Personal Identification: Theory and Applications the Case Study Approach

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SECTION I

Personal Identification: Theory and Applications The Case Study Approach

n the summer of 1990, four male friends entered an abandoned farmhouse in Iowa, but Ionly three emerged alive. While one stood watch outside, two of the men shot their friend multiple times and threw his body into a well behind the farmhouse. It remained there until it was recovered nearly a decade later. Could the last moments of his life be interpreted from his mangled bones? In another part of the Midwest, an incomplete, disarticulated female skeleton was found scattered along a riverbank. Two women of the same age, height, and ancestry were missing from the area. How could experts determine whether the handful of bones belonged to one woman or the other? Could this also be a case of foul play? No matter in what morose scenario unknown human remains are recovered, every jurisdiction in the United States has statutes requiring a medicolegal investigation of the identity of the individual and the circumstances of his or her death. By virtue of their expertise in skeletal biology, forensic anthropologists may be called upon by law enforcement agencies, coroners, medical examiners, and forensic pathologists to assist in the recovery of human remains, conduct skeletal analyses for the purposes of identification, describe the nature and extent of skeletal trauma, and potentially provide expert testimony in a court of law. Forensic anthropological services are typically requested when human remains are decomposed, burnt, fragmentary, cremated, dismembered, fully skele- tonized, or otherwise unidentifiable by visual means. Scenarios in which a forensic anthropologist may consult include burials, structural fires, explosions such as the Oklahoma City bombing, mass graves, commercial and clandestine cremations, and mass fatality incidents. The most recent examples of large-scale forensic anthropological involvement are the recovery of victims of Hurricane Katrina and the identification of victims killed in the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (see Chapter 23). Increasingly, forensic anthropologists are also expanding their purview beyond the local landscape and working around the globe to identify soldiers missing in action and the victims of wars, human rights atrocities, and mass disasters, such as the Asian tsunami of 2004. Forensic anthropology is best defined as the application of anthropological and skeletal biological principles to medicolegal issues. The term medicolegal refers to the capability of medical science to shed light on legal matters, such as the identity of the deceased and the circumstances of death (Fisher 2003). Skeletal biology is the study of the human skeleton M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 2

2 PERSONAL IDENTIFICATION: THEORY AND APPLICATIONS

and encompasses several subdisciplines, including forensic anthropology and bioarchaeology, the study of past population behavior, health, and disease. Bioarchaeology adopts a population-oriented approach and typically involves the examination of human remains and artifacts from an entire historic or prehistoric cemetery. While forensic anthropologists typically analyze only one or a few individuals at a time, they must also be knowledgeable about the entire range of human variation. In fact, by virtue of their casework, forensic anthropologists directly contribute to our understanding of skeletal diversity among contemporary populations (Ubelaker 2000; Ousley and Jantz 2005). Forensic anthropological involvement in the medicolegal community begins with, and is based upon, an exhaustive case report including, as appropriate, documentation of the methods of identification, an accurate reconstruction of trauma that occurs at or around the time of death (perimortem trauma) as well as after death (postmortem trauma), and an estimate of the postmortem interval, or time since death. If a case goes to trial, this report becomes the core of the forensic anthropologist’s testimony. Once there is legal resolution, forensic anthropologists can publish a case study in order to share important new information or techniques with students and colleagues. With this in mind, the purpose of this volume is to utilize case studies to demonstrate the appropriate techniques, ethical responsibilities, and training involved in the practice of forensic anthropology in the United States today. The contributing authors provide comprehensive coverage of one or more cases, demonstrate the forensic methods utilized to resolve the case, and, when appropriate, offer personal insight about mistakes, pitfalls, and ethical issues related to their experiences. Ultimately, the case studies in this volume illustrate three principal themes—the roles and methods of modern forensic anthropology in local and international casework, the well-developed scientific methodology upon which forensic anthropological techniques are founded, and the multidisciplinary nature of forensic science.

