake City spoke of having been discouraged fiom speaking because of childhood desto be seen and not heard, self-criticism, society's expectations or denied professional opportunity.

One spoke of %e struggle between silence and voice" (Gitlin et al., 1992, p.89).

Furthermore, when teachers do find their voice and speak of experiences, they are actually speaking in retrospect about a past experience, and their recollection may also be c louded by "interference" as they try to remember. Van Manen (1990) points out: A peson cannot refiect on lived experience whüe living through the experience. For example, if one tned to reflect on ones' anger while being angry, one find that the anger bas already changed or dissipated. Thus phenornenologid reflection is not introspective, but retrospective. Reflection on lived experience is always recollective; it is reflection on experience that is already passed or lived through. (p. 10)

Tiemey (1 99 1) states: "Critical theorists assume that researchea must insert themselves in the research process, and engage in praxis-oriented research projects that seek to give voice to the disempowered and bring into questions the borders we have created around our research" (p.5). Tiemey states, categorically: "Simply stated, the researcher cannot be objective, detached or neutral" (p.6).

4.4.3. The Extent of Structure in the Interviewing

In response to the critique that data gathered using qualitative methods are less credible than data fiom a quantitative study, Merriam and Simpson (1984) argue that even data gathered using scientific methods can never be considered completely accunite and point out: "Even data collected systematically provide only a partial glimpse of the total picture" (p. 126).

However, showing that data have been collected systematically, helps to build the credibility of qualitative research Memarn and Simpson (1984) point out that

"increasing the structure increases the consistency fiom one interview to the next"

(p. 133). They also favour electronically recorded interviews, rather than notes which may be incomplete and open to challenges of validity.

Schratz (1993) suggests that biographical interviews, just as a forum for discussion and reflection, offer teachers "a structure for standing outside their own workplace in order to see how its values have been shaped and whether their own professional values are being expressed or being muted" (p.10). The interview is an opportunity for them "to release thernselves from the wmplex and constraining webs of habit" @p. 9-10).

Babbie (1992) puts forward arguments for interviews based on a questionnaire. In successive reprintings of his text on social research he points out that a researcher armed with a survey can get a high response rate, decrease the number of "don't knows", cl&@ questions and observe the participant's response to questions. But fiom the perspective of those who favour naturalistic enquiry, a formal, more structured inte~ewmight discourage participants fiom talking about their own issues in ways which best suit them.

Viewed in this way, data fiom a stmctured interview which did not allow for any divergence fiom the questions, might not be as valid as a fiee-flowing exchange.

The middle ground chosen for this study was to have an interview protocol which focussed the discussion, but which used many open-ended questions and included opportunities for participants to raise issues of interest to them. This replicated the

"structured, standard interview" advocated by Kirby and McKenna (1 989) in which "a shopping list of 'information required' is kept and the interviewer solicits information and fills in the gaps as best as possible during the interview" (p.74).

The approach used by Rachlis (1982) offered a mode1 for interviewing which suited this present study:

The interviews were structured and open-ended. The structure meant that al1 key issues were covered, and allowed for cornparison of responses among respondents and between schools. The open-ended nature of the questions usually allowed respondents to make comments, elaborate where they wished, and not feel constrained by narrow questions. The questions so licited impressions from respondents about a subject with whic h they had firsthand experience. (p.64) On the matter of feeling constrained, it is widely known that discussion between people is always more authentic if they have a sound relationship that promotes ease of communication. However, the relationship between researcher and interviewer is not the same as between fnends or relatives. Much has been written about this relationship, and the impact on data collection, and we will face some of the issues next.

4.4.4. Research Relationshi~s

Measor (1 985) suggests: 'The quality of the data is dependent on the quality of the relationships you build with the people being interviewer (p.57). This relationship leads to "intersubjectivity" which Kirby and McKenna (1 989) described as "an authentic dialogue between al1 participants in the research process in which each person is respected as an equally knowing subject" (p. 100).

Gitl in et al. (1 992) note that :'Traditional forms of research place the researcher and those studied in a hierarchical relationship" (p. 19). Kirby and McKenna (1 989) insist that in qualitative research, "there must exist a sense of equality between the person gathering the information and the person whose knowledge is sought" (p.67).

A key step in building an egalitarian relationship based on trust is the establishg of rapport between researcher and participant at the outset of the interview. Kirby and

McKema (1 989) maintain: "Good rapport can be fostered by cornpiete and straight- forward introduction of the research focus and of yourself as researcher" (p.99). Body language and appearance are wideiy known to contribute to this process although -. Babbie's (1992 ) suggestion that the researcher wntrive to behave and dress in a manner which will please the participants is rejected as being manipuiative.

In order to foster trust and encourage discussion, the kinds of communication skills used in ordinary conversation are also effective in research interviews: active listening, gestures that indicate understanding, empathy, appropriate humour, and so on.

Marshall and Rossman (1989) confm that: "Typically, qualitative in-depth interviews are more like conversations than formal, structured interviews" (p. 82).

However, once again representing a more traditional viewpoint, Babbie (1 992)

issues a caution that: "It is essential that you keep reminding yourself that you are not

having a normal conversation" (p.296) based on the view, apparently, that the researcher

must remain objective and unconnected to the participant. Although they would argue that subjectivity and comectedness are inevitable in qualitative interviewing, Kirby and

McKenna (1989) agree that the situation calls for more than casual, aimless talk. They recommend "guided conversation which needs to be focussed on the experience you want

to know more about" (pp. 67-68). This echoes the tenn that Kahn and Canne11 (1957)

used many years ago when they described the research interview as a "conversation with

a purpose" (p. 149).

In raising another issue related to research relationships, Van Manen (1990) draws

on the work of van den Berg to argue that human beings have a "conversational

relationship" with the world around them, and the anecdote is a device for interpreting

that relationship (pp. 115-1 16). This underscores, yet again, the need to ensure that

participants in interviews should be encouraged to use anecdotes, which then become a

vaiid source of data. Exchanging of anecdotes becomes easier when the researcher is also a practitioner

in the same field as the participants, but this collegial relationship may be suspect. Reed

and Proctor (1 995) note that researchers have traditionally been expected to distance

themselves fiom the data in order to achieve objectivity - an impossible feat for the

"hybrida' researchers, which is a title they give to practitioner undertaking research into

the practice of other practitioners (p. 10).

Experiential knowledge cannot be denied. Kirby and McKenna (1989) advise the

researcher: "Your expenence is at the centre of the research process" (p.45). Reed and

Proctor (1 995) argue that any attempt by practitioner researchers to be "anthropologically

strange" (p.22) with the data would be fdlacious. Rather, they should adopt the stance of

feminist and other "new paradigm researchers who declare their previous knowledge and

the political aims of the study. They state: "Clearly, the whole point of declaring a stand

is to enable the reader to judge the subsequent analysis in the context of the stand taken"

(P-22).

That thought helps to explain why this researcher stated her approach to the study

in Chapter 1, and why time has been taken here to explore the four issues of bias, validity,

structure and research relationships. Having offered some justification for a qualitative,

structured interview, we now turn to consider the inte~ewprotocol.

4.5. The Interview Protocol

4.5.1. Framework for Ouestioning

The interview protocol grew fiom a fundamentai research question framed early

in the study: In what ways are constructs of marginality manifested in the expenences of

school board teachers of adults? As a first step toward answering to this question, a review of policy and historical events related to school board adult education was undertaken. With that context in mind, a literature review was completed as described in Chapter 3, and five questions related to marginality also emerged:

1. What is marginaliîy?

2. What are the circumstances sunounding entry into marginal status?

3. Who or what is at the centre and what are the relationships between the margins and the centre, between the margins and other components within the system, and between the margins and the outside?

4. What are the expenences of rnarginality?

5. What are the responses to experiences of marginality?

These five questions formed a theoretical framework for research. In answer to the first question, three constnicts of marginality were identified fiom the literature: Marginal

Man as a condition with a type, marginality as a stage, and marginality as myth.

Seeking answers for questions two to five presented a conundrum, however.

Since it was determined, early in the study, that it was inappropnate to assume that teachea of adults were marginal, it would be equally inappropnate to ask them to descnbe entry into marginality or their experiences of mmginality. How, then, to ask questions which would produce data that could be analyzed in light of constructs of marginality ?

The solution was to design a two-part inte~ewprotocol. The first part would ask teachers to speak about their lives and work as adult educators, with a focus on entry into the field and lived experiences. The teachers would not at fust be asked to give responses within a framework of margindity, although the questions would be designed around characteristics of marginality identified in the literature. By offe~gthe definition and fnunework late in the interview, it was hoped that the opening discussion of experiences in general wouid be uninhibited by spectres of marginality theory.

The second part of the interview wodd provide a dennition of margdity and ask teachers, directly, to interpret their experiences in light of the three identifîed constmcts of marginality. In this way, al1 teachers wodd be speaking to the same definition and particular theories, rather than discussing an elusive concept which might mean a different thing to each of them. It was intended that the voices of teachers nom the second part of the interview could serve as a fom of "interna1 triangulation" by speaking to the three constnicts of marginality identified in the literature and then interpreted by the researcher.

The next step followed Kirby and McKenna's (1989) advice to researchers to bbtransformyour research process fiom one research question into many specific questions that will help you, the interviewer, stay close to the research focus and help the participant respond to questions about her or his own expenence in an insightful and thoughtful way" (p.74). Following Rubin and Rubin's (1 995) suggestions, main questions were planned with attention to the information sought, flow, focus and overall design. The inteniew protocol was then fleshed out following their %ee and branch"

(p. 159) model, in which supplementary and follow-up questions branch off fkom the main questions.

nie purpose for these additional questions was to provide teachers with a framework to speak about their work in adult education, and to invite comment on issues that had piqued the interviewer's curîosity during early stages of research. Furthemore, questions were designed around characteristics of the three identified consûucts of marginality. The following offers a bief explanation of the rationale behind each question.

4.5.2. Rationale for Interview Ouestions

Greetines and Introductions

It is customary to begin any interaction between two people with greetings and pleasantries. Since the inte~ewerhad not met some of the participants face to face, introductions were sornetimes necessary. In al1 cases there was a need to introduce the study and give some background. Before the forma1 interviews could begin, it was necessary to obtain written consent (Appendix B). Permission to use a tape recorder was required and participants were asked to fil1 in a form with personal information.

Apart from obtaining permissions, and so on, the other purpose of the introduction was to establish rapport with each participant, and start building an egalitarian relationship as recommended by the literature discussed earlier. Following a positive beginning, it was hoped that the interview would proceed in a climate of mutual understanding and respect.

Preamble: Ouestions about the Present Situation

There is an old aphorism that says 'îwhere one sits determines where one stands."

The popular phrase in cornmon use is that we need to understand "where a person is coming fiom." The qualitative research literature has shown thai al1 information must be considered in context and that views are biased as a result of many factors, including environment. Given thaf the prearnble consistecl of four questions which aimed to connmi the stahis of teachen, and to gather background information about their roles, responsibilities and the organizations which employed them:

Are you a full-time school board employee, teaching credit programs to adults?

Tell me about your teaching at present (subjects, location, students, etc.)

What are your roles and responsibilities?

What is the departmental structure and to whom do you report?

0.1. Questions Repardin~the Circumstances Surroundine Entw into Teaehing in School Board Adult Education

With this question, the focus of the inte~ewsbegan to turn towards identimg ways in which the experiences of the teachers of adults relate to the three identified constructs of marginality.

The literature on marginality has shown that a key question centres on how one enters the status perceived to be marginal, bearing in mind the postmodernist view that entry is not inevitable. The literature has suggested that sorne choose to marginalize themselves, others find themselves pushed into the margins involuntarily, and still othen are caught between two cultures when they leave one but find themselves not acceptable to the other. From the postmodernist perspective, marginal status depends on who is the dominant centre, and how much they can be resisted.

Another issue is the extent to which those perceived to be entering the so-called margins are prepared for the change in their status. The literature suggests that some who choose to move into the margins voluntarily may have the opportunity to prepare for a paradigm shifi. Those individuals may apparently be able to control the process by learning to apply familiar noms to the new situation, and they may welcome the opportunity to influence the centre from a position on the margins. On theother hand, it is claimed, people who find themselves suddenly located in the margins may be unprepared for the changes that need to be made in "recipe knowledge" and concepts of time and typicality .

It would appear that the entry into the status named marginality, often as a result of trauma or some pivota1 event, has certain characteristics which are different fiom the experience of living in the margins. In an effort to identify whether there are any parallels between entry into marginality and entry into adult education, the teachers were asked the following questions:

What led you to teach adults in the school board setting?

Was your entry into school board adult education voluntary, or mandated by administrators?

What preparation or training to teach adults did you have ahead of time?

What were your expectations for your new role?

To what extent did you view your new position in adult education as a chance to make changes in the central school board system?

What do you recall about your first day working with adult students in the school board setting? 0.2 Ouestions about Who or Matis at the Centre of the School Board, about the Relationshi~sbetween the Teacher of Adults and the Centre. Other Com~onents within the Svstem, and the Communitv Outside

One of the recurring questions in considering the phenomenon of marginality is:

Marginal - in relation to what? The literahue showed us that people are perceived to be marginal in relation to a centre, and to those surrounding that centre who subscribe to the central norms and values. It is important, then, to clan@ what is taken-for-granted at the centre.

A postmodemist argument is that those at the centre often conceal what they stand for, because it is more difficult to challenge their hidden agendas. Making values and norms explicit is key to assessing whether those values and norms are worthy of being considered central. These so-cailed centrai norms mut be constantly challenged and resisted, because they most often represent the values of the white, male, wealthy and powefil which are unacceptable to "other."

nie argument continues that, if marginal people come together to create their own reality, they may fomi their own culture, with norms and values, which in iime may become a new centre. This "subculture" often develops its own symbols and heroes, as in the case of the biker gangs studied by Willis (1978), whose motorcycles were symbols and whose dead members were heroes. We have seen that leadership and role models within subcultures, and interaction with what is seen as mainstrearn culture, can al1 influence the condition of marginality.

Many theorists, even those speaking fiom a postmodemist perspective, have argued that relationships play a crucial role in issues of marginality. This next set of interview questions set out to investigate whether the relationships which teachers of adults had with others were sidar to or different from relationships experienced by those considered to be marginal.

Who is at the centre of the school board system, and what are their values and noms?

What are some events, circumstances, policies or procedures that illustrate your relationship with the centre?

How do you think you are perceived by those at the centre?

How would you describe your relationship with teachers of children and adolescents?

What kind of interactions do you have with other teachers of adults?

What interactions do you have with outside stakeholders? E.g., business, community groups, government etc.

Who are your role models?

Can you think of a symbol or metaphor for adult education?

0.3. Questions about the Ex~erienceof Beim a School Board Teacher of Adults

There are strong arguments that humans do experience a condition which is commonly known as marginality. It also appears that there are many dimensions to the expenence. For example, the physical dimension is apparent in the situation of people with disabilities who may be living apart fiom others in institutions, and perceived as marginal to society.

The affective domain is clearly evident when people '& about their expenences of so-called marginality. For rnany it is a traumatic experience, causing them to feel angry or fkightened or sad. For others, especially artists and writers who choose to live outside the dominant mainstrearn, marginal status may bring feelings of joy and satisfaction, especially if their creativity increases.

The psychological dimension surfaces when questions are asked about the way that king perceived marginal contributes to self-image and sense of self-worth. It would seem that people who are vulnerable and unsure of themselves expenence marginality differently fiom those who are self-confident and have a strong sense of who they are.

The sense of being a professional, for example, may influence the way people experience marginality .

And, in addition, many individuals manage their perceived marginality in accordance with their philosophy of life. Those who have a "live-and-let-live" attitude may accept their status calmly. We have seen that many who adopt a postmodernist stance resist being labelled marginal and often become activists in the fight to change the central noms.

With these thoughts in mind, an effort was made to understand the experience of teachers fiom a holistic point of view, taking into account the physical, emotional, psychological and philosophical dimensions of being an adult educator, in particular. The five questions in the inte~ewprotocol were:

3.i Physical: Tell me about the location where you teach, the learning environment, whether you move around, etc.

3.ii Emotional: What emotional experiences have you had teaching adults? E.g., incidents that caused laughter, sadness, anger, etc.

3.iii Psychological: Describe your sense of yourself as a professional adult educator. 3.iv Philosophical: What experiences of teaching adults fit comfortably with your philosophy of life or belief system, and what experiences have been at odds witb it?

3.v Are there any other experiences related to your role and responsibilities for the school board that you would like to discuss?

0.4. Questions about the Remonse to Ex~eriences

The literature has led us to believe that people respond to so-called marginal

status in different ways. Some become more productive; others become depressed. The

ways in which they respond to the expenence of marginality depends on many factors, just as many factors influence the way they live the expenence.

Since no two individuals respond to a situation in the same way, it is assumed that

teachers respond differently to the experience of teaching adults in a school board setting.

It must be acknowledged that it is very dificuit to separate discussion about experiences

fiom discussion about responses to experiences, particularly when, in an interview

setting, the participants are recalling and descnbing both in retrospect. However, it was

felt that one of the indicators of response was that a change had occurred, so questions

were fiamed that asked about changes as a result of expenences in teaching adults.

Taking the same holistic approach as explained earlier, the fo llowing five

questions were added to the interview protocol:

4.i What bas been your physical response to your experiences as a school board teacher of adults? Lg., adaptation to the environment; changes in your travel patterns, exercise, eating habits, sleeping, general health.

4.ii What is your emotional response to being a school board teacher of adults? E.g., increased or deereased happiness, anger, frustration, excitement. What is your psychological response to your teaching situation? E.g., How do you manage the demands upon you?

What changes in your phiiosophy or belief system have occumed since you have been a school board tacher of adults? E.g., changea in what you value in your own teaching and leaming; different opinion of the education system; paradigm shifts.

In what other ways have you responded to your situation?

0.5, Ouestions Regarding Mareinalitv

In some of the earlier studies described in the literature review, the researchers had asked participants to talk about being marginal. This approach was felt to be problematic in the case of teachers of adults, because it was impossible to prove that they were, in fact, marginal. Consequently, the design of this inte~ewprotocol called for participants to simply talk about their lived expenences of being adult educators for the first four questions, and then address the issue of marginality later in the discussion.

The first step was to ask them to mark a simple diagram (Appendix E) to represent graphically where they felt they stood in the school board organization that employed them. There were several reasons for this approach. In the first place, this physical activity signalled a change in focus fiom discussion of experiences in general to discussion of the concept of marginality. Secondly, a pen and paper exercise added another dimension to an intemiew which had relied ody on words up to this point.

Thirdly, this device was an attempt to have the teachers identie their status without labelling it marginal.

Only after making a mark on the diagram were participants asked to descnbe the location in words and asked to compare their description with the defuiition of marginal introduced in Chapter I of this thesis. Mer being encouraged to define marginal in

144 other ways, the participants were asked directly whether the definitions fitted their own situation. Those who answered "Yes" were asked to describe their marginal stanis. Al1 participants, whether they felt marginal or not, were asked to taik in general about their

The following questions were posed in this part of the interview:

5.i Using the diagram (Appendix E) when would you locate yourself ?

5.ii How would you describe this location?

S.iii In what ways does your description of your location correspond to the definition of marginal, Le., in the margins of the board of education jurisdiction in "thnt part of the surface which lies immediately within its boundary, especially when in some way marked off or distinguished from the rest of the surface" (Ox/ord EngIisL Dictionaiy, 1994, p.368).

5.iv What synonyms would you use for marginal?

5.v Do you agree that your status as a teacher of adults is marginal?

If no: Proceed to S.vi

If yes: Y.i What are the causes of your marginality?

Y.ii How does it feel to be marginal?

Y.iii 1have identified 3 eonstructs of marginality: marginal man as n condition with a type; marginality as a stage; marginality as myth. Having heard these described, do you think that any or al1 of them reflect your situation?

Do others perceive you as marginal? Explain, whether yes or no.

Would you üke to change your status? If so, how? If not, why not?

What comments would you make to authorities who speak of the marginality of adult education? Exit Ouestions #en a structured interview protocol is use& there is always a concem that the participants will not have the opportunity to tak about issues that are of interest to them.

The closing questions in the interview were intended to provide the teachers with an opportunity to talk about friture plans and adult education in general. They were also asked to comment on the interview process and ask questions about the study.

Apart fkom giving participants an opportunity to mise new issues, the following exit questions allowed the interview to wind down, in a way that a conversation usually does with thanks, closure and farewells:

E. i What arc your future plans?

E. ii What other comments do you have about school board adult education prograrns?

E. iii What questions do you have about this interview or the study in general?

4.5.3. Field Testing of Ouestions

Although care had been taken to ensure that the interview protocol had a sound theoretical basis, it was felt necessary to venfi the questions with adult educators before undertaking the research proper. Idormal consultations took place with six colleagues of the researcher before the questionnaire was wmpletely formatteci. Their suggestions were taken into account, and the questions as set out above reflect the few minor changes

in wording which resulted. A teacher of adults who was not taking part in the study

reviewed the final protocol, and inte~ewswith selected participants were then

scheduled. 4.6. The Selection of Participants

1.6.1. Criteria for Seleetion

Teachers invited to take part in fonnal interviews met the following criteria: iIn possession of an Ontario Teaching Certificate (OTC)

Teaching credit courses to adult students iEmployed full-time by an Ontario school board at the tirne of the interview, or within six months of the interview date.

These criteria were used to define one sector of the field of addt education. It was thought necessary to chose teachers with similar backgrounds and a cornrnon professional status, so that their experiences and responses could be compared equitably. Other adult educators, such as instructors who did not posses an OTC or casual employees of a school board, are perceived differently from full-time, certified teachen, and in fact hold different status under the Education Act. It was thought that gathenng data fiom educatoa with varying status might prove problematic in later stages of the study.

Similarly, although there are many different kinds of courses under the heading of adult education, adult credit courses make demands on teachers with an OTC which differ fiom the demands of leisure courses or skills upgrading. It was thought that those teaching credit courses would have a better understanding of their relationship to the centre and others, and greater awareness of administrative structures.

Measor (1985) supports the strategy of choosing participants who might best be able to contribute to a study, and identifies it as theoretical sampling:

Theoretical sampling (an idea fit explicitly discussed by Glaser and Strauss, 1967) is a form of sampling in which phenornena or people are chosen for the study not under the strictures of randomness, but because they are the most fiuitfiil avenues for the development of theory .... in other words, sampling in practitioner research might not be about representativeness but about uniqueness. (pp. 192- 193)

The original intent was to talk to teachers who were employed full-time on the date of the interview. That proved impractical. Because of staff cutbacks imrnediately before the interview penod, because many teachers had recentiy changed from full

OSSTF contracts to short-term Fonn 3 contracts, and because others were in the process of being rewigned, this criterion had to be more flexible. It was decided to include teachers who were employed full-time within six months of the interview period, otherwise it would have proved very dificult to find teachers for the study.

4.6.2. Identifvine the Po~ulation

The total size of the population of teachers who met the cnteria was unknown because the staffing of adult programs is in a constant state of flux. Unlike teachers of children and youth, whose teacher record car& mut show that they are specidists in the age group they are teaching, teachers of adult credit courses in Ontario need have no special qualifications or expenence in adult education. Therefore, administrators can quickly re-assign teachers fiom regular secondary schools to adult schools, or can admit adults into a regular secondary classroom, without having to demonstrate that their teacher is an adult educator. Staffing of adult courses can Vary fiom day to day to suit

student demands and administrative convenience, as explained in Chapter 2.

In a quantitative study, the process ofien includes random sampling or surveys of

a certain percentage of a known population. Since a qualitative research paradigm was chosen for the study, it was not thought necessary to know the exact total of teachers who met the selection cntena. The goal was to gather data from individual teachers of adults with a varying range of experiences. It was not intended that this would be a representative sampling, or that the results would be generalizable across the entire population of adult educators. Kirby and McKema (1 989) support this approach in quaiitative research on the grounds of "looking for information, not for representatives of a specific sample or population" (p.97).

4.6.3. Recruitment of Partichants

Research which involves teachers is often undertaken in cosperation with the school boards who emplo y them. School board administraton and trustees may be asked for permission to conduct interviews with staff on school board premises, and it is usually known which teachers are involved in the research.

However, for this study, teachers were recruited directly, so the CO-operationof school boards was not required. In fact, it was felt that the privacy of teachers would be better protected if interviews were held off school board property in each teacher's own time. It was intended to keep codidential the identity of both the teachers and their school boards, so that teachers would feel fiee to comment on their expenences without compromising themselves, their employers or other staff.

When the study was first conceived in 1995, the goal was to recruit between fi fteen and twenty teachers of adults. At that tirne, school board adult education programs were thriving and there were many teachers who met the participant criteria.

However by the fa11 of 1996, there had been severe staffcutbacks and so it was more dificult to recruit teachers. This kind of difficulty in finding participants is not

uncommon in studies (Measor, 1985). In the end fifteen teachers agreed to be interviewed, and that number proved to be very satisfactory because of the richness of their responses.

The teachers were identified in a number of different ways which closely parallel

Kirby and McKe~a's(1 989) criteria: experience, geographic location, wilhgness, contactability, responsiveness, self-identification, variety of experiences and ability to establish productive communication (p.98). A few were recruited in CESBA and OCAE conferences during 1996 when a flyer descnbing the study was put on display. Some were referred by colleagues, and still othes were known personally to the researcher.

The last few recruits were deliberately sought out to obtain a better balance of men and women, school board representation and cultural diversity.

AAer each teacher was identified, a phone cal1 followed during which the researcher explained the study, gave reassurances of confidentiality and verified that the candidate met the specified criteria. Interview times were then scheduled in various municipalities. Discussions took place at a variety of times and locations off board property, often in a small restaurant over lunch or dimer.

4.7. The Interviewhg Process

The interviews began in the late fa11 of 1996, and were cornpleted by mid-January

1997. All interviews were conducted off school board property, sometimes on a teacher's day off or over lunch, but more ofien derschool, over coffee or a meal. Before starting the inte~ew,each participant was asked to sign a Letter of Informed Consent

(Appendix B) indicating they understood the study and agreed to be interviewed. Al1 the teachen gave permission for an audio tape recorder to be used before it was tumed on, and the idormal moments before taping helped to build rapport, in accordance with

Once permissions had been obtained, participants were asked to fi11 out a confidentid form giving personal information such as name, address, age range and background, and professional information such as teaching accreditation and courses taught (Appendix C). The interview protocol (Appendix D) was then shown to the teachers and they were invited to use it as a guide. In fact, al1 teachers preferred to listen to the questions being asked orally, although some did refer to the written questions occasionally when they needed clarification on wording. Bnef field notes were made during the interviews in case the tape recorder malfùnctioned or a secondary source was needed for clarification.

The shortest interview was an hour and a quarter and the longest was two and a half hours. In several cases, the researcher asked supplementary questions for clarification using e-mail, and received responses. Four teachers provided additional information: one provided notes that had been prepared ahead of time, a second sent faxes, a third communicated by mail, and a fourth sent a video tape and resource material via a colleague. Between the time of interviews, and the completion of the thesis, a few teachers initiated inquiries about the progress of the study, and one update was sent out so that al1 participants knew the statu of the research.

Several observations may be noted about the interview process. Most noteworthy is the fact that the exchanges were less like formal inte~ewsand more like conversations between colleagues with a shared background and a common interest in adult education.