PROFESSIONALISM AND TRAINING IN FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY

Although prominent anthropologists have practiced forensic anthropology since the 1920s and 1930s (see Kerley 1978; Komar and Buikstra 2008; Stewart 1979; Ubelaker 1990, 1999, 2000 for historical reviews), the profession was formalized in the United States in 1972 with the formation of the Physical Anthropology section of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences (AAFS). The AAFS is the primary professional organization of forensic science in the United States and currently consists of ten professional sections, listed below. As of this writing, there are over 300 members of the Physical Anthropology section.

Criminalistics Odontology Questioned Documents Toxicology Jurisprudence Engineering Pathology/Biology Physical Anthropology Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences General

Over the past few decades, many anthropologists have received specialized training in forensic methods in addition to their general anthropological education. This trend continues today as more and more institutions are developing formal graduate programs or M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 3

PERSONAL IDENTIFICATION: THEORY AND APPLICATIONS 3

programmatic emphases in forensic anthropology. However, since relatively few anthropologists find full-time employment practicing forensic anthropology exclusively, it is imperative that students maintain broad anthropological training. That is, specializa- tions that are unique to forensic anthropology, such as gunshot trauma analysis or facial reproduction, should enhance, not replace, an extensive education in the four fields of anthropology—linguistics, cultural anthropology, biological anthropology, and archaeology (Komar and Buikstra 2008; Ubelaker 2000). Archaeological methods are especially important in forensic anthropology, as is cultural anthropological theory, particularly in international work. A robust education in the social and biological sciences is also valu- able, and should include genetics, biochemistry, anatomy, evolutionary biology, criminal justice, and statistics. A well-grounded foundation in biological anthropology underlies the success of any professional forensic anthropology position, whether it is within or apart from academia. While most professional forensic anthropologists work in a university setting, nonacademic positions also offer many opportunities for those who are broadly educated. For instance, anthropologists at the Smithsonian Institution accomplish a considerable amount of forensic work (Grisbaum and Ubelaker 2001) and also conduct research in paleopathology, bioarchaeology, and population genetics (e.g., Owsley and Jantz 1994; Verano and Ubelaker 1992). Similarly, anthropologists from the Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command–Central Identification Laboratory (JPAC–CIL) in Hawaii apply their forensic anthropological and archaeological expertise to recover and identify U.S. soldiers and civilians lost in past conflicts as well as investigate local cases. A growing number of anthropologists are also involved in international human rights investigations (Steadman and Haglund 2005). Finally, some forensic anthropologists holding either masters or doctoral degrees now maintain full-time anthropological positions in medical examiners’ offices or crime labs. Clearly, broad-based experiences and education gained in both the natural and social sciences are important as the discipline continues to expand in new directions.

MULTIDISCIPLINARY INTERACTIONS IN FORENSIC SCIENCE

Forensic anthropology forms an integral component of an investigative team in the field, laboratory, and courtroom. For example, during the identification process, forensic anthropologists may work with police investigators, crime scene technicians, forensic pathologists, odontologists (dentists), molecular geneticists, radiologists, and fingerprint experts. New members are added to the team if a case goes to trial, including the attorneys and a variable number of additional forensic specialists, such as ballistics experts, trace evidence examiners, and document examiners, each of whom testifies as to his or her scientific or technical findings. But how does forensic anthropological evidence become integrated with other physical, trace, and circumstantial evidence to make a legally compelling case? In most criminal cases, the initial responsibility falls upon the lead law enforcement investigator(s) to decide which consultants will have access to certain evidence, how much information to share with each specialist, and when. If a suspect is apprehended and charged, the attorneys join the investigation to weave all available evidence and expert opinions into a complex web of facts that may ultimately be presented in court. Thus, each forensic discipline represents but one thread in the web, and each thread must function together or the entire superstructure will fail. The bones are the hard evidence with which a forensic anthropologist works, but not the only evidence. Communication between experts, strict adherence to the scientific method, and high ethical standards are at the forefront of forensic science, and forensic anthropologists are partners in this process. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 4

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SOME ETHICAL ISSUES IN FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY

Forensic anthropologists must remember that their reports, testimony, and conduct can have immediate and long-term ramifications for defendants, families, and the judicial process as a whole. Thus, in addition to strict adherence to scientific principles and professional protocols, it is imperative that forensic anthropologists also demonstrate a strong ethical commitment to their work. Ethical issues underlie all professional actions, many of which go well beyond normal scientific issues. For instance, forensic anthropologists are obligated to report all of their findings, even if they seem contradictory to other lines of evidence or muddy a good time- line or investigative theory (though see Gill-King’s poignant story in Chapter 4). Forensic anthropologists are required to keep their cases confidential and not present cases in public or even private settings until they have been legally resolved. They also have a responsibility to protect the identity of the victims and their families when their cases are presented for educational purposes. That said, it should be stated that all of the cases presented in this book have been legally resolved. Further, most authors in this volume have changed or omitted the names of the victims. However, real names are used in a few chapters because the cases have been presented elsewhere, including nationally televised programs, or per- mission has been granted by appropriate parties. It may be useful here to distinguish between evidence and the individual, as these terms are used throughout the text of this book. Evidence can be defined as any object or statement by a witness that has bearing in a court of law. According to Fisher (2000), evidence can take two forms: testimonial and physical (real) evidence. “Testimonial evidence is evidence given in the form of statements made under oath, usually in response to questioning. Physical evidence is any type of evidence having an objective existence, that is, anything with size, shape, and dimension” (Fisher 2000:1). Further, physical evidence is used to “reconstruct the crime, identify participants, or confirm or discredit an alibi” (Geberth 1996:169). Thus, just like blood spatter or a discarded weapon at a crime scene, a lesion on a humerus that was used to determine the identity of an individual or a cut mark on a rib suggestive of the circumstances of death constitute “evidence.” However, forensic anthropologists never lose sight of the fact that an individual skeleton with which they work is just that, an individual. The evidence gleaned from the bones of an individual can be presented as such in court, but this application does not detract from the fact that the person was once a living human being who had a history, family, and unique identity. The very fact that forensic anthropologists interpret the life history of a person from their bones argues that they are extraordinarily cognizant of the relationship between “bones” and “individuals.”

INTRODUCTION TO THE CASES IN THIS BOOK

This text is divided into six thematic sections representing the most common areas of casework and research in forensic anthropology. Section overviews introduce the chapters and provide contextual information about the applications of forensic anthropology and specific forensic techniques and approaches. Section I provides a series of cases that exemplify the basic methods of personal identification in forensic anthropology and are discussed below. An essential difference between forensic anthropology and other subdisciplines of biological anthropology is that forensic anthropologists must prepare scientifically valid legal records in the form of case reports, and competently present their results in judicial proceedings. Thus, their methods and reports undergo critical review by their peers as well as nonscientific parties in a court of law. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 5