The audio tapes record the fact that there was fiequent laughter, intense passion and strong opinion shared between the researcher and each participant Although al1 questions were covered each the, presentation of the questions sometimes varied

because of the natural flow of the discussion. Sometimes the participant offered

information spontaneously without being asked. These experiences fitted with the theories of "conversational inte~ewing"discussed earlier in this chapter.

Before the inte~ews,there had been some concem that the responses of participants might be skewed because they knew that the researcher was interested in the topic of marginality. Al1 were idomed as part of the introductory comments that the

researcher was interested in their expenences as adult educators, and the issue of

marginality would only be raised at the end of the inte~ew.It was obvious to the

researcher that once the teachers started talking about themselves, their work and their

students, they were talking fieely without feeling constrained to place their comments in a

fiamework of marginality, although one or two did use the term K'marginal'y

spontaneously in the natural flow of discussion.

The guided conversation about experiences in general lasted for about three

quarters of each interview. Only at the end, when several questions directly relating to

marginality were asked, were the teachers asked to consider their experiences within that

particular framework. In response to hearing about three constructs of marginality

identified by the researcher, al1 gave thoughtful responses after reflection. There was no

evidence that teachers felt obliged to describe themselves as marginal, although most did.

It was gratiaing to discover that there was a strong correlation between the

questions that the researcher thought important to ask, and the points that the teachers

wanted to raise. While some issues were addressed at length, the intewiews were therefore very focussed Some questions which were asked for consistency, even though they did not seem to apply to every teacher's situation, often produced very full and interesting answers, as will be seen in Chapter 5. Teachers were invited to intmduce additional topics at the end of the interview, but nearly dl of them felt that they had said everything they wanted to Say, and expressed appreciation for the opportunity to talk and be heard on matters which af5ected them intensely.

4.8. Data Management and Interpretation

The researcher began the task of transcnbing intewiews as soon as the first interview was cornpleted, using equipment bomwed bom OISERIT. Approximately thirty hours of tape recordings were transcnbed, verbutint, resulting in some 250 typed pages. These transcriptions were completed within a month of the final interview, early in 1997. A locked filing cabinet was used to store a printed copy of each transcript, dong with computer disks with back-up files, field notes, participant information forms, and signed letters of consent.

In the summer of 1997, the data were compiled and the findings were written as

Chapter 5 of this thesis. To begin with, a simple "cut and paste" process was used with the help of a computer word processor, combining the data fkom al1 fifieen interviews.

Starting at the beginning of the interview protocol, all the tacher responses to Question

1.1 were gathered together, then responses to Question 1.2, and so on through al1 the questions. In this way, the questions themselves fomed a valid structure for recording the uni6 of data Additional data, such as matenals sent by participants after the interviews, were gathered together at the end to make sure that al1 were included. No atternpt was made to analyze the findings at this .stage, since one of the major aims of the study was to ensure that the voices of the teachers were heard. However, the compilation process did Uiclude the "chunking" of ideas and synthesizing of concepts, resulting in a summary of the fuldings, rather than a word by word account: The summary was fleshed out by anecdotes and quotations which reveal how the teachers verbalized their thoughts. The findings have therefore becorne a testimony to the expenences of fifteen school board teachers of adults

Chapter 6 presents an analysis of the data. However it must be recognized that the analysis is based on the researcher's interpretation, which relies itself on the interpretation of the teachers interviewed. Marshall and Rossman (1 989) note that "The interpretive act remains mysterious in both qualitative and quantitative data analysis. Raw data have no inherent meaning; the interpretive act bnngs meaning to those data and displays that meaning to the reader through the written report'' (p. 114).

Van Manen (1990) suggests that the very act of writing the report is a process of research and analysis. His point is that:

Writing gives appearance and body to thought .... We come to know what we know in this dialectic process of constructing a text (a body of knowledge) and thus leaming what we are capable of saying (our knowing body). It is the dialectic of inside and outside, of embodiment and disembodiment, of sepmition and reconciliation. (p. 127)

4.9. Chapter Summary

This chapter has explained the methodology used for the study. It began with an overview of research theories, and explained the choice of qualitative research methods.

Issues of validity, bis, structure and research relationships were then discussed. The inte~ewprotocol was presented and details were given of the selection of participants, the interview process and the management of data.

Given that the writer is a practitioner researcher, the process of Uiterpretation and writing becomes even more convoluted, because of pnor knowledge and bias. We can only agree with Reed and Biott (1995) in acknowledging that, far fiom king able to take the naive stance expected by the positivistic traditionalists. the researcher in this study is

"an agent of distortion" (p. 190).

With that thought, we end the fhtfour chapters of this thesis which have relied heavily on histoncal data and theories expounded in the literature of various disciplines.

The next three chapters will be based solely on analyzing interview data and writing reports, which, out of al1 phases of the research, may be "the most difficult, cornplex, ambiguous, creative, and fun" (Marshall and Rossman, 1989, p. 115). CHAPTER 5

TEACHERS OF ADULTS SPEAK

5.1. Introduction

Throughout this study, the Unportance of listening to teachers of adults bas been emphasized. It is tirne, ~OW,to tum away fiom theory and background information in order to focus attention on the fifteen teachers of aduits who participated in interviews.

Whereas this report of the discussion might have been organized in many ways, research paradigms explained in Chapter 4 support the notion of just setting down verbatirn what the teachers say. It is felt that the questions in the inte~ewprotocol provide enough of an organizing tool.

Reluctantly, it has been decided fiom now on to use the acronym TOA to signifjr the Teachers of Adults employed by Ontario School Boards who were interviewed for

this study. The use of an acronym will reduce the nurnber of words in this chapter and

also differentiate them fiom other types of teachers. The words "inte~ewee"and

"participant" are also used for variety. Analysis of the information resulting fiom the

interviews is delayed until Chapter 6. The cornmitment at this point is to listen to the

teachers.

5.2. Teachers of Adults Introduce Thernseives

At the beginning of each interview, following the signing of the Letter of

Informed Consent (Appendix B) every TOA was asked to fil1 in a one-page Personal

Information questionnaire (Appendix C). These questionnaires provide statistid and

background data for the study and a summary follows. Each of the six men and nine women interviewed was in possession of an Ontario

Teaching Certificate (OTC).Also, they were al1 teaching adult credit courses, although it becarne clear later that counselling, headships and other responsibilities often rneant that the TOAs did more than just teach.

Of the fifteen interviewees, only one was under thirty. Of the remaining fourteen, seven were aged between forty and forty-nine, and seven were between fifty and fi@- nine. It should be noted that no effort was made to screen participants by age, and the fact that there were no teachers between thirty and thirty-nine was a surprise. However, these statistics reflect the commonly held belief that teachers of adults tend to be older because a certain amount of maturity is necessary in order to deal effectively with adult students.

The majority of the interviewees were white, and apparently of European descent.

Those who documented their ethnic background included individuals of British, German,

Lithuanian, and French Canadian heritage. One penon did not give written background details, but during the interview spoke openly of being a south Asian immigrant. Efforts to find and recruit other visible minorities and people of colour were unsuccessful, supporting the conclusion that the rnajority of TOAs are, like the sample interviewed, white and of European descent.

It was considered important to interview staff fiom school boards with contrasting

geographic, nurneric and socio-economic charactenstics, to achieve as broad a variation

as possible. Two TOAs worked for a large board adjacent to a city. Three TOAs were

with a board in a large, mainly rural jurisdiction in central Ontario. Five participants were

employed by a large board servicing a mixed rural and urban cornmunity in Southem Ontario, and three worked a smaller board that was aiso a durbanmix. Two interviewees were with a small board located in the south-western part of the province.

One board was Roman Catholic, although it proved difficult at first to fhd volunteers fiom separate school programs for adults, presumably since there are fewerof them.

Fourteen of the TOAs were employed full-the, which was defined as more than

.5 of a Ml-time contract for the purposes of this study. One participant who had previously taught full-tirne, had only a .5 contract at the actual time of the interview, but provided information based on experiences as a Ml-time teacher. A few TOAs had administration, counselling or headship duties as a formdy recognized part of their work

Ioad. One was a full-time admissions counsellor at the time of the inte~ews.

Only some TOAs were on Fom 1 contracts, with full membership in the teacher's union, OSSTF, and resulting health benefits, job protection, paid holidays, and so on.

Others were on Form 3 contracts with limited benefits and job secuity. An exact picture of contractual status was not available, because a nurnber of teachers did not know which type of contract applied to them. In one case, the board had not yet provided a contract of any bd,although payment was being made and the person was being treated as an employee in every way.

The length of service with the current school board varied fiom one year to twenty-five years. Sirnilarly, experience teaching adults ranged fiom two months to sixteen years. Al1 TOAs had taught children or adolescents, although in a few cases their experiences with younger students had been limited to teachers college practica or supply teaching. In contrast, several TOAs had taught adolescents in a regular secondary school for between thirteen and fifteen years before moving into adult education. The educational background of the TOAs was very diverse. Al1 had at least one undergraduate degree, and subject majors varied widely. Some had earned a Bachelor of

Education degree, in addition to a fmt undergraduate degree, but longer-senhg teachers, who had gained their teaching certification outside university, had not. Four had completed teachers college in the past few years - three of them as mature students over the age of forty. Many had taken Additional Qualification (AQ) courses to gain specialization in various subjects and fields, and four had completed the Adult Education

AQ, Part 1. One had a college Certificate in Adult Education. Four had Masters degrees, one of which was a Masters in Adult Education.

More than half the interviewees had had other careers outside teaching, ranging fiom real estate to secretarial work. A few continued to earn income fkom other sources in addition to teaching adults. Volunteering with aduits was reported by many as their first exposure to adult education.

After gathering this background information, and with the permission of the interviewees, the tape recorder was switched on. A synthesis of the response to the inte~ewquestions follows.

5.3. The Voices of Teachers of Adults

P.i. Are vou a full-time school board em~loveeteachine credit Droerams to adults?

This question allowed the teachers to review what they had written on the questionnaire, and little additional information was offered. However, the fact that the interview opened with an affirmation of the role and identity of the TOAs, seemed to set a positive tone which lasted throughout the discussion. P.ii. Tell me about vour teacbine at ~resenthubiects. location, students. etc.).

Among them, the fifieen TOAs taught a wide variety of secondary credit courses included Accounting, Career Development, Keyboarding, Computer Applications, Math,

English and English as a Second Language. Many TOAs taught more than one subject, and several focussed the pro- so that they could draw on their own expertise. For exarnple, one TOA who had sales and marketing experience incorporated study of those fields, as did another who had expertise in the sciences of viticulture and oenology (wine- making).

It was obvious that courses depended on enrolrnent, bnnging an element of instability into the career path. Many interviewees reported working excessively long hours, and there was a lack of clarity around contracts and salary ranges. In al1 cases,

TOAs appeared to be exceeding their contractual obligations, not only in hours worked but also in responsibilities.

P.ik What are vour roles and res~onsibiiities?

There was no doubt that the TOAs conducted their classes in accordance with the

Education Act, and the regdations for granting secondary school credits. However, many inte~eweesreported that adhering to some MET stipulations, such as tracking attendance, presented challenges. And meeting the academic needs of adult students was not always easy. One TOA adrnitted: "1 scrounge for my books as best as 1 can or 1 cm borrow fiom other schools... sometirnes 1 have to buy ...but if it's possible to bnrrow, we borrow fiom anywhere in the county." It was also clear that the interviewees had many responsibilities in addition to

teaching, such as serving on committees. One noted: "When the secretary leaves,

someone has to sit there and help out." Counselling was a major responsibility for the

TOAS, although there was no evidence that any of them had received formal training as career and educational counseiloa for adults. A signif~cantamount was of a personal

nature, to help the adult students with poor selfesteem or various the life crises. More than one TOA spoke of having to be a mother ta the duit students, even though there

were fewer discipline problems.

In addition to duties within the adult education department, there were also activities which took them into the cornmunity, business and industry, or the comdors of

govenunent. For exarnple, one TOA was working closely with OSSTF on lobbying

strategies. Several were involved in recruiting students. Others, who were running "CO-

op" courses with field placements had to go out and find employers who were willing to

hire the students. It was clear that many of the inte~eweeshad almost total

responsibility for al1 aspects of their programs, with minimal supe~sion.

Ph.What is the de~artmentalstructure and to whom do vou re~ort?

In al1 cases, the TOAs inte~ewedfell under the wnbrella of Adult and

Continuing Education Departments, although there were slight variations in the exact

titles of those departrnents and differing administrative stnictures. One inte~eweespoke

of "a very forma1 hierarchy, very traditional ...very thorough, very conscientious 1 might

add, but they are formal." In contrast, a participant fiom another board said, cheerfully,

Tmthe math department and the English department." None of the five boards mentioned in the study confineci their adult education programs to one site only. Prograrns operated al1 through the year, and at al1 times of the day, including evenhgs and weekends. Classes were taught by a variety of staff, including consultants, pnvate trainers, instmctors without teaching certificates and certified teachers, ail with varying pay scales and contracts. Locations included schools, comrnunity rooms, store fionts and office buildings. As a result the administration of al1 the adult education departments discussed appeared to be cornplex, and staff did not always know what was happening on other sites.

One interviewee spoke of the challenge of working in a system where some TOAs were on hourly paid Form 3 contracts, without benefits or paid preparation time, and were working alongside Form 1 staff with full benefits, paid preparation time, and salaries on a union negotiated pay grid. Salaries were apparently only one dimension of financial administration. A TOA employed by one of the school boards in a large metropolitan centre explained the way enrolment, and therefore costs, had been reduced. This interviewee stated, tongue in cheek:

We cannot be capped because that's illegal. We have lowered projected enrolments. So that is how our numbers came down twenv percent across the board. We were simply told that twenty percent fewer would be applying.

Lack of funding in the adult education department was cited by several TOAs as the reason for lack of library services, remedial teachers, support staff, social workers and guidance counsellors. One commented that the guidance department had "vaporized" after cutbacks. It was clear that many adult education departments were following the common practice of claiming full grants for courses under a licensed teacher of record, who might be eaming $60,000 a year, but then hiring a teaching assistant for about $15 an hour to achially work with the adults.

Several of the TOAs were entnisted with leadership roles, although not al1 had the titles or salaries that usually go dong with additional responsibilities of this kind. One interviewee assessed himself as being "the closest thing to a department head that adult ed generally has, although 1 don't have the title."

Another actually had the title of assistant head under a "wacko" headship system.

Four of the school boards employing the interviewees had appointed Principals of

Adult Education, and one had a SupeMsing Principal. One described the relationship with the principal as "very sort of infornial," because of erratic work schedules. Another commented: "1 think because we're ovenvhelmed by the lack of staff and the amount of students that he just trusts us to corne to him when we have problems." Several

interviewees reported to a Vice Principal, or supervisory staff with titles such as Co- ordinator or Administrative Assistant. A Superintendent was named as the senior administrator of adult education by two interviewees fiom one board, and it was stated that adult education was only one of that Superintendent's many responsibilities.

The preliminary questions surfaced several broad issues, including lack of funding

and resources, wide program responsibilities and administration. It will be seen that these

become recurring themes in the general discussion of school board adult education. The

purpose of succeeding questions was to focus on issues identified as important in the

literature reviewed earlier, beginning with the question of entry. 1.i. What led vou to teach adults in the school board settine?

None of the TOAs had set out to have careers in adult education. Three admitted that they had arrived in the department by accident. Volunteering as a literacy tutor or working with disadvantaged adults was the route into adult education for many. Previous careers in business had made some ideal candidates for positions in adult education.

Time spent in hospital gave time for one TOA to decided on a carrer change:

"And 1 had back surgery, so 1 had a few years of lying there. ..what am 1 going to do?... So

1 was forty when 1 went baclc to university and became a teacher. But yes, rny objective was, and still is, to teach adults." Career change was also the reason that some former teachers of adolescents entered adult and continuing education, and one former supply teacher wanted to switch because he "hated every second of it." There was one report that a move had been made to get away from a certain department head who was reportedly "vindictive, hostile, vulgar, abusive, dnink."

A common pattern for the women interviewed was that they had stopped teaching children to start families, had re-entered the workforce in a variety of roles, and then had been attracted to positions in adult education. Part-tirne and evening work was convenient while children were young and, fiom that start, many had rnoved on to teach adult day programs.

It was not unusual, it seemed, to start teaching one course in the adult education department and then be invited to take on more. For example, one TOA started teaching

German in the evenings and then moved to teaching business and computer in the daytime. Another had done some workplace training and after graduating fiom teachers college "happeneci to luck into the adult basic education job when there was new funding under labour adjustrnent."

The hiring process described by participants was often casual, to Say the least.

Serendipity seemed to play a role in a number of cases. In one case, a TOA recalled: "A couple of years ago someone got sick, and someone who had taught before gave me a call: Are you interested? Yes 1 am." Another mused: "1 never really had an interview for the adult and con ed job ...1 had sort of had the job for a couple of weeks without realizing

1 had it."

It was apparent fiom the stones told that the teachers had fallen into adult education without much direction, and the next question explored this even further.

l.ii. Was vour entrv into school board adult education voluntarv, or mandated bv administrators?

Al1 of the interviewees responded that they had entered into adult education voluntarily. No one had been placed in adult education against their wishes. One who

denied having been mandated in noted wryly that being mandated oui was aiways a possibility because of the uncertain nature of adult education.

Several of the TOAs indicated that they knew teachers who had been transferred

into adult education in order to avoid being let go, or because they were unable to work effectively with children. But the fifteen participants in this study had al1 entered adult

education by choice. Comrnents included: "Oh I jurnped into it. Thought it was great!"

and "1 sort of just evolved into the position." This was one response to the invitation to

start a new adult program: 1 accepted it with delight. 1 saw it as my sarne job, but a new job too. A new challenge. 1 liked the idea of going to ad dts....A superintendent called me up at home, suggesting that-would you like to start up an arts program for adults, credit courses in the addt program. And 1 said, boy would 1 like to. And 1 think 1 accepted right on the spot.

It was evident that none of the participants had planned careers in adult education, and so it was almost a foregone conclusion that they had no preparation to work with adults. Still, the question was asked, to check out assumptions.

l.iii. What ~reparationor traininp to teach adults did vou have ahead of -tirne? "None! Simple answer." This direct response summed up nearly al1 the other answers to this question. A more complete explanation was:

None whatsoever, other than the fact that 1 used to be a sales clerk for six months, and learned to handle people's htrations, problems, tribulations, pressures and joys ....So 1 did learn to work with adults.

Many TOAs felt that their many years of teaching adolescents had prepared them for the move to adults, since the philosophy and approaches they had used were very rnuch aligned with adult education pnnciples. Volunteering in a setting that catered to adults, such as literacy tutoring, was one training ground mentioned.

An interviewee who had graduated fiom a teachers college recently, when asked about how many courses had been offered in adult education, quickly replied: "None!

None! Never came up!" Another recent graduate fiom a diEerent teachers college had already decided on a career in adult education before eaming a B.Ed. This interviewee also comrnented on the absence of instruction in adult education:

Ninety percent of the material they taught was only relevant to the Junior and Intermediate level that 1 was learning in. A lot of the methodology that they were teaching just wouldn't - the adults wouldn't respond to it the way a young person would. In answering this question, many of them added that they had not pursued formal professionai development in adult education since taking up their work. Watching colleagues was an informal way of finding out about teaching strategies. Only the TOA who taught English as a Second Language, had been involved in on-going professional development courses, "so many, I don't even remember the names."

Four of the TOAs had taken the Additional Qualification (AQ) in Adult

Education, Part 1, &er they had begun working with adults. Another participant spoke of intending to take the Adult Education AQ after settling some financial matters. This led to a discussion of the cost of al1 AQ courses having risen in the past year or two fiom approximately $450 to as much as $800 in some cases, because governrnent subsidies had been removed.

A college Certificate in Adult Education had been obtained by one TOA who admitted: "1'11 be honest. 1 have a certificate in adult education. It's a five credit program, but only one deals with adult ed." This interviewee expressed a low opinion of the way adult education, particularly Curriculum Planning, had been taught, noting:

They try and take the "regular" curriculum and just Say, well apply it to adults. And [sigh] 1 have some problems with that and I don? thînk that it should just be done that way.

One interviewee had obtained a Masters in Adult Education before king hired by

the school board. Years after leaving a regular teaching position, a change in direction

had resulted in a business career. Working as an assistant to someone who had a

doctorate led to the realization that earning a Mastea was a good idea:

And 1 said to myself, 1 can do this perfectly well, but 1 don't have the vocabulary. There's al1 this jargon - 1 think I'd better go back and get my Mastea in Education and get this jargon. And so 1 went back so that 1 would know what andragogy meant, what a taxonomy was - you know.

No matter what their forma1 preparation for working with adults, and that had been shown to be little or none, al1 fifteen TOAs accepted positions in adult education with enthusiasm and optimism. In fact, there was a degree of "blind faith" evident in their attitude, and this was probed by the next question.

l.iv. What were vour ex~ectationsfor vour new role?

Responses to this questions varied. Some TOAs had no expectations, as in the case of one interviewee who said, simply: "No idea. None in the world." Another confessed to having as little understanding of adult education as most people in society:

"Let me Say 1 had no idea. 1 did not know that there were large adult prograrns. 1 was like everybody else - I had no idea." This explanation was a little fûller:

I didn't have any expectations. 1 just - it was going to be a challenge, it was going to be interesting, something different. And 1 just, well, we'll see what happens, how it al1 unfolds.

Many of the TOAs expected that worklng with adults would be no different fkom teaching teenagers. An interviewee who was moving from a long career teaching adolescents replied: "1 expected it would be like teaching teenagers, only more so." In contrast, other former teachers of adolescents thought that adult students would be different. There was an expectation that the adults would be more dedicated because they

wanted to attend. One interviewee laughingly cornmented that she expected it would be

nice not to have to tell the adults to be quiet. As to the issue of whether expectations had been fulnlled, there were mked reactions. There was disappointment with adult students who had poor self-discipline or did not take their studies seriously. In one case, while expectations of the teaching role had been fulfilled, the reaction of other school board staff was unexpected: -"Mywork 1 knew. The structure, no." Apparently it had been difficult to convince administrative support staff that working in the adult education department was, in fact, working for the school board and, at one gathering of teachers, this TOA was asked to tend bar for the others.

Only one inte~eweespoke of seeking advice on what might be expected fiom a new role in teaching adults:

Well, 1 heard from one gentlemen who was a counsellor, about to retire ...a man in the know. I said, "0 1 said, G, what's it like being in adult re-entry? ... 1 just accepted this position in adult re-entry." He said, "Well, what I've heard is, it's like dying and going to heaven." 1 was thrilled.

1.v. To what extent did vou view vour new ~ositionin adult education as a chance to make changes in the central school board svstem?

There was no evidence that any of the participants had taken positions in adult education in order to have an impact on the central school board system. A few of them asked for an explanation of the question. When it was pointed out that in some sectors of society, people deliberately move away fiom the mainStream in order to take a stand on an issue, offer resistance, or start an alternative movement, the TOAs understood, but did not see themselves as revolutionaries of this kind. The only person with some claim to have influenced the school board's direction was an UlteMewee who, long before becoming a TOA, had helped to create the alternative, self-directed study program that evennially becarne the adult education department.

The majority of TOAs had joined adult education becaw they thought it would be interesting work with opportunities for personal growth. One or two iadicated that they needed a paying job and did not consider the relationship between adult education and the rest of the school board. A straightforward comment was: "When I was working there at first? As far as 1 knew it had nothing to do with the school board, or very littie.

The regular school system didn't even really know we existed - still doesn't."

It was irnplied, if not stated outright, that there was no interest in seeing the adult education department conform to the regular school system. However, no one seemed interested in trying to get the regular system to work the same way as adult education.

One interviewee with a long career in teaching, including being active in OSSTF, stated:

"I can tell you that, having been involved in adult ed., 1don? believe it will make changes to the central system at all, because there are too many other factors that are dictating what will or won't liappen." Another TOA who had cnticized the board during time spent as a teacher of adolescents, felt "blacklisted" by the board establishment and incapable of making any changes.

Because so few teachers of youth displayed any expertise with cornputers, one interviewee had been asked to assist hem and, as a result, had been able to steer some of the board's direction: Tve been able to do favours for people. 1 guess that might be the best way of doing it." 1.vi. What do vou recall about vour first dav workine with adult students in the school board settin~?

Not al1 the TOAs remembered the first day. One who did not remember exactly, nevertheless recalled that the expenence was just what another interviewee had been led to expect: "1 thought I'd died and gone to heaven."

Many TOAs had had little chance to prepare. One smilingly recailed going to what she thought was an information meeting and being asked: "Can you start on

Monday?'hother had originally been hired to assist in the admissions department, but within a month a classroom teacher had quit and ''1 was in front of a class very quickly."

An interviewee who started a new program began with simple directions: "Here's the people. Here's the prograxn. Here's a room!"

Some TOAs were more fortunate because they had had time to prepare.

Observing or assisting before taking over a class themselves had apparently been particularly useful. Having a more expenenced colleague as a mentor was helpful, but even so, things were reportedly a "scrarnble" at first. A comrnon goal on the first day was just to encourage the adults to relax, with doughnuts, coffee or 'Sust talk." One interviewee who had been able to get into the teaching space well ahead of time was able to set it up:

1 tried to create a different atmosphere, fust of dl, that didn't remind them of the nodclassroorn. Just fiorn the physical appearance, the seating arrangements - and that was very easy. You know, different chairs, even armchairs we had in little corners, and the coEee pot, and plants.

The excitement and enthusiasm tinged with the usual apprehension at a new experience was felt by most TOAs at first. One recalled: 1 was a bit edgy. Now I've talked to adolescents, but how will it be in front of adults? 1 mean there's going to be more scrutineering of me, make up their minds very quickly. But no. 1 found that bey were very polite, very open... .I found that it was a good first &y. I had a good experience.

One interviewee noted that there was no difference on the fust day of teaching

adults than adolescents, because of using the same philosophy. In contrast, another TOA who started off working with social assistance recipients was struck by how different they were fiom adolescents:

The first day on the job was a very big learning experience for me ....As 1 think back, those early students were really the downtrodden of society so I guess 1 didn't expect maybe the typical student to be so marginalized and poor in so many ways, educationally and materially as they were ....1 was really unprepared for how poorly developed their skills were - communication skills, language skills - and how low their self-esteem was, and how many social problems they had.

Overall, although the first day experiences were al1 very different, each of the

TOAs had apparently been able to set aside their own apprehensions and focus on making

the adults feel welcome. This was achieved by helping the students relax with a

combination of humour, enjoyable activities and a supportive atmosphere that said: We're

al1 adults here. For the most part, it was evident that these strategies had been developed

without support or aid fiom school board resources, and we move on now to examine the

relationship beîween the teachers of adults and the rest of the school board.

2.1. Who is at the centre of the school board svstem, and what are their values and norms?

This first question caused one participant to ask, with glee: "1s that a ûick

question? 1 smell a trick question here!" This proved to be an issue which had political

undertones, and there was a lot of thought given to it. There was a certain amount of innuendo underlying the answers, hinting that those at the centre did not always appear to see clearly or act honestly, and had to be approached cautiously.

There was not a lot of clarity around who was central, and one participant mentioned that a lot of research would have to be done to answer the question. One TOA thought that it varied fkom issue to issue. An employee of a Separate School Board referred to the "Catholic atmosphere" and the sense of being a closed culture that was pitted against the public school board.