PERSONAL IDENTIFICATION: THEORY AND APPLICATIONS 5

The chapters in Section II further examine the roles and responsibilities of the forensic anthropologist in the courtroom. Section III explores the methods utilized to detect and recover human remains. Since humans have devised a number of peculiar methods to dispose of a body, it is difficult to predict just when and where human remains might be found. Forensic anthropologists must have archaeological training to assist law enforcement with the recovery of human remains from a number of different contexts. Basic outdoor search strategies are discussed in the section overview, while the chapters provide specific examples of recovery techniques for a variety of locales. Included in this section are two chapters that cover the efforts of the Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command–Central Identification Laboratory (JPAC–CIL) to recover and identify missing service and civilian men and women in past conflicts around the world. The chapters in Section IV collectively provide an overview of how forensic anthropologists interpret perimortem trauma and major taphonomic processes from skeletal remains. Two chapters provide an excellent overview of the three types of trauma forensic anthropologists most often encounter—gunshot wounds, sharp force trauma, and blunt trauma. These chapters also illustrate how anthropologists and pathologists work together to interpret trauma in both soft tissue and bone when human remains are decomposed. Blunt trauma is also discussed in a heart-wrenching case of child abuse. One hallmark of child abuse is the presence of multiple trauma of differing ages so the authors incorporate histological techniques to establish the timing of particular injuries. Other cases illustrate how taphonomic principles can be utilized to estimate the postmortem interval (PMI) and establish the context of human bones found in unusual locations. Section V on analytical methods demonstrates how forensic anthropologists use sophis- ticated equipment and techniques to address special problems. For instance, when only small fragments of bone are available, certain parameters of the biological profile can be determined from the microstructure of bone (histomorphology), or identity may be estab- lished through genetic and anthropological analysis. Experiments can be conducted to repli- cate tool mark characteristics in bone in order to reconstruct prior postmortem trauma or answer questions about the antiquity of an individual. Techniques presented in these case studies include histomorphology, various facial reproduction procedures, mitochondrial DNA analysis, cut mark analysis, and mass spectrometry. Finally, Section VI provides some insight into the broad applications and current directions of forensic anthropology. Two applications are presented—mass fatality events and international human rights investigations. The Disaster and Mortuary Operational Response Teams (DMORT) is under the Department of Health and Human Services and serves to activate forensic anthropologists in mass casualty situations, such as transporta- tion disasters, bombings, and floods. Finally, two chapters from the Equipo Argentino de Antropología Forense (EAAF), or Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team, demonstrate the ongoing work to identify the disappeared in Argentina, as well as their global efforts to investigate human rights atrocities.

SECTION I CHAPTERS

The cases presented by the multidisciplinary authors in this section demonstrate a variety of difficult challenges, particularly related to the identification process. In Chapter 1, Steadman joins New York State Police Investigator Steve Andersen to present an overview of the basic principles of forensic anthropology and the methods employed in developing a biological profile within the context of a real forensic case. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 6

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In Chapter 2, Douglas Ubelaker and colleagues present a case concerning the identification of the dismembered remains of a young woman that were found in several different locations. Scientific investigators were confronted with the task of constructing an accurate biological profile and determining how she died when only incomplete and fragmentary remains were available. The case also demonstrates the importance of multidisciplinary cooperation. The authors, including a forensic anthropologist, a pathologist, a radiologist, and a molecular geneticist, each report on the important contributions they made to the identification process. If any of these specialists had not been involved in the investigation, the case might not have been resolved in such a timely manner. Karen Burns presents a case in Chapter 3 in which communication among forensic experts broke down, turning a relatively straightforward identification into a lengthy and nearly disastrous predicament. The process of identification is also detailed in this chapter, including the description of antemortem pathologies and anomalies within the skeleton that rendered an accurate description of a biological profile nearly impossible. Burns provides some perspectives as to why interdisciplinary cooperation in this case failed and some suggestions for how to avoid such situations in the future. This section also examines the impact of missing loved ones on surviving family members. In Chapter 4, Gill-King discusses the evolving technique of computer super- imposition in a heartbreaking case from Texas. While he deftly demonstrates the comparative points useful for identification, the impact of the story lies in the ethical dilemma presented by the “incidental” information the anthropologist can garner from skeletal remains. Sometimes the bones tell secrets that are not meant to be shared. Gill-King takes a poignant look at biological paternity and ethical issues concerning if, when, and how potentially harmful incidental information should be released to family members. Finally, the daughter of an Air Force captain who was classified as Missing in Action in Vietnam joins forensic anthropologist Ann Bunch in Chapter 5 to portray the oscillation between heartache, when a loved one is missing, and hope during the identification process.