Individuals who were narned as playing central, leadership roles included a superintendent who was thought to be sincere, an influential chair of the board of trustees, and a director of education who was thought not to perceive the realities of the school system. A different director seen to be at the centre was "open to new ideas." Yet another had reportedly "aged considerably" over the power struggles among those who were "building up their fiefdorns."

The "money people" and the bureaucrats were also narned as being at the centre:

"It's for the efficiency of the office, or the paperwork." Another inte~eweewith a long teaching history stated, &er a long pause: "The tone is set by the principals. 1 mean that's the key position." But values and norms of those principals could not be named, apparently, because theu ways of behaving were so varied and erratic.

On the whole, opinion about who was at the centre was also divided between the trustees and the administration, few of whom received flattering reviews. Typical responses were:

You know 1 think the tmtees are at the centre of the school board system. And what are their values and norms? 1 have no idea. [Laugh] 1 seriously don? because 1 don? think they speak with one voice. I don? think they know what they're talking about. 1 don't think they have any qualifications to be there. And that upsets me.

Right at the moment it's driven by trustees. What are their values? [Pause]. As far as adult and con ed is concerned, 1 don't think they value us at dl. Not one bit. Not for al1 the aggravation they're putthg us through. So thek value now is cost cutting.

It's the administration that runs the board. It's not the parents .... And tmtees will take their chances at the next election, based on what - you know, the administrators can make trustees look good enough to be re- elected. The administrators could also make the tnistees look bad enough to not be re-elected whether they're good or not.

The values and noms corne down fkom central office. And I'm not convinced that the members of the school board - the duly elected members of the school board are actually the ones who make those policy decisions. They think they are. But 1 think it has to do with the high, high paid officiais: superintendent, director of education.

One participant who also saw the administration as centrai had little respect for them. When asked about their values and noms, the reply was:

Nobody knows. Whichever way the wind blows hardest, bend with it like the grass. Never stand up to high winds or you'll get your branches tom off and your pension curtailed. Absolutely mushy milk sops who are very down on smaller folks. When a big issue is presented then they absolutely duck.

Given the deeply divided opinions about who was central to the school system, perhaps we will give the last word to a participant whose answer was meant to be facetious, but had the ring of tmth: "Oh, it's a toss-up between the caretakers and the bus drivers."

2.ii. What are some events, circumstances, ~oliciesor ~roceduresthat illustrate your relationshi~with the centre?

Policies in relation to adult education were somewhat of a mystery. Some interviewees greeted the question with a long silence or a remark such as: "Policies! I couldn't tell you." 6'Osmosis" was mentioned as one way that policy was conveyed.

Some TOAs mentioned that OSSTF bulletins provided useful information about govemment policy, and those who were Fonn 1 teachers posted the bulletins for al1 to see.

There was approval fiom one participant for Snobelen's common sense approach to using non-OTCs. "If you can get someone who is a mechanic who has been trained for

X many years, if you cmutilize them in a classroom rather than taking someone who might have had ...j ust enough expenence to get their teaching certificate, it would probably benefit the students more."

It was evident that policy decisions regarding lay-offs, interviews for remaining jobs, and transfers back to adolescent schools had not been conveyed very sensitively. In some cases, the absence of a policy was just as signifiant. For exarnple, one TOA reported that teachers working with adults were not accorded any seniority, even though they had teaching certificates and were teaching credit courses. "So if they were to start cold in the regular school tomorrow, they 'd be starting as first year teachers." Another

TOA did not have an official contract, even though the program had been going four months and a salary was being paid.

One TOA considered the relationship with the board at two levels.

If you're talking about me personally, there is no relationship betwwn me, the individual, and the board. The policies that have an impact on me are the ones that govem adult and continuing education, and in essence, the...board's view that we mut be cost recovery and if we are not then they will review that.

One or two participants spoke of an attempt to get policy established. It was reported: We got a whole lot of fast, smooth talk.. .. The net result was exactly nothing. So after a while we said, well, gee that didn't do us any good, let's try the elected officia1 who is supposedly more responsible. She came in, half an hour late, to this meeting, and her understanding of what we did was so minimal and her pre-conceived notions of our students were so bizarre and her basic attitude when push came right down to shove was they [the adult students] had their chance and they blew it. So why ôhould we provide anything?

One participant pointed out that there was a basic policy difference between adult education and the education for children and youth, in that "1 think we're the only part of the system that has to be cost efficient or make money." This TOA noted that administrators and tnistees saw it as "the best of both worlds, when adult and con ed can be used to Save a school. Let's use hem, otherwise ..."

2.iii. How do vou think vou are ~erceivedbv those at the centre?

This question gave the participants another opportunity to review their relationship with those at the centre of the school board, not so much from a policy angle, but more from an interpenonal perspective. Many answered that they were not perceived at dl, in that administrators were "completely ignoranty'or had "no clue" about what went on in adult education. The TOAs were apparently "mostly forgotten and ignored," and invisible. One said: "They wouldn't know me if they ran over me with a truck."

Severai who felt that those at the centre did have some awareness of adult education expressed the view that the department was "on the sidelines... not part of the

mainstrearn" or "dispensable" or "an add on." Stronger opinions were that they were

considered an "irritant" and "a thom in their sides." A more subdued tone accompanied

the comment: They're really saying: You people decided to go ahead anyway, even though we did Our best to discourage you, and we really don? see any point to it, and go ahead if you cm fïnancially not be any drain on us.

On the other hand some interviewees reported occasions when storïes about students had made the press, or had been show on television. When that happened, tnrstees had shown some pride and ownership in adult education, particularly when programs brought in money through govemment projects and grants. On a personal level, one TOA felt 'hot respect - but regard and recognition" after working on a particular project, although that same interviewee also reported being passed over for a full-time contract.

It was observed that: "They certainly don't perceive us as professional teachers."

This view seemed to apply particularly to instructon who did not have teaching certificates. An ex-principal of continuing education was reported as having said repeatedly: " 'Teaching adults is not a career. There are thousands of people out there who would be glad to have your job at $18 an hour so don't cornplain.' "

2.iv. How would vou describe vour relationshi~with teachers of children and adolescents?

It was widely acknowledged that teachers of children and adolescents were

"regular" teachers, and there was little questionhg of that. When asked how the regular teachers viewed TOAs, there was a general feeling that they were unaware of the demands of working with adults, and often did not thuik adults deserved a second chance. One interviewee stated: "They don't have a clue. Not a clue."

Reportedly, regular teachers thought working in adult education was "an easy out'' or "a breeze." One interviewee who kept in close contact with former colleagues reported being asked on several occasions: "What's it like going on a holiday and still getting paid?" There was also some concem expressed by teachers in the regular system who knew about the cutbacks. But this did not apparently deter them fiom applying for transfer to adult education to escape the discipline issues and emotional problerns of

youth.

Persona1 contacts maintained outside the school board proved usehl in one case,

because: "1 wouldn't have been able to scrounge half the stuff that 1 can scrounge."

Helping teachen of adolescents with computer diffïculties, was given as another way of

making connections. But there was dso evidence of the lack of collegiality. For example,

getting help from school board consultants was difficult.

One TOA felt a lack of solidarity during a rally against govenunent policy:

1 went to that [Toronto Day of Protest] demo on Saturday [October 26, 19961. 1 stood under the district... banner, and I looked around and 1 said ...This is nuts. I've been working for this system for nine years and I don? see a single, familia face.

A feeling of being ostracized by colleagues was reported by a TOA who had

entered the work of adult students in a school board cornpetition:

We were told that our work was too good to compete with the adolescents, that my people must have been professionals... even though my people were as inexperienced and as new to ...[th e field] as some of the adolescents would have been. And we were actually excluded fiom judging and for awards and so on. And so 1 said, "This is idting. It insults the students. It insults me."

After thinking about colleagues in the regular system, and perhaps about the

health problems reportedly suffered by teachers of adults transferred back to adolescent

schools, one participant concluded: "1 admire them. It takes a lot of patience." 2.v. What kinds of interactions do vou have with other teachers of aduits?

A few adult education departments seemed to have regularly scheduled meetings where staff could interact with each other. On the other hand, staffat other boards had

little or no interaction with adult educators beyond their own site and "couldn't hauird a

guess" how many employees there were in the various adult prograrns.

Many reported that there was no common PD for staff in the adult education

department. One explanation given for that was the distance that staff fkom different sites

had to travel, particularly since many instructors were not paid for time outside their

classroom hours. For the same reason, and because there was no funding to pay fees, few

attended adult education conferences, unless invited to make presentations.

One participant preferred not to interact with other adult educators in the

departrnent. Another spoke of feeling "out of step" with teachers encountered in the Adult

Education Additional Qualification Course (AQ) who were working within a very large,

well-equipped adolescent high school, because that was at odds with this particular

TOA's experience. There was also criticism of some teachers who transferred fiom

adolescents to adults because "they try to mold the adult into what fits, what their vision

should be. They're just not as flexible as they really need to be."

In contnist to those who felt distant fiom other adult educatoa, one TOA

enjoyed a close working and personal relationship with a colleague on the same site, and

they shared classes and guest speakers. Another spoke warmly of the way staff had

rallied around an instructor who had suffered a death in the family: "Everybody kind of

stepped in and took care of her students so she didn't lose her pay, because if you're not

there, you don't get paid." It was clear that many of these "alternative" teachers, to use the name preferred by one interviewee, held each other in hi& regard. Even those officially classified as teaching assistants, were considered "professionals" with an "impeccable work ethic." A certified teacher commenting about the dedication of insûuctors who were being paid $18 an hour, said: " 1 look at the bag of work they take home and it weighs as much as the bag

1 take home, but 1 make $65,000 a year. And that's not fair."

2.vi. What interactions do vou have with outside stakeholders? E.E., business, communitv erou~s,~overnment, etc,

It would seem that the amount of professional contact with outside stakeholders depended largely on role and responsibilities. Some of the Form 3 teachers who were kept busy in the classroom had little time for anything but working directly with students.

In one school board, the job of liaising with outside stakeholders had been passed over to student services.

Nearly al1 the interviewees spoke about "CO-op"programs. Since the core of each of these prograrns is a field placement with an employer, many TOAs had to meet with representatives of business and industry to arrange placements and follow-up on student performance. Membership in a professional association was reported as being a good way to find contacts and resources. Meeting with businesses people, govemment and community agencies to "put faces with names" was considered essential for developing new programs and securing funding.

More than one TOA concluded that teaching adults on-site at various workplaces had provided excellent insight into business and industry that could then be passed on in the school board setthg. The conclusion was: "1 believe 1 know a lot more about what people need to go into the workplace than a lot of regular high school people would."

2.vii. Who are vour role models?

Since it had been determined that most of the interviewees had had very Little preparation for teaching adults, it was thought that they might have had role models to help them understand how adults leamed and how to facilitate that learning. However few were able to identify people without pausing to think. One who had moved from teaching adolescents with no preparation said, with a smile, " 1 think because we're al1 learning and growing and brand new at it together, I can't say that 1 had a specific role model that had gone before me."

Similarly, a TOA with a long teaching career at first failed to identify a single person who had been a role model, and then remembered that hearing Ralph Nader lecture at a conference had inspired thoughts of teaching a course in civic action - which never came to hition. Since being awarded a headship, this interviewee had made a greater effort to model behaviours for colleagues in the department. Asked about whether this arnounted to becoming a role model for others, the thoughtful response was: "1 hope so. 1 hope so."

A few interviewees were, however, able to identiQ people who had shown them how to work effectively with adults. A former principal of adult education was named as a "mentor7' because he was "willing to take chances and do aImost anything... to benefit the students." Colleagues were admired for being "totalIy dedicated to the students" or "very talented." In contrast, one TOA reported having leamed a lot fiom watching ineffective teachers.

Not al1 role models were teachers of adults. A head at an adolescent high school had been inspiring years earlier because, "Anything he said at that time is just as tnie for adults.. .. He really was the mentor, role model figure." A counsellor was admired because of "the absolute clarity of the vision of responding to learning need within our mandate." Two participants fiom one school board identified the same superintendent as a role model for them in how to administer programs. When asked to explain why, one of the TOAs stated that, in directing staff, the supenntendent "makes you think that you're making the decision.. .. For whatever devious reasons 1 may have, I admire that."

University professon were named as role models because of the approaches they used. A "Methods of Teaching" course had been inspinng because the professor had modelled adult education principles in teaching, even though the focus of the course was supposed to be children. Similarly, a math professor had encouraged self-directed study when a course needed to be completed in a shorter time than usual. Of interest to the researcher was the fact that, with the exception of the handfid of teachers who had taken formal courses in adult education, none of the inte~eweesidentified role models that are spoken about fiequently in the adult education literatwe.

2.viii. Can vou think of a svmbol or meta~horfor adult education?

Of ali the questions in this section, this was probably the hardest for most people.

There was a sense that this had never been seriously considered before. It seemed to be most difficult for the men, and for people who taught computer courses. Two decided to draw diagrams to symbolize renewal and change.

Word pictures included: "people holding han& in a circle," and "an open door" or "a circle." Others spoke of the adult prognuns as the "poor relation in the family." An adult student was likened to someone "coming out of a cocoon or something, uh, metamorphosis," and a more precise description was: "A butterfly ....They go through this cocoon phase, maybe a limbo. They may have even started as woms, some of them.

But they end up with wings - new wings. And they redize they can fly."

Memones included: "cramped classrooms, old hiture and so on." Foods remembered fiom class gatherings included "chicken curry and rice - or baklava." One participant said: Tmsort of like the sheltering rock that allows people to move ahead."

Another imagined: "A tree probably. baugh] ...I must be the tnink, and the students the branches, so the students need me, but 1 very much need them. And, uh, without both the staff and the students working together, we can't keep the tree dive."

With this thought, we now leave the conversation about relationships and move on to hearing stories about the experiences of teaching adults and, aiter that, responses to experiences

3.1. Phvsical: Tell me about the location where vou teach. the learning environment, whether vou move around, etc.

Addressing the physical first, it seemed that those who were most cornfortable and had the best resources and equipment were located in adolescent hi& schools, with full use of al1 facilities. A comment was: "If we wanted to do welding, if we wanted to do baking, if we wanted to do hairdressing, we have access to it because the host schools have been generous with theu facilities." in contrast, a TOA who was not housed in a regular school said: "It's physically less than what you would expect for high school. We are limited in what we cm teach, for that reason."

Staff working in a store front setting especially designed for adults were pleased

with their physical environment, and felt it was "more conducive to adults" than regular

school. Having space in an unused elementary school made it easy to re-arrange

You cannot teach adults in rows, in little desks where they feel like prisoners, never mind it was like in high school. You can't do that. They need tables. Adults are adults. They can work at a table with four of them around. You know, pnority number one. Let's get tables in there.

There were several reports of adult education departments in buildings with more

than one storey, but no elevator, including "an awkward building with al1 kinds of stairs.

Anybody with a physical disability would fmd it close to impossible to move around." In

a different building, the washroom was wheelchair accessible, but only if someone held

the door open, since the doors were not automatic. One TOA stated:

My classroom is hotter than the hubs of - because the old rads have to be kept running .... The building, the section I'm in is over a hundred years old and there's no ventilation. But compared to where we were, where classrooms were created out of the gym by putting up gyprock walls, it's quite marvellous .... It was a regular high school up until two years ago, but they had to stop using it as a regular high school because it didn't meet the health standards &au&].

In a smaller location, there was no public telephone for -dents, and the staff had

given up their staffroom so that students would have a lounge. The conclusion was: "It's

OK to share, but sometimes it would be nice to have a little corner of our own where we could meet. It's always in the classroom or in the hall [laugh]." htead of just wishing for better facilities, staff at one adult centre had taken matters into their own hands:

I've been involved in actual physical construction of the site to make it more suitable for the prograrns we run. And that's involved some very, very basic things, just sort of moving things around to actuaily building walls, tearing down walls, painting, doing electrical work as needed. Some of it was illegal, because we didn't do it with board people or by approval or whatever.

Resources were considered as part of the physical environment too. Cornputers were usually in good supply. Books were considered necessary but ofien unavailable or too costly. In one case a TOA had bought books and audiocassettes and contributed them to the student library for the duration of the program. In a different location, the TOA supplied a photocopier. Yet another story was:

Most of the textbooks that I have ... 1 traded favours with department heads in other schools to get .... They've said, "Well, we're throwing out these- both sets of textbooks are being thrown in the dumpster." So 1 would go and help them carry if and instead of canying it to the dumpster 1 would cany it to the back of my van and bring it back.

When asked about physical exertion, one participant commented that there was none, since the Pace was relaxed and easy. Another kept fit by dngand being active

"so it doesn't Wear me dom. 1 think if you're a staid individual you'd be pretty tired by the end of the day." However, it was apparently difficult not to get tired in an old building set on a hillside, with 200 steps fiom the main street up to the classroom and no elevator.

Lacking of energy was also blamed on work: "It's very physical and emotionally demanding, so I'm exhausted at the end of the day. [Laugh]. I'm very tired. 1 feel as though I'm working very very hard." 3.ii. Emotional: What emotional ex~erienceshave vou had tenehine adults? Le., incidents that caused lauehter, sadness, aneer. etc.

The experience of working with adults was evidently an emotional one for these participants. Throughout the interviews it was clear thaf above dl, they ail felt pleasure and satisfaction in "seeing students learn" and "knowing that you're really going to change their lives in many cases." One art teacher experienced pleasure at seeing people realize they could produce art, and gained satisfaction fiom the feeling that: "I've helped somehow in civilizing - paving the way for a more artistic climate, perhaps, where art would be appreciated."

It was said to be very gratifying when students did well, "pulled themselves up by the bootstraps." and then showed their appreciation:

Adults will tell you immediately, "This is the best thing I've ever done. I'm so thankfùl, yod re wonderful." ...They show it, they speak it. Kids don't. .. .But adults realize it immediately. For me that's great because 1 like instant gratification Ilaughl*

In sorne cases, TOAs tied their satisfaction to the achievements of one particular student, making such cornments as:

Three years ago she was illiterate. And you know she's corne this far. She's graduated Grade 12, and now she wants to start a business, you know. It's amazing. And 1 guess that blows me away the most, and that gets emotional at times.

Just as there were emotional highs in their work, there were also lows, such as the feelings of fmstration caused by problems in the day-to-day running of programs, or

"being blocked by people who don? see it your way, who try to cut you down." A larger frustration was the heavy workload, especiaily in the case of Form 3 staffwho had no paid time for marking. Everyone got fnistrated when the cornputers broke down. Although students brought a great deal of satisfaction and pleasure, there could be disappointment if a student dropped out. It was evident that the adults could aiso be a source of anger and nustration:

What frustrates me no end are those uluty-, forty- and fifty-ymld adults who have a sixteen-year-old attitude. What got in their way when they were in school then gets in their way now. Literafly had a forty-year-old corne to me a year ago and say the dog ate their homework. And I'm sure that was the sarne excuse they used when they were in school. So chronologically they're thirty years older. Emotionally they haven't aged a day, and that's fnrstration.

Apparently there was a lot of crying. A TOA reported being overcome with emotional over the achievements of students, such as the young women who had escaped an oppressive Latin Arnerican regime, and the older waitress who was accepted into

university. "She came dom and saw me and ctied and cried Faugh]. "I'm so scared!

I'm so scared!" So 1 cned and cried too."

One participant admitted: "1 cried when 1 heard the announcement last year of the

cut in funding," and there is no doubt that funding issues triggered a lot of strong

emotion. Cutbacks in staff were devastating and there was impatience when courses were

condensed as a cost saving measure. Asked about whether staff had any control over the

structuring of programs, one inteniewee answered impatiently: "Oh no! It's

economically driven."

A TOA who felt deeply about the contribution of adult programs to the good of

society, commented:

1 feel very sad that adult education does not seem to be getting the funding or the response or the recognition of the service that we're providing ...I think that society doesn't understand the value of it or why we're doing it. In spite of the f'nistrations, and feeling discouraged by the way their work was perceived by others, it was clear that many participants expenenced great joy in their work. One said: "1 can't imagine a job that in any way would be any better. I get up in the moming looking forward to coming." Another remarked: "It's exciting. It is the best thing. It really is." And a third said, simply: "It's a lot of fun teaching adults. 1 love it."

3.iii. PwchoIoeical: Describe vour sense of vourself as a professional adult educator.

As explained in earlier chapters, it was not intended to explore the whole psychological realm during the interviews, but rather to focus on self-esteem and whether these teachers of adults viewed thernselves as professionals. It became clear that many of them had not considered the question of whether teachers of addts were, in fact, professionals. One TOA reported feeling more Iike a pioneer than a professional.

Those who had been "regular" teachers for many years before starting to work adults had little hesitation in declaring themselves professionals: "Oh, absolutely! Oh, yes!" For the most part, though, vague explmations for the sense of being a professional were offered, such as "doing the best job 1 can" or "making the prograrn fit the needs of the adults" or "responsibility" or "good qualifications" or "knowledge and understanding and expertise" or "not being a hired hand."

There were suggestions that being funded to attend conferences was an acknowledgment of professionalism by administrators, and that professionalism meant being an advocate and a baer between adult students and administrators in saying:

"You can screw me, but you can't screw my students." A more explicit defuiition wax

"A code of conduct that you treat ...everybody fairly, with c~~dentiality,with evenness and so on." No one commenteci on whether the new Ontario College of Teachers would introduce a code of conduct specifically for adult educators.

Teaching contracts were thought to be indicators of professionalism by some, but one interviewee who had only been teaching for a short tirne thought that acontract made little difference to professional status. A second inte~eweewith a long teaching career, began by declaring emphatically that al1 adult educators were professionals, but suddenly remembered the impact of having to accept a lirnited Fonn 3 contract after holding a

Form 1 contract with full teacher status: " 1 mean there is a feeling that you're a second class citizen."

Yet another participant who began by claiming professional status, also had a second thought:

But 1 will be the first to Say, 1 may be a professional, but I'm really a member of a union. And that's vexy clear in my membership that I'm not a federation member, I'm a union member.... There are a lot of teachers who are very very angry about our federation joining the Canadian Labour Congress last year [1995]. 1 think that the day that our federation decided to strike, that we would take strike privileges, that there's nothing lefk now that separates us fiom a union. So if you walk like a duck and you talk like a duck, you're a duck.

There was little response when the researcher asked interviewees to compare adult educators with professionals such as doctors, lawyea and engineers. But there was obvious displeasure at the idea that anyone could hang out a shingle and claim to be an adult educator, unlike other, so-called elite professions. Several interviewees maintained that there should be the same constraints on who was alIowed to teach adults as on teachea of children, because special skills were required with adults. Professionalism was interpreted by one interviewee as doing something for the love of it, beg inning a discussion of the difference between professional and "amateur."

The rhetorical question wfiich compared a university professor of adult education with a night school instnictor was: "1s Dr. Alan Thomas more professional than the person teaching step dancing? Because they 're both within the field of adult ed." Mer prornising to ask Dr. Thomas that question, the researcher moved on to the next question.

3.iv. Philoso~hical:What ex~eriencesof teachine adults fit comfortablv with vour ~hilosophvof life or belief svstem, and what ex~erienceshave been at odds with it?

When asked to articulate a philosophy, one TOA answered: "How can 1 answer this in less than seventeen hours [Laugh] ? Others were able to sum up their beliefs quite quickly, such as the participant who spoke of a strong belief in education as a vehicle to independence and self-reliance. A simple philosophy was: "There's some good in everybody ."

Some TOAs with a long teaching career stated that they approached the teaching of adults with the same belief system that underpinned their teaching of children. One remarked: "1 don't thin.my belief system has changed, no. I've always believed that I'm there to encourage them and make people feel good about learning and feel good about themselves." A participant who had only been in the adult education department a short

time noted that he had entered with a belief in the importance of lifelong learning, and

that belief had been strengthened by working with adults.

Philosophy was also interpreted as goals or objectives for teaching: ''to take what

people have and what they're interested in, and to build on it, rather than feel that you have to mold them around a certain idea" or "to equip people with success to ...g et the rewards of knowing they can do it and go on9' or ''to initiate change in people."

Putting a belief system into action was thought important. For example, one TOA enjoyed being a pexfonner who coald "strut my sW7and show that learning cm be exciting and enjoyable. Value was also placed on discussing work ethics openly with people who, in earlier life, had not recognized the responsibility owed by an employee to the employer who paid the wages. Cornmitment to helping adults with learning disabilities was also expressed.

Apparently, many found it easier to act on their philosophies with adult students, stating that it was discouraging to promote the benefits of education with immature young adults who were being funnelled into the adult education department because they could no longer be fimded in the regular system. One TOA who articulated a belief in "human beings having the oppomuiity in an equal way to develop their potential" felt more cornfortable with adult students because they were "ripe for development" and added:

"Teenagers need to grow up for a while first."

3.v. Are there anv other ex~eriencesrelated to vour role and res~onsibilities for the school board that vou would like to discuss?

For the most part, it seemed that TOAs were satisfied that they had described their

experiences fully, and had little more to add. However, there were a few extra comments,

including the observation that it felt good to be doing something of "social significance"

after "feeling like a prostitute" in the business world. However, the TOA who made this

remark then had a second thought:

With the changes that have been going on, I'm now saying: "Gee I wish I was back in the halls of mammon where at least people were truthfiil about their motivations. They were motivated by greed and they admitted it, whereas in teaching, everybody's pretending they're motivated by these altruistic whatever [Laugh] and they're not. Many of them are not.

Yet, altruism was much in evidence while talking to the interviewees. It became clear that working with adults was more than just a job, as the following story illustrates.

Shortiy afler joining the adult department fiom a regular high school, one interviewee recalled meeting a student who was soon to take up most of the theavailable:

She was a woman who had been bom with Thdidomide, so she was in a wheel chair with stumpy arms and sturnpy legs. And had very, very weak skills.... She'd corne to my desk, I'd give her work, I'd take it in. 1 could see she had no clue about it. So my whole year there was ...figuring out how to deal with this person as her presence becarne more and more important in my life.

The story continued as the TOA explained that tirne had to be spent in inventing devices that could help her to work on her OWXI, and even to eat and drink.

Responsibilities were switched with colleagues to make time. Epitomizing the way teachers of adults often have to play multiple roles in the lives of their students because of the absence of other supports and resources, this participant surnmarized:

In the beginning, she was just one of forty or fi@, or whatever. But eventually 1 ended up being a fiend of hers, and having to feed her, and we'd go out and socialize together and what not. So that was just an amazing experience for me, and 1 had had no training. Nobody, nobody did anything at ail.

4.i. What has been vour ~hvsicalremonse to vour ex~eriencesas a school board teacher of adults? E.E.. adaotation to the environment. chawes in your travel aatters. exercise. eating habits. sleeain~eneralhealth.

It was evident that workload afZected the physical well-being of many of the

TOAs, and some responded by stretching their physical limits. Switching between working momings and evenings to accommodate adult programs caused a problem

''shutthg it off." One participant admitted: "1 wake up at night thinking about teaching." Another admitteci to only eating one meal a day - supper - and only sleeping about six hours a night, stating:

Right now rny average work week can be anywhere between seventy-five and ninety hours. Not so much in the last month - but 1work seven days a week at the school. 1 have a building which 1 have a key to, and-1go in and 1 work usually eight to twelve hours on Sundays.