REFERENCES

Fisher, Barry A. J. 2000. Techniques of Crime Scene Steadman, Dawnie W., and William D. Haglund. 2005. Investigation. 6th ed. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press. The scope of anthropological contributions to human Geberth, Vernon J. 1996. Practical Homicide Investigation: rights investigations. Journal of Forensic Sciences Tactics, Procedures and Forensic Techniques. 3rd ed. Boca 50(1):1–8. Raton, FL: CRC Press. Stewart, T. Dale. 1979. Essentials of Forensic Anthropology. Grisbaum, Gretchen A., and Douglas H. Ubelaker. 2001. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas. An Analysis of Forensic Anthropology Cases Submitted to Ubelaker, Douglas H. 1990. J. Lawrence Angel and the the Smithsonian Institution by the Federal Bureau of development of forensic anthropology in the United Investigation from 1962 to 1994. Washington, DC: States. Pp. 191–200 in A Life in Science: Papers in Smithsonian Institution Press. Honor of J. Lawrence Angel, ed. Jane E. Buikstra. Kerley, Ellis R. 1978. Recent developments in forensic Center for American Archaeology, Scientific anthropology. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology Papers 6. 21:160–173. Ubelaker, Douglas H. 1999. Ales Hrdlicka’s role in the Komar, Debra, and Jane E. Buikstra. 2008. Forensic history of forensic anthropology. Journal of Forensic Anthropology: Contemporary Theory and Practice. New Sciences 44:724–730. York: Oxford University Press. Ubelaker, Douglas H. 2000. Methodological considerations Ousley, Stephen D., and Richard L. Jantz. 2005. FORDISC in the forensic applications of human skeletal biology. 3.0: Personal Computer Forensic Discriminant Functions. Pp. 41–67 in Biological Anthropology of the Human Knoxville: University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Skeleton, ed. M. Anne Katzenberg and Shelley R. Owsley, Douglas W., and Richard L. Jantz, eds. 1994. Saunders. New York: Wiley-Liss. Skeletal Biology in the Great Plains: Migration, Warfare, Verano, John W., and Douglas H. Ubelaker, eds. 1992. Health, and Subsistence. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Disease and Demography in the Americas. Washington, Institution Press. DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 7

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FURTHER READING

Bass, Bill, and Jon Jefferson. 2003. Death’s Acre: Inside the Rhine, Stanley. 1998. Bone Voyage: A Journey in Forensic Legendary Forensic Lab The Body Farm Where the Dead Anthropology. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Do Tell Tales. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons. Mexico Press. Fairgrieve, Scott I., ed. 1999. Forensic Osteological Analysis: Scheuer, Louise, and Sue Black. 2004. The Juvenile A Book of Case Studies. Springfield, IL: Charles Skeleton. London: Elsevier Academic Press. C. Thomas. Schwartz, Jeffrey H. 1993. What the Bones Tell Us. Tucson, Joyce, Christopher, and Eric Stover. 1991. Witnesses from AZ: University of Arizona Press. the Grave: The Stories Bones Tell. Boston, MA: Little, Siegel, Jay, Pekka J. Saukko, and Geoffrey C. Knupfer, Brown & Company. eds. 2000. Encyclopedia of Forensic Sciences. Orlando, Kieser, Jules A., Wayne Laing, and Peter Herbison. 2006. FL: Academic Press. Lessons learned from large-scale comparative dental Spencer, Frank, ed. 1997. History of Physical Anthropology. analysis following the south Asian tsunami of 2004. 2nd ed. New York and London: Garland Publishing, Journal of Forensic Sciences 51:109–112. Inc. Mann, Robert, and Miryam Williamson. 2006. Forensic Ubelaker, Douglas H., and Henry Scammell. 1992. Bones: Detective: How I Cracked the World’s Toughest Cases. A Forensic Detective’s Casebook. New York: Edward New York: Ballentine. Burlingame Books. Maples, William R., and Michael Browning. 1994. Dead Warren, Michael W., Heather A. Walsh-Haney, and Men Do Tell Tales: The Strange and Fascinating Cases of a Laurel Freas, eds. 2008. The Forensic Anthropology Forensic Anthropologist. New York: Doubleday. Laboratory. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press. Rathbun, Ted A., and Jane E. Buikstra. 1984. Human Identification: Case Studies in Forensic Anthropology. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 8