An explanation for irregular meals offered by another TOA was that the students tended to corner the staff during breaks and lunch:

Your lunch break seems to disappear. They are always having questions.... 1 mean this is part of my own fault. 1 could just say it's lunch now and 1 have to leave. Sometimes 1 just physically disappear so they can't ask me any questions if 1 think that's too much.

A few TOAs reported that they maintained a good exercise regime, and had noticed no difference in their fitness level since they had been working with adults. One said: "1 run - but I've always run. And I play squash. I've always been active, physically active." The response to working in a building with a lot of stairs was:

1 wore my mers on Fnday. And 1 deliberately go up and dom the stairs a few times because it's good physical exercise. It is hard on my knees because 1 have arthntic knees, but anythîng is hard on me, so not exercising is worse than exercising.

A few teachers admitted to feeling more tired than they used to, but put it dom to ageing as much as working with adults. Many evening activities, part-time

"moonlighting" and two young children meant that the pst few years had been fienetic for one individual. Another reported that travelling around the community on behalf of the adult programs caused fatigue. In comparing the demands of teaching adults and teaching adolescents, one interviewee concluded that teaching adolescents was more emotionally and mentally tiring because of having to maintain discipline and deal with "constant hassles." An explanation for the opposing view that adults were more tiring

1 think subconsciously you work harder because they are your peea so you don't in any way want to waste their time and because you feel they're wiser to you, so although they're very positively affrming, you can't bluff them.

Remarking that adults "draw it out of you" one TOA said: "You're worn right out at the end of the day. It's a good feeling."

4.ii. What is vour emotional remonse to beine a school board teacher of adults? E.g., increased or decreased harminess. anger. frustration, excitement.

It is perhaps in discussing emotions that it is most dificult to separate experience fiom response. For example, in considering what TOAs said earlier about crying, it might be argued that crying is a response to emotion rather than an expression of the emotion itself. We will not concem ourselves with trying to differentiate. The question about emotional response was meant only to encourage the TOAs to think in that direction, and they were free to interpret this question in a way that was meaningfbl to thern.

Frustration was mentioned as a common response to various situations, for example when two students on a job placement were caught drinking, and when political decisions affected the adult students. One TOA said:

1 look at Snobelen and his govemment cuts and they're going to cut off ail these ... not allowing people to go to school while they're gathering unemployrnent. Well, what would they like them to do? Not train and not upgrade?

In one adult department, four adult students had died during the xhool year, and the TOA spoke of the impact that had had. In one case, news of the death had corne over the radio. In another case, the participant had phoned a student's home and was told he had died of a stroke. With no tragic response team for adults and few other resources, the teacher had to deal with the issue in the best way possible.

A participant, who had loved her work for several years had becorne increasingly unhappy over administration and cutbacks, and had ended up feeling emotionally detached fkom the students before changing assignments. Another spoke of responding emotionally, but having a "supportive boss" who was available to counsel staff when

their emotions ran high: "We can go into his office and cry, which has happened

sometimes, and have lots of support."

The responses of former colleagues, who had moved fiom teaching adults back

into adolescent high schools in order to stay employed after the cutbacks in adult

programs, were noted with concem:

In talking with my fnends who are now back in the Hi& School system, a lot of them are having a very hard time. Very much so. For two reasons. One of hem, the transition the other way. The transition fiom teaching adults back into the High School system has been very difficult 1 think, much more dificult than going from teenager to adults. And because they're al1 in very large schools, they miss the collegiality and support that they received before fiom a small sta ff....They've gone back into a system whose teachers don? want them because they're bumping other people.

This question was interpreted by some to be: In what ways do you respond to

emotional situations? It was noted that there were fewer situations to deal with in the

adult classroom, because they did not display "the roller coaster of emotions" in the way

that adolescents did. Strategies for coping when emotions did run high included staying

healthy and behaving "professionally." One TOA admitted: "1 whlne a lot." Another

confessed: "1 bitch at my husband." 4.iii. What is vour ~svcholoeical- res~onse to vour teachine situation? E.F., How do YOU manage the demands mon vou?

Rather than explore psychological responses in al1 their manifestations, it was decided to focus on the ways in which the teachers responded to stress and anxiety, although one new TOA stated irnrnediately that things had been too much of "a blur" to identiQ coping strategies. One participant reported feeling more anxious than in previous years, and when asked how that anxiety was managed, the answer was: '9 take it out on my family [Laugh]. Where else?" A similar response was :"1 think my cat has to listen to me [Laugh]."

It became clear that many others also relied on home and family support to help them deal with stress. "A very positive, spiritual frame of mind and philosophy" were also identified as being useful. Listening to the radio on the way home, mending home cornputers, drinking beer with fiiends and mingwere al1 ways of forgetting the stresses of the day .

The issue of coping with needy students caused one TOA to talk about "having to consciously remind rnyself what the person might be going through. Never mind what

I'm going through, what are they going through?" Another said:

1 know it reaches a point where you've done everything you can do and beyond that you can't do anymore and it's up to the person. So it's taken years but I've sort of got to a point where 1 can go home and sleep.

One participant whose hours had been cut back found that spending extra unpaid time tutoring students was better than worrying about them. Another came in on off-days to catch up on paperwork. A response to feeling discouraged was to appreciate the benefits of the job: This is as good as it gets.... I'rn paid my full salary; 1 have my full benefits. 1 can Bord my kids' orthotics and everything like that .... Yeah, when they put forty-five Grade 12 English students in front of me, 1 think, well, OK ...ILaugh].

Many interviewees seemed to find relief in advocating for improvements in adult education. The need to "vent" was mentioned, as well as diplomacy and other non- confrontational strategies, as this statement shows:

My response is to do something about it. 1 mean, part of me will sit back and bitch, but der a certain point that's seKdefeating. And then you either have to Say, let's see if there's something we can do - in as diplomatic a way as possible. I'm not big on confrontation. I'd sooner try to be smooth and deliberate and calm, and not slam any doors in faces.

A participant who had worked in school board adult education longer than any other interviewees talked of endurance as a survival strategy:

1 try to use cunning and lobbying and thinking through and enduring.... The key word in dl of civilization is hidden under some rock in some cave. If you were to roll that rock over, it would surn up the history of man's experiences and the advice of al1 the sages: endure.

4.iv. What changes in vour ohilososhy or belief svstem have occurred since vou have been a school board teacher of adults? E.E., changes in what vou value in vour own teachine and learnine; different oninion of the education svstem: ~aradiemshifts.

Much of the conversation around this question focussed on changes in philosophy

of education. Several spoke of increased belief in adult education since working in the

field, and an increased awareness of lifelong leaming. A rhetorical question was:

Why put al1 those efforts and money on high nsk students... to try and prevent them fiom dropping out? Maybe they have some things they have to go through. And when they've finished going through those things, then let's have them drop in, and let's welcome them

The "importance of integration rather than cornpartmentalizing English, Math,

Geography, History, Business" and the need for ?ying it al1 together" was noted. niere was talk of the importance of "mastery" at one level of ski11 and knowledge before moving to learning more. It was achowIedged: "As a rookie teacher you thought your subject was the b-al1 and end-dl. Make sure you get that work done and it's important.

That philosophy changed rather abmptly."

Several said that their values had not changed, but had been strengthened. A

TOA who had been an immigrant many years previously noted that: "1 think teaching adults brought my own cultural values back to me, which were almost lost .... 1 think 1 have shedmore, and my values are more visible now than they were before."

4.v. In what other wavs have vou res~ondedto vour situation?

This question provided an opportunity to repeat previous points, or talk on a wide range of issues, including the fact that adult education was anti-poverty work. However, there were a few participants who described responses that had not been discussed before, such as becoming an advocate and getting actively involved in OSSTF. Wnting letters in response to policy decisions was mentioned, and one letter had addressed cutbacks in lesson preparation time using the following arguments:

Taking away prep time is totally ridiculous. 1s there a chef who doesn't have prep tirne? Is there a fireman who doesn't have prep tirne? Who doesn't have prep tirne?

In contrast to those who protested against issues, one participant had stopped playing an advocacy role, because of having been '%ut by the system." An altemate response was to try and find "points of similarity on which we can build" by thinking:

Where can we go fiom here? That's survival. Stop saying this is impossible, they can't do this. Start by saying, yes. this is what they're going to do. Now how can we build? Fifth Set of Ouestions on Mareinalitv.

At this point in the interviews, the focus tumed to the fifth set of questions which asked the teachers to speak directly to issues of marginality. Because of the difficulty encountered in trying to simply report the answers to these questions in isolation fhm the theoretical heworkof marginality, it was decided to postpone reporting them until the analysis chapter. A full discussion is, therefore, to be found in Chapter 6, and this present chapter will end by reporting on answers to the exit questions.

E.i. What are vour future plans?

The feeling was that the future of adult education was uncertain even though many wanted to continue in the field. It was understood that those who wanted to build a career with a school board would need to work with chiidren or adolescents in the regular system. Although this was not known to the researcher ahead of tirne, one participant revealed during the interview that a position in a regular High Schooi had, in fact, been offered and accepted, and the transfer would be taking place the following week.

Alternatives to school board adult education were seen in the pnvate sector or in entrepreneurial endeavours. One optimistic inte~eweewas detennined to stay in adult education and wanted to complete a doctorate in the field. The TOA who had applied to go into teacher training in the Third World the following year, added: "dthough I feel my [adult] classroom is the ThKd World in a lot of ways." Among the more senior and experienced TOAs, one was eager to continue to work with adults and confident that there was a lot of creative prograrnming that could be done in the fùture. Another, older participant was happy to continue with addt students for a few years, implying that the next step might be into retirement. Still another had "a lot invested" in the programs that had been developed over a number of years and was prepared to "champion the cause" rather than reaim to an adolescent High School: "1 think it would be a shock at my stage of life. Remember I was eleven years younger when I started this, and more buoyant."

E.ii. What other comments do vou have about school board aduIt education

Many responded "Yes!" to the question of whether school boards were the appropriate venue for adult programs. One argument was that only the Grade 12 diploma gave the adults career mobility, and several noted that the GED was not yet a viable alternative, The usefulness of having adult programs in local schools rather than more remote centres, such as colleges, which were less accessible was pointed out in the question: "What if you live way away, and you've got kids, and you take a half hour on the bus to get back, and it's late at night, and whatever?" Still, there was a reminder that local schools had unpleasant memones for some adults:

The majority of students have a tremendous fear of gong back to the schools from which they came because of very negative feelings about their teachers, about their prograrn, about their whole experience in the school. And the typical students that we get are students who failed, so they don't want to go back there.

Expressing a similar view, one interviewee cornrnented that school boards might not be the best hosts for adult education, suggesting instead that there was a need to change the whole education system so that the adult programs were not "the poor second cousin." Mandathg al1 school boards to nin adult education programs was one idea.

However, another point of view was that admission policies should be reviewed, with the goal of directing overseas siudents who already had university degrees away fkom school boards. The argument wax

1 guess 1 have some resentment that the boards let sornething grow out of control when it was to their advantage. And because they did not put controls or some limitations on if now those who really can benefit for our programs may not be able to have their needs met.

Lack of recognition of school board adult programs was seen as a problem by many. One interviewee said: "1 don't think society as a whole realizes the value that it can offer. As a result, 1 think, it is not funded." Lack of funding was related to lack of govemrnent policy, with the result that: "They expect it to happen, but they don't want to put any money or development into it. It's often volunteer time by the people [in adult education]."

There is no doubt that al1 the participants saw how school board adult education programs benefited society, and at the sarne time saw what littie value the society nt large placed on it. Summing up the general view was the comment:

If we think of our schools having a holistic responsibility to society, we have responsibilities to provide educational opportunities for ail levels of society, regardless of their backgrounds, or regardless of why they didn't succeed in the fint place, and because adults are not cornfortable, in my view, going to traditional school. If the school board doesn't provide specifically adult education centres, those people will be lost in society and ultimately will be lost psychologicaily, and will be lost financially. Because if they're not able to contribute financially to society, they'd be a financial burden on society, much greater, 1 would suspect, than the cost of giving them oppominities to develop themselves. E. iii. What auestions- do vou have about this interview, or the studv in general?

Many people took this last oppodty to talk merabout issues that were important to them. General comments included the need to "keep hammering away at the idea that we al1 have to keep learning."

When asked about what was not covered in the discussion, one answered that cuniculum was a key consideration in adult education, as was the mode of delivery:

'nie adults need to learn and they're ready to leam at their own pace. And trying to shoe-horn them into a time period ... is counter-productive."

There were no criticisms that the interviews were too structured. On the contrary, several people recognized there was a need for a guide and a focus for the shidy. Many people mentioned that they had said everything the wanted to Say. One interviewee wondered about talking too much, and was reassured that this was not the case.

Several participants remarked that it was nice to see that there was an interest in adult education. One TOA said: "I'm really pleased to have gone through this. It's kind of affirming for myself and it's nice to know that there are other little pockets of resistance." Another reported feeling "invigorated by the questions" and one inte~ew concluded with the comment: "It's definitely made me think, for sure. And to reflect on things I really haven't had time to think about."

5.4. Chapter Summary

This chagter has tried to report, faithfûlly, the comments of the TOAs. The ody organizing structure was the interview protocol. Comments about entry into their status, relationships, experiences and responses have al1 been documented ready for analysis. What the TOAs had to Say specifically about rnarginality will be discussed in the next chapter.

Many themes have emerged and many will be pointed out during the analysis.

But what is most noticeable is that there is a hi& level of congruency between what the

TOAs reported, and what Clark identified as six symptoms of marginality in his study of teachers of adults employed in a school system: lack of constitutionai statu; part-time administration; absence of separate facilities; low acceptance by economy-minded interest groups; the need to sel1 the programs to the public; ambiguous financial status.

(1968, pp.58-60)

Apart fiom the fact that many of the interviewees had their own facilities, al1 the issues raised by Clark (1968) were also apparently symptoms of the status of the TOAs, too. Where we differ, is that Clark named those six as symptoms of marginality. We are not ready to Say that the status of the TOAs can be named marginal. That matter is the subject of Chapter 6, in which we consider the interview data within a theoretical framework of marginality. CHAPTER 6

LOOKXNG FOR MANIFESTATIONS OF MARGINALITY IN THE STORIES OF THE TEXCHERS

6.1. Introduction

This chapter brings us to the next stage in our study: analysis of the data with a view to identifjhg whether there are manifestations of margidity in the expenences of school board teachers of adults.

We approach the task in two ways. First, we consider what the TOAs themselves had to say about marginality in answer to the fifth set of interview questions. Because of the significance of their cornrnents, it was thought best to report and analyze them in this chapter, rather than simply record them in Chapter 5 dong with answers to more general questions.

The second part of the chapter will analyze the interview data fiom al1 of the questions. We have already identified three consûucts of marginality fiom the literature:

Marginal Man as a condition with a type, marginality as a stage and marginality as myth.

In this chapter we use the fhnework provided by those constructs to analyze the expenences of the teachers of adults with the purpose of looking for manifestations of marginality.

6.2. Teachers of Adults Speak About Marginality

Questions asking directly about marpinaiity were deliberately left until the end of each interview. The goal was to give the TOAs the opportunity to talk freely about their work experiences first, without constraining them to answer within a framework of margindity. A few of the participants did use the word spontaneously in answering some early questions, but considered it more carefully in order to answer the foliowing fifth set of questions.

0.5.i. Usine the diavam of the school board. where would vou locate vourself?

For this first question, each of the participants was offered a clean diagram. An unmarked fkee-form circle represented the school board and a dot represented the centre.

The TOAs used a felt pen to make marks on the diagrarns. As explained in Chapter 4, the aim of this exercise was to provide an oppomullty for the TOAs to use a visual medium to identiS, their location, in addition to describing it in words.

A synthesis of al1 the diagrarns appears in Appendix E. This page was produced by, first of all, photocopying al1 fifteen responses ont0 transparencies. The transparencies were then laid one on top of the other, and a photocopy was made of the overlay.

Although the quality of Appendix E leaves much to be desired, it may be useful in understanding the responses. For her part, the researcher worked fiom the original diagrams.

When faced with a blank diagram, many interpreted it on their own, as was the

intent, but others asked for an explanation. Some wanted to know if they were to choose a spot that represented their personal location, or that of the whole department. Others

wanted to know ifthey were to respond according to theu own perception of the

situation, or the way they were perceived by others.

Those who sought clarification were told only three things: the circle represented

the boundary of the school board and those inside were employees (students were not part

of this study); the boundary was uneven, not a smooth line, to indicate that a school board's boundaries are not always clear-cut and regular; the dot in the middle represented those considered to be at the centre.

The majority of TOAs placed marks near the line which marked the boundary of the school board. Six interviewees (1 -6) placed a single mark close to, or touching the outer bouodary. As they made their marks, they made comments such as "somewhere around the edge" and "on the fnnges" and "on the outskirts." HaWig chosen a borderline spot, one of these six drew around "the tiniest little corner" to indicate: "big bushes ...that we kind of hide behind, nght in here."

Four participants (7-10) who drew marks close to the boundary, added a second mark nearer the centre. The purpose was to show more than one perspective of the situation, and the following table explains both points of view of those four:

First Mark Near the Boundarv e3 Second Mark Nearer the Centre "How some in the Board see it!" r3 "How 1 see it!" "Employees" ~3 "Personal" "The prograrn" ~3 "Me" "Budget" e "Philosophy"

The TOA quoted last in the above table thought that, philosophically, the school board wanted to draw in adult education, but that when budget decisions had to be made, adult education was pushed away. The other three placed themselves, as individuals, near to the centre of the system, but professionally near the boundary because of the board's perspective of adult education.

There were an additional two participants (1 1-12} who chose to use two marks.

Each put one mark on the boundary line, and one completely outside the boundary, to

indicate that they did not feel as though they belonged to the school board at dl. Others had dso asked if they might put marks outside the boundary, but then acknowledged that, as employees, they should choose a mark just within the boundary line.

One participant (13) placed a mark near the boundary, but then showed a dotted line going towards the centre. This was rneant to indicate that it was possible to reach the centre, meaning the director in this case, through the administration. When it was pointed out that the arrow pointed only one way, suggesting that the director did not reach out to the TOA, the response was: "Yes! I don't think he would corne to me, no.

Unless 1 would do something very stupid - maybe then. Faugh]"

Only two participants (14- 15) chose locations which were not near the boundary.

One chose a spot "somewhere in the middle space, lost in the hge, a satellite" indicating that there was no attachent to the centre, or indeed any sense of location at

1 The interviewee who was a member of a racial minority in Canada chose the spot nearest to the centre, indicating a sense of personal closeness to a few of the senior administrators. There was no evidence, however, that this TOA felt aligned with the policies, procedures or philosophies perceived to be centrai by the majority. Later, this participant admitted that the adult students and programs were penpheral to the school board system.

It was apparent to the researcher that the majonty of marks made by the fifteen intewiewees were placed on "that part of the surface which lies immediately within its boundary," thereby diagramming the definition of margin used throughout this study

(Oxford English Dictionary, 1994). However, there was now a need to determine how the interviewees thernselves interpreted their location. Os 5.L How would vou describe this location?

Descriptions of location included "fnnge'' and "on the edge" and "under fiey' and "kind of the outskirts." The cornments of the TOA whose mark was placed nearest the centre were paradoxical: "1 don't see hem, 1 don? talk to them, but 1 feel very close to them physically, emotionally."

The vast majority of participants, however, indicated through their drawings and words that they were located, professionally if not always personally, at a distance fiom the decision makers at the centre of the school board, whoever they might be. At this point, none of them had directly referred to their location as being in the margins, or to a status of marginality. The next step was to ask them directly to compare kirsituation with the working definition of being in the margins.

Q.5.iii. In what wavs does vour descri~tionof vour location corres~ondto the definition of marpinal. i.e. in the mareins of the board of education iurisdiction in "that art of the surface which lies immediatelv within its boundarv. especiallv when in some wav marked off or distinmished from the rest of the surfacey'(OED, p. 368).

The overwhelming response by the TOAs was that, yes, their location within the school board did correspond to the position described as being in the margins. Whereas some participants just gave an emphatic "Yes!" or "Definitely!"others explained their answers:

Yeah. We're, 1 guess we're still within the coifines of education, most definitely. But we're definitely not what 99% of the people consider to be mainstream.

When it cornes to dollar decisions, we will be so marginal that we may disappear. We are marginal within the school board itself. Very much so. All of adult ed is marginal, at least in this county because it has to be cost recovery. No other program is cost recovery.

[Yes], like a boil on the surface.

One participant who was a Fom 3 teacher with full salary and benefits, responded: "Extremely. And yet, 1 woddn't describe myself as being as marginal as the ... instnictors." This suggested that the status of marginality was created and afFected by issues such as income and contractual issues. Most TOAs who had placed two marks on the diagram qualified their remarks. For example, the participant who had marked a persona1 and professional location, noted that it was the professional who was in the margins.

There were only two participants who did not feel that the definition reflected their location accurately. One said: "We're not marginal, but we're not far fiom marginal. I'm being very "small 1" liberal in here. I'm saying we're making progress but we're still far fiom the centre." The second, whose mark was nearest the centre gave, as on previous occasions, a response that was paradoxical: "Maybe 1 am marginal, physically, like job-wise, contract wise and just on the rnargin, but the other things, I'rn just here [at the centre]. Do you understand what I'm saying?"

This last answer underscores the fact that perception plays an important role in issues of marginality. It was evident that al1 the TOAs still had different concepts of what marginality was. Some perceived themselves as being the margins only fiom a professional standpoint. Others rejected outright the label of marginal. In an attempt to clarify meanings, synonyms were requested. 0.5.i~.What svnonvms would vou use for mareinal?-

The overwhelming majority of TOAs chose synonyms which interpreted marginality in a negative way:

Fringe. Maybe expendable. On the margin-would be the first one to be dropped as 1 perceive it.

Isolated, alienated, outcast. Outcast is probably a bit strong. Ignored is a better word.

Unimportant, irrelevant, insignificant, not necessary.

Dispossessed, children of a lesser god, not as significant. Borderline, Fringe elements, out in left field.

1 think fnnge. We could even corne to borderline. Almost like with one foot out at some times kaugh] you know what 1 mean. Never quite sure where we're at.

Can't think in single words - mostly ideas that have - within the parameters of what's supposed to be offered, but not really what they'd like to deal with.

We're there, but we're sort of on the sidelines, only there when they really need to deal with us.

It was obvious fiom these responses that most TOAs were interpreting marginality subjectively, drawing on their personal perceptions. However, a few made an effort to consider marginality more objectively, offering words such as cbboundary, limits" and "discretionary."

Three TOAs avoided the negative skew of most of their colleagues. One answered: "fiontier - breaking new ground, " suggesting that being in the margins provided an opportunity for new discoveries. A second felt: "the people who know, know it's very relevant. Educated people see the relevance of it. And when they see it they iî, they appreciate it." This TOA went on to cite a previously unconvinced trustee who had decided to vote in favour of addt programs after visiting some. Like earlier cornments, this supports the idea that, although marginaiity is usually perceived negatively, perceptions can be changed through information and education.

Finally, there was an interviewee who declined to provide a synonym for marginal, implying that it was a waste of theand effort to consider such labels. The answer given was: "Well you see, I've started to move on because 1 think it's really important... to society." This person was foreshadowing the discovery that not al1 TOAs agreed that their situation was marginal, and the next question focussed on this issue particularl y.

Q.5.v. Do vou agree that vour status as a teacher of adults is marginal?

This was one of the few closed questions in the interview, in that it asked for a

YesNo answer. There had been a certain amount of "beating around the bush" in asking about marginality up to this point: a reluctance to put words in the mouths of the TOAs; a wish to have them approach marginality issues in their own way. However, at this point, it was felt necessary to ask the participants, directly, whether they saw their statw as teachers of adults as marginal.

The Navs:

Four of the interviewees were very strong and clear in rejecting the label of marginal. Their answers were:

1 have not ever acknowledged that, no.

No, I don't feel marginal, but I do see where others do think 1 am. No. My statu as a teacher of adults is very solid. It's the program that is marginal.

No, I'm no t a marginal person as an adult teacher.

Interestingly, in spite of these verbal denials, three of the four had marked themselves nearer to the boundary than the centre on the diagram provided earlier.

However, it was evident fiom the spoken denials that none of the four saw themselves as marginal individuals. Notably, al1 four at various times agreed that they, the adult programs and the students, were perceived by &ers to be in the margins of school board

systems.

It is clear fiom their comments, and from Merdiscussion during the interviews,

that the four TOAs who stated that they are not marginal, were refening to their personal

sense of thernselves as professionals, and not how others perceived them. For one of

hem, the professional self incorporated the years spent teaching adolescents and holding

positions of responsibility in teaching associations. It would appear this individual

rejected the label of marginal because of feeling so centred as a teacher. Seniority

provided a very strong contractual position with no danger of lay-off, and so the

interviewee was abie to comment: "1 think my status is very solid within adult

education." Yet even this TOA added "...but adult education is marginal."

A second TOA who rejected the label of marginal also admitted that, in spite of

feeling like a professional, "I'm not redly visible as a professional." This individual went

on to describe the frustration of trying to conduct research into adult education and not

being able to find any books on the field. There were reportedly few Canadian texts and

also few references in ERIC, the educational data base. The sense from this conversation was that the TOA had the self-confidence to view himself as a professional, in spite of evidence al1 around that the field in which he was practising was not being taken senously.

That thought was echoed by the third out of the four who, while personally rejecting the label of marginal, noted:

1 see it as marginal when 1 pick up publications that don't mention [adult education] But I suppose because 1 stay in the environment of adult educators and most of my interactions - professional interactions - are with adult educators, OCAE and so on. It looks mainstream when you're in it.

It was clear, from this comment and others, that the TOAs were engrossed in their work and found it to be immensely important. It can be argued that much of their frustration came in discovering, when they raised their heads, that only they thought so.

In the eyes of others, adult education was perceived as marginal.

The fourth TOA who rejected the ideal of being marginal wondered out loud at

some Iength about the paradox of not feeling personally marginal while working in a field

that was obviously perceived as marginal. Having expressed feelings of self-worth, and

having placed a mark on the school board diagram that was closer to the centre than any

other TOA, this interviewee wondered: "But as 1 think now, 1 don't know why my

persona1 role is greater than the whole of [adult] education. 1 don? know how."

A possible answer can be found in the construct of marginality as myth based on a

postmodemist viewpoint that, by keeping feelings of self-worth and centredness intact, an

individual can resist being labelled marginal by the powerfhl and dominant. As Giroux

(199 1) notes, the position of those in power is strengthened if the label of marginal is

successfully applied to someone who subscribes to alternative noms and values. The argument is that, although resisting the labels that those in power want to hiose can be difficult, it is necessary if inequities are to be overcome.

These four TOAs were refushg to give in to the pressure of other people's opinions of them, and in that way they may have been unconsciously following the lead of bel1 hooks (1990) in making their status "a central location for the production of hegemonic discourse" (p.341). Not that these interviewees openly adopted that kind of wording or attitude. But, nevertheless, in their own way, they were making the point that they would not be de-valued, and they were prepared to stand their ground and argue the importance of their role and of adult education in general.

The same was true, though, of the eleven TOAs who said that they did accept the label of marginal. We move on now to hear more about them, and their Mews on the causes and effects of considering themselves marginal.

The Aves:

Four of the participants did not provide a direct YesMo answer to this question.

However they talked around the issue in such as way as to make it clear that they perceived themselves to be in the margins of the school board system. In one case, the

TOA had prepared a written "personal reflection" prier to the interview, entitied

"Marginalization of Teachers of Adult Students," which left no doubt as to this individual's feelings of being marginal. The remaining seven inte~eweesanswered that they were marginal:

Most definitely.

Yes, definitely.

Extremely. Yes.

1 would Say so.

As 1 see myself, 1 think so, yes.

Probably. We're not a high pnonty. We'll be the fmt ones durnped:

Altogether, eleven participants who had answered in the afhnative were asked a subset of questions about the causes and effects of their marpinatity, and were asked to respond to the three constructs of marginality identified by the researcher.

Q.S. Xi Mat are the cames of your wrghtality?

"Money!" was the clear cause according to one TOA among the group of eleven, and this was confïrmed by many othea. However, the reasons given for underfhding adult education were complex. One inte~eweeoffered: "We're funded marginally because society does not see the value in giving these people another chance." A similar response was:

There's a basic presumption that School - with a capital S - is for children, and that the taxpayer is responsible only for children to the age of 18. There's very much the perception that you get one shot, and if you blow it, it's your fault. Never mind that you were passed fiom grade to grade to grade without learning anything or that you had a learning disability, or that you were sick for eight months, or whatever.

Size was given as another cause of feeling marginal. In cornparison with the huge budget and large number of staff, resources and facilities given to the education system for children and youth, it was obvious that adult education had been served ody a small piece of the pie. One participant pointed out that most school board staff and administrators were unaware of the wide scope of prognuns. It was noted that, because adult prognims for most boards operated fiom several sites, there was no large, single presence. One comment was: "Fragmentation leads to invisibility ." Lack of awareness and education among school board personnel and the public apparently caused adult education to be overlooked. However, this hterviewee, in a comment that was akin to blaming the victim, added: "Maybe we deserve to be out there." The criticism was that adult educaton themselves had failed to get everyone to

"buy into" their work.

Contractual statu apparently contributed to the sense of being in the margins of the teaching profession. This applied to the Form 3 teachers, as well as the instructors of non-credit programs, because their rates of pay, benefits and other conditions of employment were less generous and secure than Form 1 teachers on full contract. But even a Form 1 teacher was unable to get United Way contributions deducted fiom pay cheques because, in the words of a clerk in the school board payroll department, "You're not a real teacher."

The hierarchy of authonty within the school board was seen by one inteniewee as the overriding cause of marginality of adult educators: "The value which is placed on their work by anybody who has any power is zero." Beyond each school board, the

Ministry of Education and Training was seen as being indifferent to adult education.

When asked to explain this, one TOA said:

I think Rght now that has a lot to do with Mt. Snobelen [the Minister of Education and Training] himself. Personally, I have a feeling that he was a high school drop-out and has been very successful. So he's saying, "If 1 can do it, everyone else cm." And that's filtering nght down. 1 also have a feeling that our Ministry does not have a human face. It's dollars and cents and government has very tragically become a dollars and cents business and haforgotten where the human being fits into dl this. In nearly al1 cases, it could be iderred that participants felt as though attempts had been made to marginalize them, or their departments, against their will. However, one

TOA acknowledged that, in accepting the responsibility to set up and facilitate a program that was outside the mainstream, she had chosen to be marginal.

as.Ki. HOw does it feel to be marginal?

This was the second question directeci toward the group of eleven who sew identified as marginal. Al1 TOAs apparently understood the broad intent of the question because their answers were wide ranging.

Some TOAs indicated that they had no particular feelings about their status, but in most cases these were the interviewees who had job or financial security. One interviewee who had a long teaching history with the same board stated: "1 don? have a feeling about it. It doesn't boiher me." Another cornmented: "It doesn't hurt me pesonally but I've seen a lot of people who are hurt by it, and if 1 can't make them economically viable ultimately it will hurt me in the pocket book."

Other TOAs with Ml-time contracts were more ready to admit that they had been affected by their status. One said: "There's a constant, underlying, way down underlying feeling of insecurity." Another appeared concemed that adult education was judged in bureaucratie and economic ternis rather than by the success of individual leamers, and noted: '9t feels very sad, but it makes me even more motivated to give that human face within my realm of influence."

Yet another long-serving TOA said: 'Tm not hurt because 1 work very well alone.

Anyone else who relied upon more consolation, consultation, mutual sharing, would probably be crushed or devastated." This interviewee, who had made many earlier comments about having wnsciously made life and career choices which were outside the general nom, added: "Who dislikes me is just as important as who likes me. So if I'm disliked by the right people, that's fine."

A participant who had started up a new prognun reported feeling "fhe, personaily" and appreciated the fieedom to be able to work with industry to design the prognun. However, she also reported that: "My husband sees it completely differently.

[Laugh]." Her husband was less tolerant in his opinion that the school board should be more accepting and even complimentary of the work his wife was doing. He felt that she should not have to "adjust" so much to accommodate the board and the students, and that she should be "protected" by contractual arrangements.

Interestingly, another TOA who had secured a more permanent contract implied that contractual arrangements did not always resolve feelings of marginality. Having first accepted a short-term contract, this interviewee reported feelings of being marginal to the school board, but also to the adult department: "As a project, 1 felt on the fringes of adult and con ed, because you know projects were those things over there." Having lately moved into Form 1 status to become a "card-carrying member of the federation [Smile],"

this TOA discovered the unexpected frustration of still being seen as a teacher on the

figeof the teaching profession.

Two interviewees taiked about their positive feelings. One said: "I'm very proud

of what I do - incredibly proud." Another TOA said: "Well, it's nice to be unique; it's

nice to be different. It's nice not to have to fit into a mould because you can always use

that as an excuse. We're different so we deserve special pnvileges [Smile]." At the same

time this speaker recognized that in "bad times" being different was less advantageous, because greater confonnity was expected. "But in good times, oh, you're creative, it's great !"

Suggesting that the system for children and youth would do well to change its practices and adopt an adult education approach, one TOA stated: "1 feel it is the right way that the students should be taught, where they are in control of their own successes or failures ....They're in charge and it's their learning and their uudmtanding."

Q.5. Kirhl have identzfled 3 construc& of marginal&: Marginal Man as a condition wiîh a type; margirruiity os a stage; mrginuiity as myth. Having heard these described, do you think that any or aü of them reflect your situation?

This was the third and final question directed toward the group of eleven who labelled their statu as marginal. Up until this point, the researcher had not shared the results of her own investigations into marginality with any of the participants. However, she now described the three constnicts of marginality that she had drawn fiom the literature, and invited TOAs who perceived themselves as marginal to identifi similarities between those constructs and their own expenences.

A couple of the respondents did not address the question directly, but rather taiked around their own understanding of marginality. Addressing the notion that marginality was more perceived than actual, one interviewee noted that: "Within the education system, adult training is very marginalized, but within the corporate sector, adult training is a very hot spot." A few others could not relate to the three constructs presenteâ, and one or two claimed to see connections with certain constnicts of rnarginality, but failed to explain exactly why. Two interviewees felt they could relate to the constnict of the Marginal Man type.

Upon hearing the explanation of Marginal Man as an immigrant caught between two cultures said: "That's me." However, both of these interviewees felt even more strongly aligned to the third, postmodernist construct of marginality as myth. In fact it was this third construct that stimulated the most response. One statement was: "Well, the last

[postmodem] one has some validity or application to addt ed as fa.as ...1 mean you're only marginal if you believe you're marginal." Referring to the general public's lack of understanding of the benefits of educating adults, this interviewee went on to Say:

If you want to fight for it then you can presumably make the difference. The difficulty with that is, as much as you want to fight, and can fight, and do fight, there are so many, in adult ed, so many other things that are having an impact on its existence that 1 don't know if you can be successfil within the fight.

This question of whether adult educators could fight the perception of marginality was also raised by another intewiewee who said:

I think a few teachers who do teach adults, including myself, we'd like to fight that. But we haven't really done any steps forward to that, mainly 1 think because we don't have the time actually available for it.

Mer considering the three constmcts, one TOA had no hesitation in relating to the postmodernist position: "It's difficult for me to relate to the other two because I've never felt personally a sense of being marginalized in my life. I've been very fortunate.

And so I have a very positive view that 1 can effect change, no matter how big the opposition is."

There was one interviewee who, initially, rejected the postmodernist view of marginality, remarking: "Well, 1 can't see how it's a myth if it exists." AAer a fûrther explanation, this TOA claimed to undentand the constmct more clearly, saying: "Oh, yes, I have that sense of faith in myself in that I'm not truly marginal. That is their perception that 1 am marginai. And that's what keeps me alive."

O.5.vi. Do others ~erceivevou as marginal? Explain, whether ves or no.

The three previous questions had been specifically directeci toward the group of eleven who said they were marginal. For the rest of the interview, al1 participants were asked for answers.

As might be expected in polite society, nobody had been directly told: "You're marginal." But some TOAs concluded that school board administrators, members of the public and teachers of children and youth, were implying as much. This indicator that the central administrators perceived adult education as marginal, was offered: "They would think of it as an extra - as a nice thing to have."

There was reference to feeling like: "a pioneer... being pushed to the border."

School board promotional practices were thought to be influenced by "nepotism" and c'cliquism," resulting in discrimination against teachers of adults, especially those in subject areas which were not apparently valued, such as art. Society's negative way of viewing adults who wanted to continue their education was sumrned up by the conunent:

"1 think a lot of folks look at it and say, you had your chance." Facial expressions and vocal exaggeration were used to rnimic the amazement of some people when they leamed about the store fiont programs for adults: "Adult Ed? And where does that - where do you do that? Where? In a mall? [Laugh].

When asked if teachers of youth viewed adult educators as marginal, one participant replied: "Yeah! I'd Say the regular high school teachers sort of say, 'Oh, where are you? Oh, you're over there. 1had no idea you did al1 of that in your school.' " Only two TOAs denied being seen as marginal by fiiends and colleagues. One was an expenenced educator whose earlier comments had revealed a very humanistic philosophy. When asked about king perceived as marginal by others, the reply was:

"Not that I'm aware of. 1 think they probably see me the opposite way ....The response usually is very favourable within my own social [circle], and of course so many of my fnends are in the human development field."

An interviewee who had developed a new project admitted that some teachers of youth were not interested in finding out what it meant to teach adults, but others reacted very positively: "They think it's great. And my niends think, well you created your own job there, so that's wondemil."

0.5.vii.Would vou like to change vour status? If so, how? If not, whv not?

This question generated considerable discussion, including persona1 comments such as: "1 would like to change my pay !" and "Oh, 1 would love to get a full-time job."

An improvement was defined as: "being accepted as a professional." A stnitegy for achieving change was: "We would have to get rid of [Premier Harris's] Cornmon Sense

Revolution. Or at least rethink the values of the Cornrnon Sense Revolution." In the face of new legislation to reduce fùnding for students over twenty-one, the need to maintain the current level of service was felt to be more important than change.

A TOA who was actually about to change status by moving from adult education

into a "regular" secondary school explained: "The only reason I'm leaving con ed is

because 1 have a wife with twins and I'm looking for job security. If 1 could be

guaranteed a position in continuing education, 1 would be very anxious to stay there.

However, because of budget cuts... 99 In contrast to this, some did not wmt to ''climb the political or power ladder." One remark was "The only thing 1 hope for is that adults are gradually recognized as a group in society ...that they are there through no fault of their own and need the opportunities that young people have. That's dl." There was a general feeling that change was necessary to make the public more aware of the work of an adult centre and help them understand: "It 's not just a centre for welfue bums." Connections were made between society's perceptions and fbnding, and the conclusion was: "If we really wanted to make a difference, we would provide the same support for the adults that we do for education in general."

It was appreciated that change might also result in disadvantages, such as a loss of autonomy. Benefits to being in the margins of the education system included

"uniqueness" and fieedom to make curriculum decisions. A comment wax "1 mean the five of us sit around and Say, let's offer Entrepreneurship, what will we put in and who'd like to teach it, and, you know, we're doing it ourselves. And we don't have to answer to anybody beyond that."

A couple of participants were definitely not interested in change if it meant closer alignment with people at the centre ofthe board. For one TOA, such an alignment would only be of benefit if circurnstances were altered:

If they were more forthcoming and more civilized themselves, more honest and less willing to run vendettas.... But as it stands now, 1 don? see them as very approachable, and 1 couldn't care less. 1 expect them not to hinder me. 1 don? want any help nom them. 0.S.viii. What comments would yumake to authorities who s~eakof the mareinalitv of adult education?

Answers to this question fell mdyinto two camps: those who felt that authonties such as Burton Clark were wrong to label adult education marginal, and those who thought it was an appropnate label which deserved on-going examination.

Among those who thought the authorities were wrong was a TOA in whose school district "forty percent of daytime credit students were adult students." This interviewee commented: "It's very hard to be marginal when you're almost the majority." Another felt that the high success rate in adult education was an obvious challenge to the perception of marginality. There was concem that the label of marginality would affect society's willingness to fund adult education, and that the costs to society of supporting the undereducated would ultimately be much higher. A participant working in a school district in which adult education had been fùlly hded previously, made a gloomy prediction:

The reason it was not marginal in the past was because of funding, and the reason it will be marginal in the future is because of funding. It won't be because leamers needs have changed at dl, or because the teachers have changed. It's going to get down to dollars and cents.

Comrnents fiom those who agreed with the authorities included the observation:

"Yes it is marginal, but just because it is marginal does not mean it's not valuable. And being marginal in some cases is not bad, or not a bad place to be." A similar view was:

"I'd have to point out the positive side of it rather than the negative side.... 1 feel that adult education is unique. 1 don? think we should be trying to fit into the same mould that the adolescents fit into. 1 think that's wrong." A message to authorities was that adult education might be marginal, "But it's dam important." A couple of TOAs felt that acadernics should continue to address the issue of marginality. One said, "Go for it. 1 encourage you. [fit's going to eventualiy eEect a greater sense of respect for marginalizeà, oppressed people, then - these people have a lot to offer society, dennitely." A second was more forthright: "Quit talking about. it and do something about it [Laugh]. Get off your acadernic ass and do something."

6.3. Manifestations of Thne Constructs of Marginality

This researcher, at least, had already been attempting to "do something" by investigating theories of marginality and listening to the stones of school board teachers of adults. The next step was to bring those two activities together and analyze whether the theories of marginality identified in Chapter 3 had any application to what the TOAs had revealed about their experiences.

In this part of the chapter we analyze the inte~ewfindings within the three fiameworks which we have named Marginal Man as type, marginality as a stage and marginality as rnyth. As each of these three constnicts is reviewed, cornparisons are made with what the TOAs had to Say on the themes of entry Uito their situation, relationships, expenences and responses, and their awareness of their status.

63.1. Manifestations of Mareinal Man as a Condition with a Tv~e

This construct is based mainly on the theories of Park (1928) and Stonequist

(1937) who define their marginal man as someone who "leaves one social group or culture without making a satisfactory adjustment to another, so finds hirnself in the margin of each but a member of neither" (p.2). Although the appropnateness of using the word "Man" may be questioned, the purpose here is to see whether characteristics of this

"type" are evident in the experiences of TOAs.

There rnay be some question as to whether comparing the status of a marginal type with the status of individuals in a field of employrnent is like comparing apples and oranges. However, every effort will be made to compare the two using consistent criteria

We begin with the theme of entry. Entrv

The first task is to compare the way the Marginal Man type enters "his" status with the way TOAs entered adult education. There is no suggestion at this point that

TOAs entered marginal status.

According to the theories of Park (1928) and Stonequist (1937), the Marginal Man type has usually left an existing situation voluntarily in order to enter a new life. In this way, there are parallels between the entry of the interviewees into adult education, since al1 accepted positions voluntarily. However, Park and Stonequist also point to some of the type who are forced to leave the culture of origin due to war or discrimination, or, particularly in the case of women and children, because of being dependents of an immigrant. None of these situations applied to the TOAs interviewed.

Uniess forced out, as in the case of some ethnic minonties, the Marginal Man type is depicted as choosing migration as a deliberate act. Stonequist (1937), depicts a marginal man as someone who leaves a subdominant culture and is drawn "powemilly in the direction of the dominant culture" (p.50) with the expectation of joining it. In contrast, only a minority of the TOAs interviewed deliberately planned to enter adult education. Most either jumped, "lucked in" or fell into adult education "by accident," and without much forethought. None of them said they were drawn towards the field because they thought it represented a dominant culture, or because they wmted to have some influence on the school board system.

Park's (1 928) depiction of a marginal man is of someone who usually chose migration "seeking to find a place in the fker, more complex and cosmopolitan life of an

American city" (Park, p.892), presumably with expectations of higher social status, improved lifestyle and financial gain. Those were not the motivations for teachers to enter adult education. None expected to raise their status, and only the TOAs who moved from unemployment to employrnent bene fitted financially. In fact, most of the interviewees who left adolescent secondary schools entered adult education knowing they might lose status and have fewer teaching resources, although nearly al1 the interviewees anticipated persona1 growth and thought they would enjoy the work.

For the Marginal Man type, the beginning of the migration process is presented as being easier if assisted by family or acquaintances. Stonequist (1937) concludes: "If he had not relatives or friends to meet and help him over the first difficulties, his position was indeed precarious" (p.84). Similarly, the degree of initial anxiety expenenced by the

TOAs seemed to be affected by the amount of support and mentoring provided by colleagues. Many appreciated having the opportunity to observe another teacher or to CO- teach before taking on sole responsibility for an adult class.

There is no suggestion that the Marginal Man type was able to prepare for this unexpected role. Even if there were preparations to ernigrate, there could be no preparation to be caught between two cultures. Most TOAs also came without formal preparation for the role in adult education, although working as a sales clerk was named by one as being a good training ground. There was general agreement that teachers college pre-senrice programs did not offer adequate training for working with adults.

Park (1928) maintains that the first step in entering marginal statw is to ccinterrupt the routine of existing habit and break the cake of custom" (p.885). Recollections of the fint &y on the job showed that many TOAs, too, had to change old habits and find new ways to work with adults.

Retationshit, with the Centre and Others.

The Marginal Man type was presented in Chapter 3 as someone who has a relationship with two cultures, and is "a culture hybnd" (Park, 1928, p.892). Unlike the

Marginal Man type, there is little evidence that TOAs felt caught between two cultures.

One counter-indication is that TOAs did not appear to perceive the school board and the adult department as being two distinct cultures.

The concept of distinct cultures is based on the notion that each culture has noms and values at its centre which are identifiable and different fiom the norrns and values of other cultures. In the case of the school boards, most inte~eweeshad difficulty identifying central noms and values, apart fiom cornmitment to youth and fiscal restra.int, When asked who was at the centre of the school board system, the TOAs were divided. Some named trustees, others identified administrators, such as principals, superintendents or a director of education. One even said: "Oh, it's a toss-up between the caretakers and the bus drivers."

Similarly, none of the TOAs apparently saw the department of adult education as being a culture with a central authority. A typical reporting relationship with the department administrator was: "He just trusts us to corne to him when we have problems." Certainly, the TOAs interviewed shared a cornmon vocabulary, a tendency to be white and of European background, and a cornitment to lifelong learning. However, there did not appear to be shared customs or rites of entry, a single uniehg symbol, or evidence that these adult educators formed a cohesive group, outside of the collegiality oa their own sites.

Another issue to be considered is subordination to central authority. Stonequist

(1 937) quotes anthropological studies to suggest those in a dominant position might be

"interested in cheap labour" which places the marginal in "a lowly, subordinate place"

(p.61). There is evidence that the TOAs did view their relationship with the so-called mainstrearn school board in those ternis. Some regarded themselves and their adult students as "second class citizens" as a result of fûnding cuts. When asked how they were perceived by those at the centre, many answered that they were not perceived at dl, or at least not as professionals, and words such as "forgotten and ignored" and c'dispensable" were used.

The dienation fkom teachers of youth, reported by a number of TOAs, appears to be analogous to the "social ostracism" (p.61) that Stonequist (1937) identified in relation to the dominant culture. The inte~eweeshad little contact with ccregular"teachers, and had difficulty accessing the consultants and resources that were available to those teachers. The prevailing view was that teachers of youth had no understanding of the role of adult educators. In one case, an interviewee felt insulted by teachers of youth when the work of adult students was rejected for a school board exhibition.

With regard to relationships in general, Stonequist (1937) argues: "The marginal man is more likely to evolve into some intermediary role which Ieads to an accommodation and rapprochement betweea the clashing cultures: he often becornes an interpreter, conciliator, reformer, teacher" (p. 177). Whereas there is little evidence that the TOAs set out to resolve confiict among different factions of the education system, there were occasions when their location permittecl them to play a facilitatim role. For example, one interviewee who was skilled with computers did become a tacher to many school board staff outside adult education Furthemore, many TOAs involved with "CO- op" programs were able to bridge the gap between education and the private sector by placing adult students in companies for work experience, and al1 TOAs were able to serve as the liaison between education, government and community agencies because of their non-traditional, entrepreneurid approach. Just as in the case of the Marginal Man type, the expenences of TOAs are informed by their relationships with the centre and others.

Exaeriences and Res~onses

During the interviews, TOAs were asked to describe their expenences fiom four perspectives: physical, emotional, psychological and philosophical. The Marginal Man type can also be considered in these four ways, beginning with physical.

Physicality is raised by Park (1928) in two ways: geographic location and physiology. Park notes that migration has always meant, at least, "change of residence and the breaking of home ties" (p.887). Park points out that the result of wandering was that many individuals were able to "free themselves fkom the household husbandry" and take on "independent occupations" (p.882). The Marginal Man type is likened to nomadic peoples who are unable to gain acceptance into a dominant culture and remain on the outskirts, "unsettled and mobile'' (p.887). Although the TOAs also changed locations to start working with adults, their movements were work related rather than attempts to join a dominant group. They &en moved into adult centres or store front facilities with the fieedom to pull down walls.

But in some cases they found themselves relegated to facilities that were not suitable for youth, and had to make do with poor equipment and resources. Whether they moved fiom being teachers of children and youth, or came straight into adult education, most of the TOAs felt liberated fiom school board constraints, such as fixed thetables and irnmovable desks. In many ways, they became independent and mobile like the Marginal

Man type.

In terms of physiology, the Marginal Man type is described as likely to be a member of a racial or ehicminonty who has been unable to join a dominant white culture. Stonequist (1937) talks of black people "bumping into the colour line" (p. 173).

Park (1928, p.890), using language cornmon in the early twentieth century, pinpoints

"divergent physical traits" as the "chief obstacle" to assimilation into a culture. He also states:

Ordinarily the marginal man is a rnixed blood, like the Mulatto in the United States or the Eurasian in Asia, but that is apparently because the man of mixed blood is one who lives in two worlds, in both of which he is more or less of a stranger. (p.893)

Racial and ethnic identity were not specifically investigated in speaking with the

TOAs. Although efforts had been made to find participants fkom racial and ethnic minorities, there was little success, re-enforcing the perception that most teachers of adults are white and of European descent. It will be recornmended in Chapter 7 that this is an important issue worthy of Merstudy, so we will not pursue it here. However, if the term "mixed blood" may be used metaphorically, it can be said that the TOAs represented a wide range of backgrounds, particularly in terms of their professional career paths before entering adult education. Since the professional profile of the interviewees differed in many ways fiom that of a "regular" teacher, it can be speculated-thatthis added to the perception that TOAs were in the margins of the profession - an issue we will retum to later.

Little is said about how the Marginal Man type might react physicdly to being in a location between two cultures. One can only assume that it was physicaily demanding, with constant mobility and little rest. Many TOAs were also able to identify a physical response to working in adult education. Unlike teachea of youth who were bound by collective agreements, many TOAs had excessive classroom hours and no fiee lunch period. Some spoke of the fatigue in trying to meet the demands of adult students who were their peers. Those interviewees who were located in unsuitable buildings spoke of being tired fiom running up and down stairs.

The emotional state of the Marginal Man type is not specifically described by

Park (1 928), but he implies that there may be excitement, anticipation and, perhaps, trauma. Stonequist (1937) speaks of "shock pervading the entire mental and emotional life" (p.93) and "disillusionment and emotional reaction when this individual is denied the status to which he aspires" @p. 160- 1 6 1). These emotional reactions may include

"malaise, a feeling of isolation or of not quite belonging" (p.20 1).

Stonequist (1 937) argues that people of different temperaments fïnd different ways of dealing with their emotional state. Some become "flaming nationalists" or

'outstanding leaders" (p.20 1). Others may respond by feeling "discouragement" and "despair" (p.201). More "creative minds" might kdrelease in "artistic expression or scientific investigation" (p.208). Stonequist concludes that: "Congenial personal association provides a protective bheragainst the assaults of the outside world as weIl as a release for pent-up emotions" (p.208). -

As we hun to compare the experiences of TOAS, we see that emotions infused their work lives: pleasure, satisfaction and tears at seeing student success; disappointment when students dropped out or displayed immaturity. Frustration was felt by dl, due to lack of funds, govenunent policies which favoured youth, and so on. Sorne TOAs, who had had their hours cut and benefits reduced, experienced frustration because they were not able to provide properly for their students. Resources, even books, had to be

"scrounged" or bought by the TOAs themselves.

The TOAs, like the Marginal Man type, had different responses to emotional situations. Coping strategies included crying with a "supportive boss," adopting a

"professional" approach, exercise and diet, and "cwhining"and "bitching" at their families and pets.

Psychologicui dimensions of experience are the next to be considered, although it is somewhat forced to separate the psychological nom other aspects of experience. There is no intention here to conduct a clinical analysis of the state of mind of the Marginal

Man type or the TOAs, but rather to discuss issues which are commonly understood by lay people.

We can start with Park's (1928) 'khanged type of personality" which results fiom migrating. "Energies that were fonnerly controlled by custom and tradition are released.

The individual is fiee for new adventures, but he is more or less without direction and control" (p.887). Park maintains thaf in tirne, this "emancipated" individual leams to look on the culture of origin with "detachment" and acquires "an intellectual bias"

(p.888). He suggests that the "culturai hybrid" (p.892) expenences the ccconflictof 'the divided self" (p.892) in looking back to the culture of origin and forward ta a new culture. "Disillusionment'' (p.892)' "embittered intelîectual life" @.892), "spiritual conflict and instability" (p.893) and "intensified self-consciousness, restlessness" (p.893) are the more-or-less permanent state of mind of those caught in this b'moral tumoil"

(p.893).

Stonequist's (1 937) "dual personality" is caught between two cultures and

"experiences the conflict as an acute penonal difficuity or mental tension" (p.4).

Stonequist uses the word "d&acinê' to describe this rootless individual who has "lost something of his former self and has not yet acquired a new and stable self' (p.6). This personality is "poised in psychological uncertainty between two (or more) social worlds"

@*8)-

Stonequist (1 937) also identifies three stages of awareness fkom being unconscious of marginal statu, to consciousness, and then to adjustment and coping with being "a divided self" (p.217). "Withdrawal", or the development of a "defense mechanism" (p. 15 1), or feelings ofinferiority leading to "excessive egocentrism" (p. 152) are al1 possible responses. Those who fail to cope with their situation rnay decline into

"dissipation, crime, suicide or psychosis" (p. 160). Some may take on "roles of adjustment or maladjustrnent" (p. 158) including becoming a "nationalist" (p. 159) in championing the sub-dominant culture, being an "intermediary (p. 175) between two culhues, or feignllig

"assimilation" (p. 184) by pretending to be part of the dominant culture.