CHAPTER 1

The Marty Miller Case: Introducing Forensic Anthropology

Dawnie Wolfe Steadman and Steven A. Andersen

In early April, 1997 shots rang out from a quiet rural December 8, 2001, when a hunter phoned the local area of upstate New York. A man attacked his sheriff and stated he had found a human skeleton. daughter in their house and shot at her with a shot- Hunters often find missing people given that they gun. The woman was able to get to her car and visit remote areas that are relatively untouched attempted to drive away but the man caught up to much of the year, except for hunters and people who her and shot her once through the car door, fatally wish to hide human remains. The New York State wounding her. In the mean time, the woman’s Police were called to investigate the scene and they brother ran to a neighbor’s house and called police. asked Steadman to help with the recovery and iden- The man ran into the woods behind his house and, tification of the skeleton. despite a massive manhunt, was not seen again. The remains were on the ground under a great This case became something of a legend in the deal of leaf litter. Once the leaves had been cleared, region given the notoriety of the missing suspect, the remains and associated evidence could be seen Marty Miller. A tall man known for his quick tem- (Figure 1.1). The skeleton was fully clothed in a black per and flair for bar fights, the community was also jacket, jeans, leather belt, and boots. A shotgun laid aware of his family situation. Marty’s daughter along the left side of the body and shotgun shells was also his common-law wife and Marty had were between the legs. Personal effects located three more children with her. The death of his around the body included eye glasses with broken daughter was mourned in the community but there lenses, a wrist watch, a partial pack of cigarettes, and was also a feeling of apprehension. Marty was an a wooden pipe. The skeleton was lying supine next avid outdoorsman and knew how to survive in the to a tree, though the upper half of the body was forest. As a fugitive, Marty could be quite danger- twisted to the left such that both arms were on the ous and people feared where and when he might left side of the body. The hands were disarticulated reappear. As time went on, Marty even became a and the lower arm bones were bleached white by the bit of a boogeyman since parents told their children sun where they extended from the coat sleeves. The not to go too deep into the forest because “Marty skull was highly fragmented and small pieces were will get you!” found all around the body (Figure 1.2). Some of the Four years passed without any word or sign from bones were transported away from the body by ani- Marty and the case had gone cold. This changed on mals. The sacrum was found approximately 50 feet

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THE MARTY MILLER CASE: INTRODUCING FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY 9

Although a wallet was found in the pants pocket and contained multiple forms of identification with the same name, Martin Miller, wallets are trans- ferrable and thus not an adequate means of positive identification. Instead, a biological identification of the skeletal remains was necessary. The remains were transported to the Forensic Anthropology Laboratory at Binghamton University that night and the analysis began the following morning. The methods utilized in a forensic anthropological analysis require an understanding of the basic principles of skeletal biology that are at the very foundation of the discipline.