With regard to the TOAs, the interviews focussed on each individual's sense of self as a professional adult educator. In their answers, most TOAs made it ebvious that they had not given much thought to their professionaiism, and in this way they reflected the Marginal Man type's initial '~mconsciousness"of status. As they became more

"conscious" of this issue by talking about it, they produced differing definitions of professionalism. Although most of them viewed themselves as behaving in a professional manner, they acknowledged that they did not have the rites of entry and passage of other professions. Also they agreed that they were not necessarily seen as professionals by others.

After joining the adult education department, many of the TOAs discovered a sense of fieedom in being able to do what was in the best interests of their students. This sense of emancipation mirros the expenence of the migrant as described by Park (1928).

Similady, many TOAs had apparently acquired an "intellectual bias" (Park, p.888) which caused them to become very cntical of the school board system. Although not al1 of them named their status as marginal, al1 were aware that their situation was different fiom that of the teachers of youth. However, there was Little sense that this awareness caused the

"disillusionment.. .. embittered intellechial Me. .. .moral turmoii" described by Park. There was little evidence that their selGesteem had been fhdamentally lowered by being in adult education. In fact, most exhibited a sense of pnde in their work and many spoke of intellectual stimulation and a re-awakening of values. As to the sense of being "a divided self' as descnbed by Stonequist (1 937), there was no sign that the TOAs felt caught between two cultures. The only individuals being pulled towards the system for children and youth were those who were looking for greater financial security. Since, as discussed earlier, adult education does not appear to meet the definition of a culture, there was no sense that the TOAs felt obligated to any particular sense of noms and values in that field, apart fiom a codtrnent to meet the needs of the students. The "conflict of loyaities" noted by Stonequist (p.69) was not apparently experienced by the TOAs.

In contrast to the "d&acine descnbed by Stonequist (1937), many TOAs appeared to be very rooted in the realities of the world in which their students lived. The

"psychological uncertainty" and instability noted by Stonequist was not evident in the comments of the interviewees. While it might be assurned that uncertainty about the fuhve of finding and would cause some sense of professional rootlessness, the TOAs seemed to be focussed on the need to provide stability for the needy adults in their classrooms, rather than agonizing over their own situation.

Stonequist (1937) leads us to believe that many in the position of the Marginal

Man type had great difficulty coping with the psychological stresses of their situations. It would appear that the TOAs adjusted much better. There was little evidence of the kind of siege mentaiity that Stonequist descnbes, nor did the TOAs manifest the "excessive egocentrism" (p. 15 1) which Stonequist describes as one way of coping with an inferiority cornplex. Of the three roles that Stonequist suggest, i e. nationaiist, intemediary or feigning assimilation into the dominant culture, it is the nationalist role that is probably closest to the response of the TOAs. There was much evidence that the interviewees felt the need to champion the disadvantaged adults with whom they worked.

Many TOAs had developed effective ways of responding to the various stressors in their work, fiom tallcing to the cat to running. While the Marginal Man type is ofien descnbed as being in a disadvantageous situation, most TOAs could see some positive aspects of being in adult education. One said: 'This is as good as it gets." Another had apparently found the answer to surviving al1 challenges in 'Vie advice of al1 the sages: endure,"

As we turn, finally, to address issues of philosophy, we can tease out fiom the writings of Park (1928) and Stonequist (1937) some sense of the philosophical underpinnings of the Marginal Man type. It can be assumed, for exarnple, that those who ieft a culture of origin voluntanly valued freedom of choice and movement. A desire for matenal wealth and improved statu apparently drives the Marginal Man to seek membership in a dominant culture, but failure to become aligned with a particular set of values and noms, results in state of "moral dichotomy" (Park, p.893).

Stonequist (193 7) suggests there may be "loss of direction, of being overwhelmed" (p. 139) with the realization of being caught between opposing sets of noms and values. "Personal relations and cultural forms which he had previously taken for granted suddenly become problematic. He does not know how to act" (Stonequist, p. 139). There is "ambivalence of attitude and sentimenty'(p.@6), with the result that: "At one moment he may aErm one point of view; at another he as positively voices an opposite opinion" (p. 147). In the end, many of the Marginal Man type are apparently fated to remain

"culturally adrift" (Stonequist, 1937, p. 179). Some may successfidly adjust to the situation, however, by becoming intemediaries and developing the ability '90 see life and its problems from another fundarnentally different standpoint" (p. 179). Stonequist concludes:

Those who maintain their personal integrity - the "1 am myself' attitude - do re-affm the rights of the personality in the face of extemal pressures, and so become pioneers and creative agents in that new social order which seems to evolve as nmower group loyalties give way to larger hurnan values. (p.209).

There is littie doubt that al1 of the TOAs possessed the kind of personal integrity referred to above. It was obvious that they believed in working hard, altruism, treating people equitably and valuing the whole peson. They had a dom-to-earth appreciation of the hardships endured by ordinary people, and understood that not al1 students could rise to the challenge of leaming. There was a sense of how they might be able to contribute to the Common Good by assisting the adults in their classrooms to becorne productive citizens, and in many cases a willingness to fight for the rights of those adults to receive equal treatment from the education system. There was little evidence that these TOAs were uncertain about their beliefs.

In order to make cornparisons with the Marginal Man type who apparently experienced considerable philosophical upheaval in adjusting (or not) to in-between status, the TOAs were questioned about changes in philosophy that might have occurred since they started to work with adults. It was apparent that most of them had a well- developed life stance before they entered adult education, perhaps because they were adults themselves, and none spoke of having to make radical changes. In fact, their beliefs had just been strengthened in certain areas such as cornmitment to lifelong leaming. Many appreciated the opportunity to put into practice some long-held beliefs about educational methodology which had been difficult to apply to young students because "teen-agers need to grow up for a while fmt." -

Awareness of Status

Like the Marginal Man type, al1 TOAs understood their location intuitively.

However, it was difficult for most of t'hem to represent their position graphically on a diagram of the school board system. A collage of the final responses showed that the rnajority placed themselves near to the boundary in a place that met the working definition of marginal. But when asked directly whether they would label themselves marginal, the TOAs had mixed reactions: four of the interviewees rejected the label of marginal outright; eleven indicated that they did feel marginal.

It is clear that, by labelling themselves marginal, the eleven TOAs were not positioning themselves between two cultures, as discussed earlier. Yet, even though they apparently did not see themselves as '%ultural hybrids" like the Marginal Man type, some might argue that they appear to be professional hybrids. For example, although the TOAs are ceaified as professionals to teach in an education system for youth, they are achially teaching adults. In a society where educators have a high profile, these TOAs are often invisible.

The effects of being a Marginal Man are presented as being traumatic. Like Park

(1928), Stonequist (193 7) make repeated references to shock, confusion and mental conflict at being "stigmatized as an ùifenor or made to feel unacceptable" (p.149). One

TOA, out of the eleven who thought they were marginal, did report that rnarginality resulted in "a constant, underlying, way down underlying feeling of insecurity," but for the most part, there were few signs of trauma arnong the others. Some felt sadness or disappointment at the way they were viewed, but there was also pnde in being able to make a difference. -

When the constnict of Marginal Man type was explained to the eleven TOAs who calied themselves marginal, only two felt they could relate to it. However, even these two felt that the other constmcts were more relevant to their status, and so we move on now to examine those.

From a review of the literature, we know that the proposition of a Marginal Man type was losing credibility by the middle of the twentieth cenhiry. During the 1960s and

1970s a considerable body of writing about marginality emerged, and this was synthesized into a construct presented in Chapter Three (see Figure 2 and Table 2) and named "marginality as a stage" for the purposes of this study. The work of Berger,

Musgrove and Willis exemplifies the thinking underlying this constmct, and we now examine whether it has any relevance to the status of the teachers of adults interviewed.

As before, there is no assumption that their situation is marginal as we discuss entry, relationships, experiences and responses, and awareness of status.

Entw

Berger (1969) argues that: ''The modern individual exists in a plurality of worlds, migrating back and forth between competing and often contradictory plausibility structures" (p.55). However, the argument goes, certain people at certain tirnes fmd thernselves more out of step with the majority. Their actions, views or circumstances cause them to "stand off to a degree that is discontinuously greater than the ones next in line" (Musgrove, p. 1977, p.7). They enter into a situation that is marginal to the mainstream, and the effects of this entry are described by Musgrove in the fbllowing way:

It is a change from a former position which was accepted as self-evident and normal, which was taken for granted, and presented itself as not in need of Meranalysis. Change to a marginal position brings into question three basic ingredients of reality: time typicality and preconstituted (recipe) knowledge. Marginal situations, at least, when first encountered, make time, types and recipes problematical. (p.7)

Musgrove (1 977) suggests that individuals may find themselves entering into the margins of society by misfortune, as in the case of people who acquire disabilities, or by choice, such as those who decide to join a commune, or rebel against society for a short time. Entry into a marginal situation may be sudden, as in the case of a traumatic loss of sight, or gradual, as in the case of the "conversion by contagion" (Musgrove, p.57) expenenced by some parsons.

Theorists subscribing to what we have called marginality as a stage describe a situation in which the majority of people in the so-called mainstream accept the statu quo, and do not even consider alternative lifestyles. However, Berger (1969) suggests that some individuals have "a belief that it is possible to liberate oneself to a considerable degree fiom the taken-for-granted assumptions of one's tirne" (p.33). For exarnple, the hippies in Willis' s (1978) study voluntari1y "turned their backs on the supposed material and cultural advantages of a middle class life-style" (p.7). Musgrove (1977) concludes that an artist stepping away fiom the mainstream views it as a positive move because The marginality he [sic] is about to embrace has no connotation of infenonty" (~3.68). Tuming now to consider the application of this constnict to the TOAs interviewed, we see that many of them entered into adult education after haWig taught youth, so in that sense their new work with adults was a step away fiom the m-e~ education system. There was little evidence, though, that they had made the switch as a result of trauma, the wish to make an ethical stance, or a changed opinion about education. Al1 the TOAs came to adult education voluntarily rather than by misfortune or because they were mandated to join.

Most interviewees admitted that entering adult education was a change in their lives. They appeared to have a different sense of time and alternative types of methodologies in cornparison to teachen of youth, and a cntical approach to knowledge and its acquisition. Many reported having to break away from they way they had taught previously. Others found that their preferred methods were more successfûl with adults than adolescents, suggesting they had already made some paradigm shifts before entering adult education. Like the artists in Musgrove's (1977) shidy, al1 the TOAs felt that they were making a positive rnove and entered their new roles with enthusiasm.

Relationship with the Centre and Others

Consideration of the relationship with the centre is crucial to the construct of marginality as a stage. Musgmve (1977) draws on various authorities to conclude that:

"Social positions stand close into, or Merremoved fiom society's 'centre' " (p.7) with those in the margins being seen as the furthest removed. Artists, for example, are "off- centre in a routinized, bureaucratie and industnalized world" (Musgrove, p.65). In discussing the ways in which members of the so-called mainstream view those whom they consider to be in the margins, Musgrove states that people who enter communes voluntarily are seen to have "opted out of status-bound social order and acquired the

stigma of the lowly" (p. 197). Musgrove examined the way seven groups responded to the centre and categorized them as convergers, quietists, utopians or separatists (see Table 1).

Willis (1978) concludes that what differentiates those at the centre from those in the margins is the degree of access to cultural items. The members of the dominant class, he suggests, "have greater tirne and money to develop their sensibilities, and they control the basic institutions which maintain the society, and the positions of their class within if'

(p.5). Willis points out that those who are outside the dominant culture often engage in

"unusual adaptations of the signifiers and rituals of conventional institutions, such as the

media and the church" (p.174) and gives as an example the bikers' use of churches to

stage fùnerals for gang members.

As we consider the situation of the TOAs in relation to the centre, we note again that there was no agreement among those inte~ewedas to who or what was at the centre of the school board system. In spite of this, al1 felt that they were perceived as being "on

the fringe" of the school board. Several of the TOAs hinted that there was manipulation

of power, staff and budgets by those at the centre for their own purposes, and this reflects

Willis's (1978) argument that the centre uses its better access to time and money in order

to control institutions. However, on the whole the TOAs seemed to be more ignored than

stigmatized, and there were no reported efforts to "resocialize" them to become more like

teachers of youth. When asked to describe the relationship with the centre, one

inte~eweesaid: "They wouldn' t know me if they ran over me with a truck."

As to Musgrove's (1977) categorizhg of groups according to their response to the

centre, there are elements of every category evident in the comments of the TOAs. Like "convergers," some inte~eweesdenied any differences between themselves and other professional staff. Most reflected the "quietist" view because they made it clear that they had "found a haven" in adult education. A few TOAs were vaguely ''utopian" in their belief that their work was setting an example for the mainstream school board, although efforts to lobby for change were rarely undertciken and usually unsuccessful. While none wanted to be "separatists" in the sense of wanting to move adult education away nom school board jurisdiction, many fitted that category to the extent that they felt that their work was "distinctive" and even "supenor" and they were happy to be apart from the so- called mainstream.

According to this construct, some may experience the "terror" (Berger, 1969, p.93) of being outside the mainstream institutions, and one blind person inte~ewedby

Musgrove (1977) reported: "It's like animals - if thereysone different, the others will shun him and tear him apart" (p.25). One solution according to Musgrove, drawing on the work of V.W. Turner, is that people form '%ommunitas" outside the mainstream where they can engage in a kind of "oneness with humanity" (p.8). This allows them to be more individudistic than if they had remained in the mainstream, but they can still, as

Berger observes, "huddle together with like-minded deviants" and avoid %e threat of cognitive collapse" (p.22).

Willis (1 978) concluded that "oppressed, subordinate or minority groups can have a hand in the construction of their own vibrant cultures" by engaging in what he called

''profane creativity" (p. 1). This form of creativity hvolved a "dialectical relationship"

(p.3) resulting frorn interaction with cultural items perceived to be the prerogative of the mainstream. For example the bikers built a cornmunit. around the symbolism and materialism of their bikes, and aàopted the work ethic and fimerai rites and music of the mainstrearn as it suited them. Similarly, the hippies selected clothing, hairstyies and

"pads" to symbolize their non-conformity, but at the same tirne reached agreement with drug squads who served as "control agents" (p. 114) in putting limits on their non- confonnity. These biken and hippies also had role models to provide heroes for what he named their "profane cultures."

in reviewing the stories of the TOAs interviewed, we see littie evidence of the kind of c'communitas" discovered by Berger, Musgrove and Willis. Apart fiom the threat of budget cuts, there is no evidence that the TOAs lived in the kind of terror facing some individuals who chose to live outside the mainstrearn, and perhaps this is the reason the

TOAs did not "huddle" together beyond enjoying collegiality at their own sites. The fact that there were no symbols or role models cornmon to al1 the interviewees strengthens the argument that TOAs had not fonned cultural groups like bikes or hippies. At the same tirne, "control agents" were very much in evidence in the adult programs described, in the form of Ministry regulations, contractual restrictions and budget limitations.

Exaeriencea and Remonses

In terms of the physical, one of the most graphic examples of an individual who has been forced into a marginal situation is that of the pregnant woman who, in some cultures, is physically separated fiom her community until the child is bom (Musgrove,

1977, p.8, building on the work of Mary Douglas). Unlike the temporary statu of the

pregnant, some people may fmd themselves pennanently confined in ghettos. Although

some are forced into those ghettos, Berger (1969) points out that others may form them voluntarily in order to build solidarity and be "a 'fellowship of saints' in a world rampant with devils" (p.22).

In considering time as a dimension of physicality, this wnstruct proposes that the experience of rnarginality causes individuals to alter the "tightly interlocking the-tables by which we live our lives and keep ourselves in line" (Musgrove, 1977, p.223).

Musgrove proposes that one of the characteristics of a marginal community is that "life is lived by a different tirnetable or clock" (p.7). Willis (1978) concurs and maintains:

Industrial society relies upon a careful consistent and sequential ordering of time. It is the dependable meamernent and control of time which is the spine of capitalist organization; it is the means by which it knows what it is doing, and the medium in which it extracts surplus value. @. 174)

Willis concludes: "The rejection of work by the hippies was in part a rejection of the whole time-fnme which made it meaningful and regulated its moving parts" (p. 174).

For many liminal comrnunities, the experience of rnarginality has obvious physical dimensions. Musgrove (1 977) discovered that, among the Sufi, "ritual cleansing before meditation signalled the sloughing off of one's former self' (p. 222). Willis

(1 978) argues that counter-culltures were formed from physical interaction with concrete,

material objects such as "provided, cheap commodities: the shit of capitalist production"

(p. 170). For example, in speaking of bikers, he explains:

The roughness and the intimidation of the motor-bike, the surprise of its fierce acceleration, the aggressive thumping of the unbaffled exhaust, matches and symbolized the masculine assertiveness, the rough camaraderie, the muscularity of language, of their style of social interaction. (p.53)

In considering the physical dimensions of the TOA experiences, we have seen that

the main issues are the physical location and physiological effects of the work. The buildings where the TOAs worked did not symbolize a break with the mainstream, as did the hippie pad or the Hare Krishna temple. The fümishings and ambiance in adult education facilities simply aimed to make the adult students feel at ease, with varying degrees of success. There is no sense that the TOAs were ghettoized, althoirgh many of them mentioned being isolated in less-than-ideal locations, one of which was "hotter than the hubs of ..." and considered unsuitable for youth. Paralleling the break in the conventional tirnetable noted under this constnict was the alteration in "regular" class times to accornmodate the needs of adult students.

The other physical dimension of being a TOA is the physiological, in other words appearance and body fùnctions. Unlike bikers, hippies and commune members, the

TOAs appeared to replicate mainstream standards of "professional" appearance in every way. Unless a little jogging cm be considered a sign of eccentricity, there was nothing about the appearance or behaviour of the TOAs that suggested they wanted to be viewed as marginal.

The ernotional dimension of marginality is inexorably linked with other dimensions. Ecstasy, for example, is commonly understood to engage more than just the emotions. Berger (1969) comments:

Both in practice and in theoretical thought, human life gains the greatest part of its richness fiom the capacity for ecstasy, by which I do not mean the alleged experiences of the mystic, but any experience of stepping outside the taken-for-granted reality of everyday life, any openness to the mystery that surrounds us on al1 sides. (p.94)

This "magic and spontaneity of life outside 'structure' " (Musgrove, 1977, p.209) was discovered in cornmunities such as the Hare Krishna. Musgrove discovered passion and eroticism in the way of life of the Hare Krishna and the Sufi, and notes that they remained unaffected by the ridicule, hostility and attempts to stigmatize initiated by the so-called mainstream community. But in contrast to the "highs" of marginality. Berger

(1969) also reminds us of the "terror of the margins9'(p.93) experienced by those who find themselves apart fiom the familiar rituals of the majority, and struggling to find new meaning in life. Berger remarks: 'There is really nothing very fwuiy about finding oneself stranded, alone, in a remote corner of a universe bereft of human meaning"

(p.38).

Musgrove (1 977) observed that those who had become marginal against their wishes, such as those who had become disfigured, were more likely to be distressed than those who chose to be marginal voluntady, such as artists. Musgrove discovered that, while artists expenenced loneliness and isolation, those penods of "superior apartness"

(p.83) were essential to their self-development.

In his study of hippies, Willis (1978) found that they sought emotional engagement as an escape fiorn the "techno-rational" (p.93) aspects of Western society.

Willis reports that the hippies felt akin to the "authenticity, directness and honesty" that

could only apparently be found among disadvantaged groups. Hippies in the San

Francisco area interacted with underprivileged "Amencan Indians" in order "to feed on

dense experience: to be with the smell of real human bodies before the dehurnanizing juggernaut of material society squashed out the real human juices" (p.93).

With respect to the experiences of TOAs. we have seen that, for many of them,

working with adults was an emotional roller-coaster with the highs and lows suggested by

the construct of rnarginality as a stage. Pleasure and satisfaction, anger and frustration,

laughter and tears were common responses to the situations faced in adult education. At the same time, there is little evidence that TOAs expenenced ecstasy in their work, either in the commonly understood sense, or in the academic sense suggested by Berger (1969), or that they had formed a community devoted to "the magic of spontaneity" (Musgrove,

1977, p.209). As well, there was no mention of what Berger named terror caused by being cut off fiom the mainstream. Although adult education was apart fkom the school board system for youth, these TOAs apparently considered themselves a part of it.

Since the TOAs had al1 joined adult education voluntarily, there was no sign that they experienced the kind of upset found in subjects who had been forced into the

margins by blindness and other disabilities. Nor did they deliberately seek out emotional

engagement with adult students as an escape, in the way that the hippies interviewed by

Wiliis (1978) did. There is more of a parallel between the TOAs and the artists in

Musgrove's (1977) study who seemed to enjoy being different from the mainstream and

even found the challenges exciting.

A psychological dimension is revealed as Musgrove (1977) talks of the "courage

and tenacity" (p.3 1) of homosexuals who have decided to corne out. Willis (1978) talks

of the "psychotic elernent" (p. 115) in hippie culture. Berger's (1969) discussion of the

ecstasy and terror of the margins, which was considered as an emotional dimension

above, contains many psychological aspects too. However, perhaps it is Musgrove who

is most open about placing hself in the emerging field of social psychology, when he

describes his research with seven particular communities as a study of "the modification

of consciousness in adult life through the expenence of marginality" (p. 1).

Musgrove's (1977) hypothesis was that six "props of modem consciousness"

(p. 12), developed fiom Berger's writings, would be "subverted by marginality" (p. 12). These were: "rationality, secularization, temporality and future planning, the sharp separation between the public and the private, and a comprehensive stock of reliabie recipe knowledge" (p. 11). Somewhat to his surprise, Musgrove was not able to prove that marginal statw automatically results in altered consciousness or "the dissolution of an established self" (p. 15). Nevertheless there were signifiant changes in the lives of five out of the seven groups and he concluded: 'nie consciousness of some of the people described in this book was profoundly modified: the relationship between the knowing and perceiving self and the surrounding society was greatly changed and new realities negotiated" (p.222).

In considering the experiences of the TOAs in light of Musgrove's (1977) six props of consciousness, it can be seen that the interviewees undenvent change in their sense of what was rational, their attitude toward time and füture planning and their recipe knowledge. For example, many were convinced that approaches to teaching and learning

espoused in adult education were more plausible than those found in school board

classrooms for youth, and several wished that the ways of aduit education could be

adopted as a new reality. As stated earlier, tirnetables were regularly adapted by TOAs,

and many had changed their plans for future career development because of their status in

adult education. Even those whose values and nomwere suited to working with adults

fond that they gained new knowledges and insights after entering adult education.

However, in spite of undergoing some behaviour modifications, the expenences

of the TOAs bear out Musgrove's (1 977) findings, in that there was Little evidence that

any of them had suffered an identity cc-isis because of their status. Most felt that their

sense of being a professional was unaffected by being in adult education, even though defining professionalism was difficult for them, and people outside the field sometimes questioned their status. Many spoke of a heightened sense of their own worth because of the "instant gratification" provided by positive feedback fkom adult students, and most suggested that the values and philosophies they had brought into the adult programs had been enhanced rather than changed.

And as we move on to consider the philosophical, we are told that a move into the margins is often û-iggered by what Kuhn (1970) termed a "paradigm shift." Musgrove

(1977) marks this as a time 'ivhen what was fonnerly taken for granteci, unremarkable, scarcely visible, becomes obtmsive and problematical, when old and well-worked distinctions and categories lose their usefulness and new typifications and definitions are brought into play" (p. 14).

The passage through the various phases of marginality can be regarded as a

"moral quest for one's real and authentic self' (Musgrove, 1977, p.224). Willis (1978) concludes that, for some, the quest may be more important than actually arriving at a new reality or re-aggregating to the old. In descnbing the world of the hippies, who want to just "be", Willis States: "A state of ontological insecurity was welcomed as liberation, and not feared as a disease: it set the mind fiee fiom the micro-dot of consciousness called

'normality'" (p.85).

Berger (1 969) supports the idea that what is "normal" is socially constructed. He maintains: "World views remain fïrmly anchored in subjective certainty to a degree that they are supported by consistent and continuou plausibility structures" (p.53). Berger concludes that people who develop a philosophy that is not shared by the dominant majority becorne a "cognitive minority" (p.8). He suggests that individuals who do not have the thuigs they believe and "know" vdidated by others can begin to experience self- doubt, while at the same tirne being forced into defending their rninority viewpoint. As a response to this situation, Berger suggests that people who find themselves "in the teeth of a cognitively antagonistic world" (p.22)must join with other kindred spmts for support and even to gain converts. In addition, "the countercommuniîy [sic] provides continuing therapy against the creeping doubt as to whether, derdl, one may be wrong and the majonty right" (p.22).

The TOAs al1 appeared to share a common philosophy around the importance of adult education for individuals as well as for the collective good of society. In some senses, this placed them in a "cognitive rninority" since they did not feel their views were shared by mainstrearn educators or society at large. However, in spite of having to defend their position against a "cognitively antagonistic world" (Berger, 1969, p.22), there is no evidence that the TOAs had joined with others in countercommunities. The networks in school board adult education were repartedly loose and informal.

None of the TOAs mentioned any self-doubt about the validity of their teachingfieaming approaches or their personal belief systems. It could not be said that the interviewees had undergone a paradigm shift since ente~gadult education, because so many reported that their work with adult students only strengthened and confirmed what they had already believed. There was no sense that the TOAs were on a moral quest for new meanings or that they were existing in a state of bbontologicalinsecurity" (Willis,

1978, p.85).

While they were firm in their beliefs, few of the interviewees made any attempt to

"'convert" mainstrearn educators to their way of uiinking about teaching and leaming. Few of them lobbied or took a cntical stance over the politic issues infonning the administration of adult education. In this regard, there appear to be parallels between the

TOAs and the hippie culture which caused Willis (1 978) to make the following observation: -

In many important ways, the culture was tragically limited precisely by an inability to push through to the politically radical - the only ground on which it could create conditions for its own long-term survival. (p. 127)

Awareness of Status

Most of the communities studied by Berger (1969), Musgrove (1977) and Willis

(1978) were very aware of their status. We are told that for some, such as the hippies, marginality was a welcome opportunity to express individuality. Others, who were

forced into marginality because of disability, did not view their situation in such a positive light.

There is recognition, under this constmct, that not al1 rnembers of the same group

react to marginality in the same way. Musgrove (1977) tells us that "the separate,

encapsulated worlds of the artists were far fkom unifom.... In some cases the sense of

persona1 detachment took hem to the brink of personal dissolution" (p.67). On the other

hand, Musgrove points out the routines and consistency in the Sufi and Hare Krishna

communities, and notes that there are ntuals and rules by which each devotee to the

community "manages and maintains the boundary between alternative realities" (p. 198).

In studying religious sects, Berger (1969) found that they chose to live in cults or

sects in "defiant cognitive deviance" as a response to increasing secularization in society.

He defines sects fiom a sociological perspective as being "a religious group that is

relatively small, in tension with the larger society and closed (one might Say 'balled up') against it, and makes very strong claims on the loyalty and solidarity of its members"

(p.22). Berger suggests that when people are not intemally motivated to live this ghetto- like existence, "only persecution or outside force can produce the social conditions necessary for the survival of the cognitive deviance" (p.22). -

While some marginal cults remove themselves fiom the mainstream, there are a number of suggestions under this constnict that interaction between the mainstream and those in the margins can have a positive effect. Willis (1978) argues that "profane cultures" take a hand in constructing their culture through concrete interaction with rnainstream artifacts, and he maintains that: "It is only real people at work on real objects in an uncertain world who achially produce new movements in style, consciousness and feeling - new arts in life" (p.1). He proclaims that hippies and bikers are examples of people who are viewed as " 'social problems' " by the agencies of the dominant culture, but in fact have "the essential, rare, irreverent gifi of profanity: creativity" (p. 170). Willis states: "They show us how easy it is to be a pirate when the rest of us Wear grey" (p. 175).

The only tragedy in their situation, he suggests, is that their lack of political action toward changing the mainstream society leaves them "on a shruiking isthrnus with no plan for changing the tides" (p. 178).

It may be recalled that eleven out of the fifteen TOAs interviewed accepted the label of marginal, and we can compare those with members of the groups studied by

Berger, Musgrove and Willis. There was no evidence that any of the eleven TOAs were facing the "personal dissolution" that Musgrove (1977) discovered among some artists.

Because they saw their marginality as voluntary, they obviously were not suffering in the same way as sorne of the infirm Cheshire House residents visited by Musgrove. The eleven TOAs had none of the hallmarks of the communes and sects presented under this constmct of marginality as a stage. There were no common symbols or clothes which visibly marked them as being different, like hippies. There was no evidence they had rituals to maintain boundaries, as did the Sufis and Hare Krishna. Althoughmost viewed themselves as professionals, these adult educators were not subject to the entry restrictions and written codes of conduct we associate with a "professional commune" such as lawyers.

When the eleven TOAs were asked about the causes of their marginality, they had little difficulty in identifying what separated them fkom other school board staff. Funding probably caused the biggest divide. Lack of understanding, by trustees and administrators, of the purpose, size and scope of adult education created barriers, and many TOAs felt that the fragmentation and "invisibility" of adult programs compounded the problem. There was a sense that barriers causing marginality would not be removed until society in general recognized that education should be open to adults and not just to youth.

When asked how they felt about being marginal, one or two of the eleven TOAs mentioned feeling fmstrated or insecure, but there was no sense that they were living in the kind of "defiant cognitive deviance" Berger (1969) noted among members of religious sects. Nevertheless, there was awareness among al1 TOAs, including the four who rejected the label of marginal, that their situation was different nom the situation of teachers of youth.

Many of the TOAs recorded the same kind of reaction to their status that

Musgrove (1977) had seen among artists, in that they spoke of enjoying being apart fiom the mainstream: "Well, it's nice to be unique; it's nice to be different." Most appreciated the freedom and fiexibility and the opportunities to be creative that their situation dforded them, even if not al1 of them named that situation as marginai. Just like the biken and hippies studied by Wiiiis (1978), it appeared that the TOAs wereable to manipulate the tools that had been provided by the mainstream society, and use them creatively to produce solutions for themselves and their adult students. However, as noted earlier, the TOAs also seemed to lack the political ambition which might have resulted in change to the mainstream system.

Although parallels with the construct of marginality as a stage have been pointed out in this chapter, none of the TOAs seemed to be able to relate theu work experiences to that construct, apart from one woman who spoke vaguely about how she and other women had experienced the 1960s and 1970s. However, there was considerable interest, from the self-identified marginal TOAs as well as fiom those who rejected the label of marginality, in the postmodernist construct which has been named marginality as myth.

This is an appropnate point, then, to move on to discuss the third constnict.

6.3.3. Manifestations of Mareinalitv as Mvth

It can be argued that this construct gives greater consideration to moral and

political issues than the fint two constnicts, which were more concerned with the psycho-

social dimensions of marginality. At the core of this third construcî is the belief that the

privileged and powefil have created the myth that their noms and values are the "best".

The theory is that this myth is perpetuated by persuading the majority that "Other", who subscribe to altemate values and noms, must be viewed as marginal. Perlman (1976) speaks of the power of the myth and tells us that:

A myth is merely a strongly organked and widespread ideology which, to use Karl Mannheim's definition, develops for the "collective unconscious" of a group or class and is rooted in a class-based interest in mallitaining the statu quo. It involves a belief system, a systemic distortion of reality reflected in this system, and a specific fiinction for those ideas in serving the interests of a specific group. (p.247)

Simply stated, the construct named marghality as myth argues that individuals are only marginal if they accept they are. Furthennore, by asking questions about who and what is perceived to be at the centre of society, marginality is gradually revealed as an invention of the privileged who want to retain their positions of power. The postmodernist position is that those perceived to be in the margins must resist being labelled marginal, expose the rnyth created by the privileged, and show the majority that there are alternative realities. The literahue indicates that this position has become stronger in the latter part of the twentieth century and can be seen in counterpoint to modemist theories of social psychology.

Analysis of the experiences of TOAs within a constnict which says that marginality is a myth is somewhat contentious. First, a postmodemist argument is that any discourse around marginality is fallacious, because it gives substance to a statu that should not even be acknowledged. Also, since the expenences descnbed by the TOAs were real and lived, a construct which fiames marginality as a myth may be incompatible.

If marginality is just a myth, what is the justification for discussing entry into it, relationships within it, experiences and awareness of marginality? One response is that it is not our purpose to decide the pros and cons of this constnict, but rather to give it equitable consideration in our search for manifestations of marpinaiity in the experiences

of TOAs. With this goal in mind, we will continue. Entrv

Underpinning this third constnict is the opinion that individuals only enter into

marginal statu if they accept the label of marginal. Marginality is viewed as an

undesirable state which should be resisted. The proposition that an individual might enter

the margins voluntarily is refited by a postmodernist argument that marginality is

imposed by the powemil upon those they want to keep powerless. In support of this,

Perlman (1 976) concludes that the "marginals" she studied did not choose their statu, but

were "actively marginalized by the [social] system and by public policy" (p. 195).

Perlman (1 976) notes that, historically, some individuals have been more

vulnerable to being labelled marginal than others. "These include the poor in general, the jobless, migrants, members of other subcultures, racial and ethnic minorities, and

deviants of any sort" (p.93). Perlman suggests that there are factors, such as place of

abode and full-time venus part-time empioyrnent, which cm affect whether an individual

is seen as marginal.

This raises the concem that perceprions that an individual is marginal are difficult

to counter, even if we agree that an individual cm resist feeling personally marginal.

Perlman (1 976) points out that the effects of being perceived marginal can bring a cruel

and debilibting reality to the existence of some. Perlman maintains that: "Ironically, the

rnyth of marginality is itself a red material force" (p.247). This force in society, which

causes the poor, weak and sick to be perceived as marginal, is evident every day on our

city streets, and for those individuals, the effects are certainly more real than myth. We can see this dilernma - whether marginality is real, or a myth which has real effects - echoed in the comments made by the TOAs, particularly in their answers to the fifth set of questions synthesized early in this chapter. We have noted that drawing their location on a diagram was challenging for most interviewees. Whereas most of them agreed that their situation fitted the working definition of being in the margins, only eleven of them were willing to accept the label of marginal for themselves. However, even arnong the four who rejected the label of marginal, there was common agreement that they were perceived as marginal by others.

There are no grounds for saying that the TOAs were as vulnerable to being labelled marginal as the POO^, sick, and other disadvantaged people. However, Perlman

(1 976) points out that location and employment status also influence the perception of marginality. With this in mind, we can see that teaching in a school that had been thought unfit for youth, or being forced to accept a part-time Form 3 contract rather than the full- time Form 1 contract held by "regular" teachers, might cause the TOAs to see themselves, and be seen, as being marginal.

While al1 the interviewees entered adult education voluntarily, it was clear that those who felt they had become marginal had not accepted that status willingly, and others were strongly resisting it. Key to their status was the relationship with those considered to be at the centre of school boards.

Relationshii, with the Centre and Others

The constnict of marginality as myth proposes that who and what is at the centre of a culture mut be questioned, particularly by those who are perceived to be marginal.

Ferguson (1990) argues that the centre of a society remains invisible in order to avoid being scmtinized too closely. Ferguson suggests that the centre "tries never to speak its own name" (p. 1 l), in order to avoid questions.

On the other hand, Lorde (1990) maintains that everyone's self-perception is infiuenced by awareness of a "mythical norm" b.36) at the centre of society against which we judge ourselves. She suggests that, in spite of ourselves, our view of our status in society is afTected by how closely we match the profile of "white, thin, male, Young, heterosexual, christian [sic] and fmancially secure" (p.282). At the root of this constnict is a cornmitment to opposing the perception that people who match the profile of the

"malestrearn" (West, 1990, p.19) are at the centre, and those who do not are marginal.

The people in the so-called marginal groups are often perceived to be in violation of the rules followed by the majonty. Perlman (1976) tells us that one official report on the favelas in Brazil reported that the inhabitants were, arnong other things, illiterate, promiscuous, diseased, cnminal aicoholics. Perlman found that these perceptions were untrue but contributed to the myth of marginality. In fact, her research showed that the people living in the favelas had "the aspirations of the bourgeoisie, the perseverance of pioneers and the values ofpa~iots. What they do not have is an opportunity to fulfïll their aspirationsy'(p.243).

Ferguson (1990) concludes that those at the centre make efforts to segregate the groups perceived to be marginal into an keasy isolation" (p.9) so that they are too fiagmented to present a unified challenge. At the sarne time, the creativity which characterizes those groups is mined and exploited for the benefit of "the jaded and restless mainstream" (p. 1 1). Many of the cornments of the TOAs support a postmodernist perspective of the centre. We have noted more than once that the TOAs had some difficulty in identifying who and what was at the centre of the school board. However they had no doubt that the philosophy and methodology which informecl the teaching of youth were aceepted as the norms of the school board. There were fiequent uses of the word "regular" to describe the prognims and schools for children and adolescents.

School board policies and practices had a real effect on the work of the TOAs.

However, reflecting a postmodemist view, sorne inte~eweesexpressed the opinion that those dominant policies and practices were developed by those in power to serve their own ends, and that approaches used with adults were more appropriate in a changing society. Several TOAs had a history of questioning school board policy which they intended to continue in their work as adult educators. One, who was a parent activist but new to adult education, expected change in the so-called norms of the school board if needed: "1 always question... well why? Like if they Say no ...why? Our response was... why not? Well that's not the rule. Well then let's change the rule, right?" Cornrnents such as this indicated that many TOAs were willing to deviate fiom the so-called mainstream norms, and in that sense they were deviants.

When asked about how they were perceived by those thought to be at the centre, many TOAs answered that they were not perceived at dl, or at Ieast not as professionais.

Others remarked that they were seen as defiant or "a thom in the flesh." It was clear, though, that there was no united effort to challenge these perceptions. Lobbyuig efforts were piecemeal and largely ineffective. Form 3 contracts that did not pay for meeting times and the dearth of professional development oppomuiities are examples of policies that prevented the TOAs from developing a united front. Once again this reflects a postmodemist argument that groups that do not conform to the maïnstream are deliberately kept fiagmented and isolated.

A critique under this constnict is that the so-called mainStream exploits the

creativity generated in the margins. There is no doubt that the TOAs were obliged to be

creative to get around some of the barriers put in their way, such as underfhding. They,

thernselves, appreciated the flexibility to design programs and structure classes in

innovative ways to suit the needs of their adult students, and several TOAs mentioned

that trustees and administrators were very happy to bask in the reflected glory when those

innovations came to the attention of the media. However, there is little evidence that

those perceived to be at the centre were at al1 interested in adopting the creative

approaches used by TOAs, nor that they were even prepared to acknowledge them.

Experiences and Remonses

In examining the other two constnxcts, we looked at what the theorists said about

the physical, emotiond, psychological and philosophical dimensions of the marginal

experience. Under the constnict of marginality as myth, this stnictured approach is

problematic, because of doubts raised about labelling certain experiences as marginal.

The approach we will take, then, is to discuss in a general way the expenences of being

perceived marginal, and ways in which the TOAs responded to those perceptions.

Freire has stated that those who are considered marginal, and thought to be

outside the mainstream, are actually inside the society but placed into a subordinate

situation where they become "beings for others" (1 970,p.61). This postmodernist stance

is echoed in the comments of Perlman (1976) who concludes: "The favelados are not marginal but in fact integrated into society, albeit in a marner detrimental to theV own interests" (p. 195).

In contnist, bell hooks (1990) argues that being considered marginal is not detrimental at dl. She rejects socalled marginal status as "a site of depnivation" (p.34 1) and names it as "a central location for the production of conter hegemonic discourse"

(p.341). This view that "marginals" can actually create their own centre is re-enforced by others. For exarnple, Gordon (1994) concluded that many women have "made their margins their centre" (p. 192) as a way of responding to the efforts of male-dominated cultures to relegate them to the margins.

Perlman (1 776) does not Say that the inhabitants of the fmelar responded directly to being perceived marginal. Instead, though, she reports that they responded to the situation in which they found themselves, regardiess of the way it was labelled by the so- called mainstrearn. There is no doubt that they had to find ways of coping with inequities such as inadequate services and lower paid work, but they seemed to busy themselves with those realities rather than challenging establishment labels. For exarnple, since they found themselves living in tlllfarniliar settings away fiom the countryside where most were raised, they responded by becoming "Weil-organized and cohesive" (p.242) in their own way. Presumably the fact that their organization did not reflect the ways favoured by the city-dwellers contributed to the perceptions that those in thefavelas were a disorganized rabble.

bell hooks (1990) maintains that king perceived as marginal provides oppominities for creativity as well as resistance: "It nourishes one's capacity to resist. It offers the possibility of radical perspectives from which to see and create, to imagine alternative, new worlds" (p.34 1). Aisenberg (1988) suggests that the cccountersystems~'

(p. 153) set up by women in male-domhated universities, in order to respond to perceptions of marginality, provide a focus for creativity and change in education systems that have been traditionally reluctant to embrace either. We see then, that being perceived as marginal has benefits for some as well as disadvantages.

This corresponds well to statements by the TOAs, who also reported benefits and disadvantages to their situation. One spoke positively of feeling "different, unique, special." Many relished the fieedom they had to design and implernent programs for specific students and situations. One reason why the leaders of school boards might view

TOAs as deviants was that they were less bound by the hierarchical reporting structures and professional protocols found in school board. Adult educators on a variety of contracts and with different kinds of credentials worked side by side to help adults leam.

Many held leadership roles without being compensated for it. We can speculate that

OSSTF had historically offered little help in achieving equity because that union also viewed adult educators as marginal.

However, we have seen that some of the TOAs rejected outright the label of marginal. Even those who accepted the label did not necessarily feel marginal, and one said: "1 feel as though 1 have a lot of authority in terms of what happens in my own classroom." Like the people in the favelas, the TOAs were very focussed on dealing with the realities of their situation, rather than worrying about the way their status might be labelled.

In spite of the greater scope and freedom expenenced by the TOAs, there is no doubt that these TOAs were constrained by being a part of the school board system. The fact that they were paid by the school board, occupied school board premises and were subject to school board jurisdiction puts that beyond question. hterestingiy, though, many interviewees wanted to put a mark on the diagram that placed them outside the boundary marking the school board. It can be speculated that role models such as Freire might have persuaded them to see themselves as "beings for others" inside the system, and perhaps the level of resistance to king assigned marginal status might have risen.

Awareness of Status

The constmct of marginality as myth suggests that people who are labelled as marginal are usually very aware of that label. However, the view that marginality is a myth is less widely held, and even those who recognize the virtual reality of it al1 often cannot or will not take the action that will expose the myth.

Those who recognize the myth, it is argued, face several factors that prevent their exposing and eliminating it. Perlman (1976) points out that the dominant majority are shielded from new realities by "perceptual screens, designed to help filter out evidence that contradicts convenient and comfortable belief systems" (p.246). She gives ethnocentrism and class bias as just two reasons why those in power will not help to remove the barriers which create marguis. Perlman concludes that those viewed as marginal also provide essential services to the dominant majority, by way of providing cheap labour, by being scapegoats for ail that ails society, and by serving as a market for goods rejected by the wealthy, who therefore have a vested interest in maintainhg the statu quo.

On the other hand, Perlman (1976) notes that whenever the numbers of so-called marginal peoples become so large that they become bothersome to the majority, then social agencies are charged with encouraging a retum to the dominant way of life. The characteristic way to handle the dread of the masses is to profess a desire to 'integrate' hem into the very system which is producing the social and econornic situation called

'marginal"' (p.92). Sometimes those in power pretend to recognize inequities, as in the

Ontario rnulticulturalism policies of the 1970s that encouraged ethnic minority groups to sing, dance and eat their way to equality. bel1 hooks (1990) names this as "a mask, an oppressive talk hiding the gaps" (p.343).

Perlman (1976) suggests that "rnarginality has been used in many debates as a smokescreen behind which old ideological battles - such as the nature of the social system, the process of modemization, or the implications of capitalism and imperialism - continue to be fought" 63.93). This constnict argues that these are the real issues behind the myth and Cardosa (1976) maintains that: "Until the inner structure of the myth is discovered, one remains trapped within the bonds of its ideology, which the myth affirms as if it were an absolute" (p.xi). McLaren (1 994) argues that those labelled marginal must "stare boldly and untlinchingly into history's grim visage" (p. 155) in order to banish the myth and take their rightfid place in society.

There is little doubt that al1 the TOAs were aware of being perceived as marginal, even the four who rejected the label. According to one interviewee, adult education was

"marginal in the view of the Ministry of Education and in the view of the board. 1 think that they would put us there." Many pointed to administrative policies and societal attitudes as the causes of these perceptions. However, there was no collective or individual will to challenge the central school board nomand show society at large that adult education offered worthwhile alternatives. Unlike other sectors in society, school board leaders had apparently not attempted to resocialize the TOAs in any overt way. According to the interviewees, they were more ignored than anything. It can certainly be argued that the "reguiai' education system had a vested interest in retaining the TOAs in their situation, because many of them contributed so much for so little matenal reward and recognition. On the other hand, there were subtle pressures to conform and work with youth. Some interviewees reported that teaching in "regular" schools was necessary for career development. Uncertain fùnding and little political will to support adult education meant that more than one TOA was planning to make that move, although it was evident that few of the participants would leave adult education if they could build secure, financially viable careers in the field.

Wehave seen that four TOAs rejected being penonally labelled as marginal.

These apparently did so because they felt very confident about their own value system and self-worth, although they agreed that they might be perceived as professionally marginal by others. Even these TOAs were not prepared to expose marginality as a myth.

No one expressed the postmodemist view that those faced with the label of marginality should seize the opportunity to resist and find creative alternatives. It was one of the

TOAs who accepted the label of marginality who commented: "It's aiways the man who refuses to walk the line that is later on said to be the leader and the creator."

It would appear that al1 of the TOAs felt that marginality was something real, not just myth, even if they did not accept the label of marginal for themselves. Perlman

(1976) sums up the situation in this way:

Marginality is both a rnyth and a description of social reality. As a myth it supports personal beliefs and social interests, and is anchored in people's minds by roots that will remain unshaken by any theoretical criticism. As a description of social reality, it concerns a set of specific problems that must be treated in an alternative theoretical way in order to be correctly understood. (p.242)

6.4 Conclusion

We have considered the experiences of TOAs within the theoretical constructs of the Marginal Man type, marginality as a stage, and marginality as myth. Some key features of the three constnicts were re-stated, and cornparisons were made with what the

TOAs had reported about their entry into adult education, their working relationships, experiences and responses, and their awareness of their situation and how they were perceived.

It cannot be said that the experiences of the TOAs fit exactly within any one construct of marginality. Some events in the working lives of the TOAs are in marked contrast to the situations faced by the Marginal Man type, the communes which contributed to the theory of marginality as a stage, and the fdados who illustrated the proposition of marginality as myth.

Nevertheless, it has been show that some of the characteristics of these three constnicts are clearly reflected in some of the expenences of some of the TOAs. In many instances, we have seen a high degree of correlation. There is sufficient evidence to conclude that there are manifestations of marginality in the experiences of the school board teachen of adults inte~ewedfor this study. 6.5. Chapter Summary

The goal of this chapter was to analyze the data gathered through the research process. We began by hearing how the TOAs themselves defined marginality, and their opinions on their own status. After that, we also analyzed their comments in relation to three constructs which have helped us to defme marginality. It was concluded that there are manifestations of marginality in the experiences of the TOAs.

However, this thesis does not end here. As stated in Chapter 1, the purpose of our study is to explore the statement that adult education is marginal and gain greater understanding of the status of practitioners. Identifying manifestations of marginality in the experiences of school board teachers of adults was a major step in achieving that purpose. The final stage is to review and synthesize what we have discovered about the status of those teachers, and report our conclusions in Chapter 7. CRAPTER 7

CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, REFLECTIONS

7.1. Introduction -

As stated in Chapter 1, the purpose of this study was twofold: fht, to explore the broad statement that adult education is marginal and, in particular, to gain a greater understanding of the status of adult educators practising within school boards. This final chapter will begin by offenng conclusions about marginality in the context of school board adult education, and also about the status of school board teachers of adults

(TOAs).The next part of the chapter suggests the implications of those conclusions for the development of theory, for the practice of school board adult education, and for society at large. Recommendations for policy development and for fûrther research are then presented, and vie end with a surnmary and some reflections on the study.

7.2. Conclusions about Marginality in the Context of School Board Adult Education

We began this thesis by quoting Clark (1958) who stated that: "Within adult education, both programs and educators are, in a word, marginal"@. 1). Clark came to this conclusion by studying programs for adults under school board jurisdiction, and concluding that conditions such as underfunclhg and lack of resources were evidence of marginality.

The conclusion reached in this study is that there are manifestations of marginality in the experiences of school board teachers of adults. This differs to a degree from Clark's (1 958) unequivocal statement. Parrish (1 985) was only one researcher who pointed out that Clark used the word marginal without Mly defining it Our research bas uncovered many interpretations of marginality, and so care has been taken to present a conclusion that is based on a carefully developed theoretical framework.

As well as the theoreticai defense, there is also a "common sense" Qgument that school board adult education programs examined in this study are strongly suggestive of situations which are customarily descnbed as marginal. Reflecting the working definition used throughout this study, we have demonstrated repeatedly that adult education is "marked off' (OED, 1994, p.368) fiom other school board programs. Adult

Education authorities speak fieely of the marginality of the field, and al1 of the school board teachers of adults (TOAs) interviewed conceded that they are perceived as marginal.

7.3. Conclusions About the Status of School Board Teachers of Adults

Many TOAs thought that being marginal was synonymous with being on the fkinge, expendable, isolated, alienated, ignored, unimportant, irrelevant, insignificant, dispossessed, borderline, children of a lesser god. By examining the comments of al1 the

TOAs in relation to three constructs of marginality, we were able to see that there were many parallels between their experiences as school board adult educators and the expenences of those who are viewed as marginal in society at large.

However, it must not be overlooked that, while most interviewees were willing to accept the label of marginal, four TOAs were emphatic in rejecting this label. These denials were based on the fact that they saw themselves as having worth, and they believed strongly in the benefits of adult education, in spite of how their work was . . perceived by others. The literature which infom the constnict of marginality as myth suggests that, by resisting labels and challenging perceptions, these TOAs create an opportunity to clear the "smokescreen" (Perlman, 1976) and throw light on the condition of adult educators who have ken labelled marginal. -

There are many conclusions about the statu of school board adult educators to be drawn fiom the literature, the background events and the inte~ewdata. There are two conclusions that demand particular attention. The fist is related to their status within the teaching profession. The second addresses their status within school board organizations.

7.3.1. School Board Adult Educators are Perceived to be in the Mareins of the Teachine Profession.

This study did not set out to examine the professional statu of school board teachers of adults, but a profile of that statu did emerge during the research. The conclusion is that adult educators are perceived to be in the margins of the teaching profession. This is a cornmentary on how they are viewed as practitioners, not on their state of mind, and four arguments can be presented in defence of this conclusion.

First, as explored in Chapter 6, the theoretical constructs used in this study have revealed dozens of sirnilarities between school board TOAs and those who are perceived to be in the margins of society. For example, both the Marginal Man type and the TOAs interviewed had to "break the cake of custom" (Park, 1927, p.885) when they entered their new status. Parallels have been drawn between TOAs and various conimunities studied Berger, Musgrove and Willis, such as artists who deliberately chose to work on the fnnges of what is considered mainstream, in order to gain fieedom to be creative. "The marginals" of Perlman's (1976) study suffered the effects of being perceived as outcasts in a way that is more extreme than, but not uniike, the expenences of TOAS.

In the second place, we see that school board teachers of adults have not been given equal recognition under the various provincial policies and legislation surnmarized in Chapter 2. For example, we leamed that contractual arrangements allowed full-time teachers of adults to be hired at an hourly rate without benefits or job security, and in working conditions that would be unacceptable to OSSTF for "regular" teachers of children and youth.

Thirdly, although the literature records the dedication, work ethics and humanism of TOAs, evidence is provided by adult education authorities that they are not held in the sarne regard as other educators. Dunng a personal communication in 1996, Hiemstra remarked that adult educators in general had "lost ground" in the fight for professional recognition. Draper (1993) referred to part-time continuhg education teachers as

"phantoms in the night" as far as school boards were concemed.

Lastly, the fifteen TOAs interviewed spoke of being perceived by othen to be in the margins of the teaching profession. Although definitions of professionalism varied, the point of agreement was that they were not perceived as professionals by society at large. A number used the diagram to show their professional location on the boundaries of the school board. The TOA who was asked to tend bar for "regular" teachers was deeply offended, and regarded that incident as evidence that he was perceived to be in the margins of the teaching profession. 73.2. Adult Educators are in the Margins of School Board Oinanizstions-

. An expected outcorne of the study, as noted in the introductory chapter, was

that the TOAs "would accept marginality as an appropnate descnptor for their stahis." In

fact, it was discovered that some of them rejected the label of marginal. Another

expectation that they would "readily identifi themselves as being on the boundaries of

the mainsûeam education system" proved to be more accurate, because even those who

denied feeling personally marginai agreed that others perceived them to be in the margins

of the school board.

That in itself is enough to justie the conclusion presented here, but Mer

evidence emerges when the status of school board teachers of adults is analyzed fiom an

organizational development perspective. Every effort was made to find a model of

organizational marginality early in the research process, but without success. Some

authorities such as Clark (1968) seemed to be offering a description of adult educators in

an organizational setting but, as previously argued, no clear theoretical fnunework was

used for analyzing their status.

An organizational development model usually lays out theories about what issues contribute to the development, or suppression, of human potential within an orgstnization,

and considers issues such as power, leadership and values. It is not intended to present

new theones of organizationai marginality here, because tbat is beyond the scope of the

present study. However, sifiing the data gathered through the research, has led the

researcher to conclude that there are five factors which place TOAs in the margins of

school boards: beliefs of stakeholders in society; power at the centre of the school board;

orientation of teachers of youth; orientation of teachers of adults; inadequate legisfation. a. The Beliefs of Stakebolders in Society

Present day organizational theories use the word stakeholder for individuals or groups of people who are outside an organization but "have a stake" in the operation and will be affected by its success or failure. The majority of people in Ontario; who are stakeholders in the education system, apparently believe that school boards should serve children and youth.

The cornments of the teachers of ad& interviewed include numerous references to the disinterest shown by the general public in their work. Many TOAs expressed sadness that adult prograrns were so little valued in the community. Others were hstrated that so few people seemed to understand that educating adults benefitted the whole society.

It is evident that society believes school boards should service youth, in preference to adults. It is argued that, if that belief were to change, then adult education might be recognized as central to achieving the goals of society, rather than a penpheral endeavour. b. Power at the Centre of the School Board

A study of an organization is, among other things, a study of power. Most TOAs implied that who, or what, represented power at that centre of their school boards was concealed, or at least unclear. They disagreed over whether administrators, trustees, caretakers or bus drivers held the power. There was no clarity around which noms and vdues were central to any school board, although the perception was that school board decisions are based on dollars and cents. In organizations, it is expected that decision-makers, whoever they are, will empower those who reflect prevailing values by providing them with recognition, resources and funds. According to their reports, the TOAs did not receive any of those.

It can be concluded that the education of adults is not valued and therefore ~otrewarded.

Like othen in society who find themselves powerless, TOAs fmd themselves relegated to the margins. c. The Orientation of "Remilarn Teachers

Teachers licensed to work with youth in the province of Ontario are trained in teachers' colleges to follow the direction provided by decision-makers at the centre of the school boards, who themselves follow society's wishes. These are the "regular" teachen referred to repeatedly by the TOAs, and they are bound under the Education Act to perform their duties in a ceriain way. Among the ranks of teachers, it is well understood that those who rise into administrative ranks are teachers who have demonstrated their willingness to conform.

This observation parallels the findings of Bailey's (1995) study referred to in

Chapter 3. Teachers who resisted mandated change felt marginalized. They withdrew behind their classroom doors and were treated unfavourably by principals and senior administrators. Other teachers also disagreed with policy did not resist because they were reluctant to jeopardize their careers. There is every reason to believe that the majority of

"regular" teachers remain oriented towards what they perceive to be the centre, with its focus on education youth. As long as "regular" teachers of youth are seen to represent this dominant view, then teachen of adults will be perceived as "irregular." d. The Orientation of Teachers of Adults

Most of the TOAs interviewed were clearly at odds with the dominant view of

Ontario society, implemented by the centre and "regular" teachets, over issues such as the goals of education and methodology. The TOAs seemed to operate under set of noms and values which set them apart nom the rest of the school board organization.

One example is their advocacy on behalf of disadvantaged adult students in opposition to the more commonly heard view that adults who dropped out do not deserve another chance. Beyond empathizing with individual adults, many viewed their work from a sociological perspective, and spoke of the cost to society in general if undereducated adults were not helped to support themselves. It appears that, rather than being oriented toward a centre which they did not apparently understand and which did not seem to understand them, the TOAs were oriented outward, toward community need. e. Inadeauate Legislation Governing School Board Adult Education

If we agree that government legislation reflects the wishes of the people, we see that there has historically been little comrnitrnent to school board adult education, as explained in Chapter 2. The inconsistency of policies at al1 levels of government illustrates the general ambivalence towards adults in schools. Furthermore, actions by the

Minister of Education and Training in November 1995 show discrimination against adult students, in this case by reducing fùndiag on the grouods of age.

Organizations are bound by legislation, but at the same time they can also use it for their own purposes. In the case of school boards, decision-rnakers have always been able to opt for "The Minimum the Law Requires" rather than "'AIL the Law Allows" as advocated by Thomas et al. (1979). While legislation continues to reinforce the belief that youth are more deserving of school board education than aduits, teachers of those

adults will be perceived to be in the margins of school boards, which according to our

working definition is on the boundaries and sepanite fiom the rest. As a result they will

saer fiom lack of recognition, resources and fiuiding. -

7.4. Impiicatioos

Having presented two major conclusions about the stahis of teachers of adults, we

will now examine the implications of those conclusions and other findings of the shidy .

Implications can be drawn for theory, for the practice of school board adult education,

and for society at large.

7.4.1. Im~licationsfor Theory

Two sets of theories have been in tension throughout this study: theones of

marginality and theories of education. Both have been equally fascinating, and have vied for attention. The conclusions proposed in this chapter have implications for both. a, Implications for Theories of Mawinalitv

Various theories of marginality have contxibuted to this study, notably those grounded in fields such as psychology, sociology, anthropology, theology and philosophy. However, while these frameworks have helped us to ven@ that there are manifestations of marginality in the experiences of school board teachers of adults, the implications of this study are that much work still needs to be done to develop and apply new theories.

For example, new theories of marpuiality rnight help hurnanity understand the global problems that plague us. So many ills in the world result fiom domination of one group over those who are perceived to be outcasts. Disputes over land, disease, deprivation and human rights often boil down to issues of inclusion and exclusion. There is a need to fmd explanations for why people discriminate against each other, even to the extent of so-called ethnic cleansing. Theones of marginality might provide another tool for peace-makers. -

From an organization development point of view, it seems timely to think differently about those who have always been considered to be eccentrics, because their actions and interests take them out of the so-called mainstream. The fmdings of the study have shown that location in the margins should not automatically be viewed as negative, because it can provide freedom to be creative and innovative. Judgmental theories, which suggest that those who much to a different dnunmer are undesirable, need to give way to more enlightened ideas about how to draw out the potential of divergent thinken.

b. Implications for Theories of Education

The implications of this study are that the approaches espoused by school board adult educators need to be taken into account in developing new theories of education.

The implications of not developing new theories of education are obvious in the present breakdown of the Ontario education system, evident in the events described in Chapter 2.

The belief that school boards exist only for the teaching of youth has been dominant since the industrial age. This researcher is convinced, like others (e.g.,

Perelman, 1992; Davis and Botkin, 1994; Shuttleworth, 1993), that confoxmity to that

industrial-based paradigm has resulted in a reproductionist education system delivered by

assembly-line schooling to produce assembly-line workers. There is evidence that TOAs are modelling methods which are more suited to the so-called Monnation Age and

Knowledge Em

Society requires an education system that is responsive to present and future challenges, but the industrial mode1 of schooling with its unionized teaching staff and powerful central administrations is failing to address those challenges. Cornmitment to

lifelong leaming is an exarnple of a philosophy which adult educators, in particular, have always hoped would be the basis for more inclusive, more visionary methodologies. If

serious consideration were given to developing theories of education based on the

assumption that opportunities to learn will be accessed at different times and in different

ways by people of al1 ages and background, that would surely result in an education

system which would be more responsive to cornmunity need.

7.4.2. Implications for the Practice of School Board Adult Education

Although this small study involving only fifteen school board teachea of adults

cannot be used to generalize across every school board, nevertheless the findings do help

to throw light on the issues faced by practitioners in the field. The conclusion that school

board teachers of adults are in the margins of the teaching profession, as weli as in the

organizational margins, has both short-term and long-term implications.

In the short terni, it would appear that the adult educatoa themselves will have to

bear a large part of the burden of helping adults learn, even though a lobby group of adult

students has formed in large metropolitan areas during the late 1990s. Policy decisions

in the province of Ontario certainly indicate that there is little political will to support

adult education in school boards. The implication is that school board adult educators will have to continue to champion prognuns for adult students in the face of opposition fiom govemment, large segments of the general population, and other educators.

The long-term implications are not promising for the practice of adult education in Ontario school boards. There are no indications that attitudes towards the teaching of adults will become more positive. The TOAs interviewed felt passionately about the social benefits of their work, and we have seen that teachers of adults who have the fieedom to create progmms have achieved remarkable results. But unless attention is drawn to the skills and achievements of school board adult educators, the pnce of professional fieedom will remain professional disregard.

There are undesirable effects resulting fiom this disregard: less access to funding, support services, tesources and professional development than teachers of children and youth. The TOAs talked about feelings of fiustration over policy decision, concem about job security and career development, and sadness and anger that their work was not appreciated. Common sense tells us that there is a drain on individuals who have to work longer hours with less support in order to deliver the programs demanded by adult students, and this obviously affects the students too in the long run.

School board adult educators who lack professional development opportunities, and the tools to do the job, may well lose the co&tment, focus and energy to carry on the work. Faced with the ambivalence in society toward helping adults lem, it would seem that the practitioners need to gain greater political and economic suppoa. As some of the TOAs argued, it seems that practitioners must help thernselves. It does not appear that any one else will. 7.43. Implications for Societv

This indifference, even opposition to school board adult education is pding, since there are clearly so many benefits. As we have heard repeatedly, an investment in an adult student can help that individual to achieve personal growth, become a contributing rnember of society, and avoid being a drain on the social safety net. nie loss to Ontario society if large numbers of undereducated adults are not able to access the education and training they want and need is probably incalculable.

Studies such as that of the Ontario Premier's Council on Econornic Renewal

(1995) have shown that the better-educated segment of the population has greater financial stability based on greater job secunty. In contrast, those who lack the skills to provide for themselves financially often become dependent on provincially-funded services, rather than contributing to the tax base. nie ioss in human terms may be even greater. We have heard fiom the TOAs that increased self-esteem is just one example of the benefits of adult education which go far beyond being able to read, write and add up a little better.

There are daily calls for Ontario to compete in the global economy. Yet, the connection is not apparently being made between economic prosperity and teaching adults new skills. There are also regular outcnes against the weak academic ability of children. Yet, the importance of having literate, numerate parents in the home seems to be overlooked. With the fùture depending so much on alternative ways of learning and working, it is remarkable bat school boards are not developing stra~egiesfor helping children and adults learn together, for their own good as weli as for the good of society. 7.5. Recommendations

While conclusions have been drawn and implications noted, this thesis wodd be incomplete without offe~grecornmendations for addressing the various issues raised during the research. The need for fûture research and policy development has emerged.

Recommendations for both are presented here, based on the fmdings of the study.

7.5.1. Recommendmitions for Future Research

It is recomrnended that research on the following should be undertaken in the fuhue:

The Nature of Marginality:

It is clear fiom this study that we have much to leam about the concept of what we comrnonly cal1 marginality. Marginality is clearly linked with disadvantage and inequity in ways which are not fully understood. It is suggested that the more we investigate the nature of marginality, the greater will be the likelihood that we will find the path to equality.

0 Effects on Employees Perceived to be Marginal to Organization

This study was about one particular class of employees in the setting of school board organizations, but there are other classes of employees in other organizations who also have to deal with perceptions of marginality. We have heard marginaiity descnbed as a

location where creativity and resistance grow. Further examination of this would no doubt help organizational leaders understand how to foster that creativity and minimize

the resistance. International Models of Adult Education

We have spent considerable time investigating the status of school board adult educators.

In Ontario, school boards have taken responsibility for teaching adults, but there are questions about whether schools can properly service adults. Although adults themselves are reported to prefer local schools to continue their education, it is possible that there are other delivery models that are more appropriate and successful. It is important to continue research into program provision in countries where adult education is well developed, as well as into the issues being faced by emerging countries.

How Adults Learn in School Board Settings

We have noted several times that adult students have been absent fiom this study. We have discussed what might be best for thern, but we have not asked them their opinions.

Studies of how adults lem have been conducted in the past. It is suggested that further studies of the way they learn specifically in the school boards would be very usefil.

The Rights of Adults to Access Education

When fhding for adult credit courses was cut in 1995, there were few protests fiom the general public about ageism or discrimination. Students have now begun to protest the

Ioss of prograrns (Shephard, Apnl6, 1998, The Toronto Star), but there seems to be no collective consciousness about the wrongs that have been done to adults in favour of youth. Greater understanding of the rights to an education will be useful to adult students and educators in planning their advocacy, and in persuading central decision-makers to treat al1 leamers equally.

Cost to Society Related to Adult Education -

Throughout this thesis, we have taîked in general terms about the costs to society of educating adults. It is suggested that the costs of not educating them needs to be carefiilly studied too. We might begin with a statement by Ghosh (1991): "The cost of illiteracy to society is $10.7 billion annually, but the personal cost in terms of marginalization in society and powerlessness because of the inability to communkate, participate and produce effectively cannot be calculated" (p.305).

Impact of Adult Education on Employability

Davis and Botkin (1994) speak of "L'Earning Power" in a play on words that neatly conveys the connection between leaming and the increased ability to eam a living.

However, actions of the Ontario provincial govement, such as the elimination of the

Ontario Training and Adjustment Board (OTAB)in 1996, indicate a lack of understanding of this connection. It seems that even more proof is needed that better educated people have better employment opportunities, so the research must continue.

Effects on Teachers Who Move From Teaching Adults to Adolescents

According to the TOAs, considerable stress was expenenced by teachers of adults who had transferred from teaching adolescents and then, due to cutbacks, had to remto adolescent schools. Understanding the issues faced by those teachers would contribute to our understanding of the differences between teaching ad& and adolescents, and show ways in which we rnight assist teachers making the transition.

The Needs of Administrators of School Board Adult Education Deparhneats

Adult education is nunoured to be a place where school board administrators go to retire.

As we have heard, though, administrators of school board adult programs need to have a wide range of skills. No formal training is provided for principals who move from adolescent schools to departrnents for adults, although the Ontario Association of Adult and Continuing Education School Board Administrators (CESBA) has provided a forum for administrators to help each other. There is a need for research into the demands on adrninistrators of school board adult programs, in order to help them become more effective.

Equity Issues in Adult Education

There were many equity issues that surfaced during the course of this research, but it was outside the scope of the study to address them in depth. Of course, the inequities experienced by those perceived marginal, particularly TOAs in the margins of their profession and school board organizations, were studied at length. However, there are strong indications that issues of gender, race, ethnicity and so on need Merattention, in order to discover and resolve other inequities in the development and delivery of adult education programs. 7.5.2. Recommendations for Policv Development

It is recomrnended that policy be developed by the appropriate decision-makers in the following areas: a School Board Jurisdiction Over Adult Education -

A review of the policy documents has shown us that there has always been lack of cl* around who is responsible for the continuhg education of adults. School board involvement in adult programs has been pariicularly unclear since much of the policy applies to children and youth. It is recommended that a thorough review of adult education be undertaken in order to determine school board jurisdiction.

a Equitable Funding for School Board Adult Education

Funding is not equitable. We have argued that the cause of the inequity is that the education of youth is perceived to be more important than adult education. There is ample evidence, however, that an investment in helping adults lemis very worthwhile.

An earlier recornmendation was that research be conducted into costs related to school

board adult education. It is now recommended that the findings of such research be used

to develop fùnding formulae that do not discriminate on the grounds of age.

Strategies for Lifelong Learning

It has been argued that a philosophy based on lifelong leaming is more progressive.

However, the education system in Ontario and elsewhere persists in focussing on the

education of youth and children. The methodologies in use are those developed for the industrial age. It is tirne for new approaches to be developed, based on policies which recognize that leaming is a life-long need.

Recognition of School Board Adult Education as a Field of Study and Praclce

We have seen that many of the barriers facing adult education in a school board setting exist because of doubts about its validity. In order to rectify perceptions that adult education has less worth than the education of children and youth, it is necessary to legitimize the field. There is a need for policies which give adult educators equal statu with other educators, and which ensure that programs, research and other activities are equitably fùnded.

Admission Into School Board Adult Education Programs

Cntena for entry into adult education programs Vary, largely due to the differing demands of the progra.cn fùnders, which in tum reflect the state of the economy. Admission policies have differed fiom school board to school board, adding to the sense of uncertainty about programs and sometimes suspicion by administrators and trustees. At least one TOA suggested that adults are often admitted inappropriately, as in the case of university graduates fiorn countries outside Canada being enrolled in fiee secondary credit courses. At the sarne time adult programs, such as literacy and Adult Basic

Education, have been cancelled either becaw of small enrolment and weak hding, or

because of lack of cornmitment by the program deliverers. It is recognized that efforts to

set new guidelines might result in niles which are restrictive and exclusionary, nevertheless it is recommended htadmission to adult education does need to be

addressed at a policy level.

Status of Adult Educators Within the Ontario College of Teache~-

We have been pre-occupied with the status of school board teachers of adults throughout

this study. There is little evidence that the newly fomed Ontario College of Teachers

shares our concem. Publications issued by the College have virtually ignored the fact that many of their fee-paying members are working on the shop floor of real factones and

not in factory schools. However, the College is still in its infancy and it is to be hoped

that the leadership will corne to understand that not dl teachers work with children. To

that end, it is strongly recornrnended that a department be set up within the College to

address the particular needs of teachers of adults.

Professional Preparation of Teachers of Adults

The new College of Teachers will be deeply involved in matters of teacher training. We

have heard from many sources that preparation to teach adults has been greatly lacking in

the university Faculties of Education which have had responsibility for teacher training in

the latter part of the twentieth century. There are moves to extend the one year teacher

training program in Ontario to two years. Given that most teachers will encounter adults

in their schools and many will move on to teach adults only, it is imperative that their

training program include instruction in adult education. It is highly recommended that

the College of Teachers and the Faculties of Education consult with adult educators to design pre-service and in-service programs that will champion the highest professional standards among teachen of adults.

Professional Standing Within the Teaching Federations, e.g. OSSTF

We have heard criticism that professional organizations such as the Ontario Secondary

School Teachers Federation has, histoncally, paid little attention to school board adult educators. Only after the severe cutbacks in 1995 did the federation produce materials showing support for teachers of adults and arguing that ccAdultEducation is Common

Sense." The contractual status of teachers of adults has apparently been of little concem to OSSTF, and they have show no concem at al1 for the plight of instructors, who often act as professional teachers in evev way except that they do not have Ontano Teaching

Certificates and pay federation dues. It is recommended that OSSTF strengthen its involvement in issues concerning teachers of adults with the goal of ensuring that those who work with adults receive recognition within the teaching profession.

7.6 Thesis Summary

We have now completed the five stages of the research process as promised in

Chapter 1. We began by establishing a context for the study by describing school board adult education programs, policies and events. Next the literature was reviewed to identify theoretical constructs of marginality and draw out research questions. Thirdly, those questions were used as a protocol for inte~ewingschool board teachers of adults.

Fourthly, al1 the research data were analyzed using the theoretical fiamework, in order to look for manifestations of marginaiity. Finally, based on the findings, conclusions were drawn about the status of the teachers of adults in school board organizations.

The conclusions drawn were that there are manifestations of marginality in the expenences of school board teachers of adults. Furtherrnore, it is concluded that adult educators are in the margins of the teaching profession and the margins of school board organizations. Implications of these conclusions, and recommendations for research and policy development have been offered to round out this final chapter.

We were not able to conclude that school board teachers of adults live in ecstasy.

Nor do they live in terror. However, since it was concluded that there are manifestations of marginality in their experiences and we can infer that those expenences lie somewhere along the continuum between ecstasy and terror.

7.7 Final Reflections

The research process is now complete, and it must be acknowledged that it was not without flaws. Arguments presented have sometirnes been convoluted because of the difficulty of wrestling with unclear concepts of marginality. It might have been wiser to consider one constnict of marginality, instead of three, sacnficing the richness and depth of the discussion in favour of brevity. In addition, attempts to separate experiences and responses of the TOAs into physical, emotional, psychological, and philosophical dimensions proved somewhat artifid.

However, there were aspects of the research whkh were very rewarding. It was extremely enjoyable listening to the teachers of adults, even though some of their stories were harrowing. Their cornrnents and ideas will long be remembered. Recording the policy developments in adult education "as they happenecl" in 1996 and 1997 was energizing, even if the policies themselves were discouraging. Delving into the fiterature of marginality was stimulating and the writings that were discûvered will be re-read many tirnes in the future. -

There is a wrought iron arch over the Queen Street bridge which spans the Don

River in Toronto. It announces: This river 1 step in is not the river 1 stand in." The

message behind these words is that once a person follows a particular course of action,

things can never be the same again. This researcher undertook a course of action which

has resulted in completion of this doctoral thesis. The experience has changed her in

more ways than can be imagined. Things will never be the same for her again. She hopes

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ABE Adult Basic Education - ALSBO Association of Large School Boards in Ontario AQ Additional Qualification course for teachers CAAT College of Arts and Technology CESBA Ontario Assoc. for Continuing Education School Board Administrators CJS Canadian Job Strategies CLFDB Canadian Labour Force Development Board ESL English as a Second Language ETRG Education and Training Reference Group of OTAB (see) GED General Education Development (Diplorna) HRDC Human Resources Development Canada LINC Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada MET Ontario Ministry of Education and Training MW Multicultural Workplace Program NDP New Democratic Party OACE Ontario Association for Continuing Education OBSW Ontario Basic Skills in the Workplace OCAE Ontario Council of AduIt Educators OCETO Ontario Council of Education and Training Organizations OISE Ontario Institute for Studies in EducationNniversity of Toronto OLC Ontario Literacy Council 0S:IS Ontario Schools: Intennediate and Senior Guideline OSSD Ontario Secondary School Diploma OSSTF Ontario Secondary School Teachers Federation OTAB Ontario Training and Adjustrnent Board OTC Ontario Teaching Certificate OTF Ontario Teachers Federation PC Progressive Consewative PLA Pnor Learning Assessrnent SPC Statistical Process Control TOEFL Test of English as a Second Language TQM Total Quality Management WIWEBS WorkplacelWork force Equity and Basic Skills Appendix B

Letter of Informed Consent - The purpose of this letter is to provide information about my study of teachers of adults, and to request your written consent to be a participant. This research will be the basis for my doctoral dissertation in the Department of Adult Education, Ontario lnstitute for Studies in Education /University of Toronto.

The marginality of adult education has been documented in the literature over the years. However, marginality is a very complex concept and its definition changes fiom situation to situation. This study will gather information hmteachers employed by Ontario school boards to teach adults, in order to understand theù &y-to-day work and responsibilities, and to fhd out whether their experiences fit any of the theones of marginality .

Data will be gathered through personal interviews conducted with individual teachers. Although there are some prepared questions, it is expected that each conversation will take a different direction, depending on the issues raised by the participant. With permission, each interview will be tape recorded to assist with analysis.

Your interview will last for approxirnately one hour and will be conducted privately, off school board premises, at a theand a place which is convenient for you. At any time during the interview you are fiee to terminate your involvement with the study. Al1 of the information you provide will be kept confidentid, apart fiom my own records which will be shared only with my thesis supervisor. The data will be kept in a locked filing cabinet and destroyed at the end of the study. No individuals will be identified by aame in the final report, and any details which might cause you to be recognized will be altered. This research has been approved by an Ethical Review Cornmittee, and you need have no concem about participating.

It is expected that this research will help us to understand the status of teachers of adults in relation to the Ontario education system. It is hoped that the findings will help to inform decisions about the future of adult education in Ontario, and your assistance in this study is greatly appreciated.

In order to indicate your informed consent to participate voluntanly in this study, please sign and date one copy of this letter, and return it to me before your interview.

Participant's Name

Signaîure - Date Appendix C

Confidential Participant Information Form

Interview # Date of Interview

Time of Interview Location

-

Narne

Address

Home Tel: e-mail

Age Group: Under 30 30 - 39 40 - 49 50 - 59 Over 59

Gender: Fernale Male

Other Information Volunteered (e.g. race/ethnicity/disabiIity/familycircumstances)

Ontario Teaching Certificate (OTC)? Yes No

Tcaching Adult Credit Courses? Yes No

Full Tirne School Board Employee (more than A)? Yes

Present School Board

Total Years Employed by Present School Board

Years Teaching Adults with Present School Board

Total Years Teaching Adults in Various Locations

Total Years of Teaching Career (Adults and Children)

Education

Work Other Than Teaching Appendix D

Interview Protocol

Introductions and Preamble: Questions about present situation: P.i Are you a Ml-time school board employee, teaching credit programs to adults? -

P.ii Tell me about your teaching at present (subjects, location, students, etc.)

P.iii What are your roles and responsibilities?

P.iv What is the departmental structure and to whom do you report?

Q.I. Questions regarding the circumstaoces surrounding enhy into teaching in school board adult education:

What led you to teach adults in the school board setting?

Was your enûy into school board adult education voluntary, or mandated by administrators?

What preparation or training to teûch adults did you have ahead of time?

What were your expectations for your new role?

To what extent did you view your new position in adult education as a chance to make changes in the central school board system?

What do you recall about your first day working with adult students in the school board setting?

4.2 Questions regarding relationships with others:

Who is at the centre of the school board system, and what are their values and noms?

What are some events, circumstances, policies or procedures that illustrate your relationship with the centre?

How do you think you are perceived by those at the centre?

How would you describe your relationship with teachers of children and adolescents? (Appendix D: Interview Protocol, cont.. .) -2-

2.v What kind of interactions do you have with other teachers of adults?

2.vi What interactions do you have with outside stakeholders? E.g., business, community groups, govemment etc.

2.vii Who are your role models?

2.viii Can you think of a symbol or metaphor for adult education?

4.3. Questions about the experience of being a school board teacher of adults: (PsychologicaI, emotional, physical and philosophical experiences will be questioned. Although it may be difticult to separate them, the focus here is on experiences not responses to the experiences, seeking description rather than analysis.)

Physical: Tell me about the location where you teach, the leaming environment, whether you move around, etc.

Emotional: What emotional experiences have you had teaching adults? E.g. incidents that caused laughter, sadness, anger, etc.

Psychological: Describe your sense of yourself as a professional adult educator.

Philosophy: What experiences of teaching adults fit comfortably with your philosophy of life or belief system, and what experiences have been at odds with it?

Are there any other experiences related to your role and responsibilities for the school board that you would like to discuss?

Q. 4. Questions about the response to experiences: (Physical, emotional, psychological and philosophical responses, as evidenced by changes)

4.i What has been your physical response to your experiences as a school board teacher of adults? E.g., adaptation to the environment; changes in your travel patterns, exercise, eating habits, sleeping, general health. (Appendix D: Interview Protocol, cont.. .) -3-

4.ii What is your emotionai response to being a school board teacher of adults? E.g., increased or decreased happiness, anger, fnistration, excitement. - 4.iii What is your psychological response to your teaching situation? E.g. How do you manage the demands upon you?

4.iv What changes in your philosophy or belief system have occurred since you have been a school board teacher of adults? E.g. changes in what you value in your own teaching and leaming; different opinion of the education system; paradigm shifts.

4.v In what other ways have you responded to your situation?

Q.5. Questions regarding marginaüty:

5.i Using the diagram (attached) where would you locate yourself ?

5.ii How would you describe this location?

5.iii In what ways does your description of your location correspond to the defînition of marginal, i.e. in the margins of the board of education jwisdiction in "that part of the surface which lies immediately within its boundary, especially when in some way marked off or distinguished fiom the rest of the surface" (See definition on page 10 of this Introduction).

5. iv What synonyms would you use for marginal?

5.v Do you agree that your status as a teacher of adults is marginal? If no: Proceed to 5.v If yes: Y.i What are the causes of your marginality? Y.ii How does it feel to be marginal? Y.iii I have identifieci 3 constructs of marginality: marginal man as a condition with a type; marginality as a stage; marginality as myth. Havhg heard these descnbed, do you thithat any or ail of them reflect your situation? (Appendix D: InteMew Protocol, cont.. .) 4

5.vi Do others perceive you as marginal? Explain, whether yes or no.

5.vii Would you like to change your statu? If so, how? If not, why not?

5.viii What comrnents wouid you make to authonties who speak of the margindity of adult education?

Exit Questions:

E. i What are your future plans?

E. ii What other comments do you have about school board adult education programs?

E. iii What questions do you have about this inte~ewor the study in general?

Researcher Cornments Diamm of School Board