A Foundation in Skeletal Biology Despite the far-reaching applications of modern forensic anthropology, all of the underlying methods and theories in the field are well-grounded in the principles of skeletal biology—the study of the development, anatomy, physiology, histology, and biomechanics of bone tissue. The human skeleton is typically divided into the axial skeleton, com- prising the head, thorax, and pelvis; and the appendicular skeleton, which includes the limb bones. Joints articulate (connect) two or more FIGURE 1.1 SCENE PHOTO OF THE SKELETON FOLLOWING bones. Forensic anthropologists study the anatomy REMOVAL OF LEAF LITTER of the 200-plus bones of the adult and subadult Note the shotgun beside the left leg (arrow) and red skeletons in order to glean as much information as cartridges between the legs. possible from extremely small fragments. In addition, they must be familiar with the morphological away while the right os coxa was recovered approx- variation of the skeleton among individuals and imately 42 feet from the skeleton in the opposite populations. Figure 1.3 is a labeled diagram of the direction. The left os coxa and right femur were not bones of a normal adult skeleton. recovered. Bone is a viscoelastic material, meaning it has both rigid and flexible properties. Approximately 75 percent of bone is inorganic, consisting primarily of minerals, such as calcium and phosphorous, that give bone its rigid strength. However, bone cannot be too rigid or it will become brittle and break upon impact, much like glass. Thus, nearly 90 percent of the organic component of bone is composed of colla- gen, which provides some flexibility. Further, bone consists of two structural components, compact bone and spongy bone. Compact bone is very hard, dense bone that withstands stress and provides strength, resistance, and protection. The outer cortex of a bone is composed of compact bone. Spongy bone is porous and consists of bony spicules, or tra- FIGURE 1.2 FRAGMENTS OF MANDIBLE AND SKULL beculae, that form a latticework to absorb and dis- (ARROWS) NEAR THE RIGHT HAND tribute stress and is found in the interior of the bone. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 10

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cortex of the diaphysis, while the medullary cavity is Parietal Frontal lined by the endosteum. Long bones function to pro- Temporal Zygomatic duce blood cells inside the medullary cavity, provide Maxilla structure to the body, and act as levers for move- Clavicle Mandible ment. Accordingly, the outer cortex of the long bone consists of very thick cortical bone to protect the medullary cavity and support the body, while Scapula Sternum spongy bone is concentrated in the metaphyses and Costal Cartilage epiphyses, as most stress occurs at the joints. In con- Humerus Ribs trast, short bones, such as those of the wrist (carpals) and ankle (tarsals), function to distribute stress and hence have a relatively thin cortex and a consider- Vertebral Radius Column able amount of spongy bone. The flat bones of the Os Coxa skull consist of outer and inner tables of compact Sacrum bone (consider the protective function this provides Ulna for the brain), and a layer of spongy bone in between, Carpals called diploe. Meta- carpals By applying the principles of skeletal biology, forensic anthropologists have the skills to interpret the story bones tell for the purposes of identification. Phalanges Femur

Patella

Tibia

Fibula

Tarsals Metatarsals Phalanges Periosteum Diaphysis FIGURE 1.3 BONES OF THE ADULT SKELETON

Medullary Cavity A basic rule of anatomy is that form follows function. Indeed, the structure and morphology of bones Endosteum are well-adapted for their functions, including support and movement of the body, protection of vital organs, hemopoiesis (blood cell production), and Spongy Bone mineral storage. A closer examination of bone archi- tecture will help demonstrate the relationship Compact Bone between the form and function of cortical and Metaphysis spongy bone (Figure 1.4). A long bone is divided into three sections—the diaphysis, or shaft, two or more Epiphysis epiphyses located at the ends of the long bone, and the metaphysis, a section of bone between the epiphysis and diaphysis. A layer of tough connective tissue, known as the periosteum, envelops the outer FIGURE 1.4 ANATOMY OF A LONG BONE M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 11

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The identification process begins with an inventory of the available skeletal elements and other evidence present. The next step is to construct a biological profile of the individual that can be compared to that of missing persons. Finally, a description of any perimortem and postmortem traumatic injuries is required.

Forensic Anthropological Procedures Inventory The forensic anthropologist must know how to properly process and sort bones and bone fragments received in a forensic context. The first phase in an osteological analysis is to determine if the bones are human. Typically, the forensic analysis will be termi- nated if the bones are those of animals. Next, individual bones are identified. If a bone or bone fragment cannot be readily identified, one can attempt to spec- ify the part of the skeleton to which it belongs by assessing the bone type—a long bone (e.g., femur or humerus), flat bone (e.g., bones of the vault), short bone (e.g., bones of the wrist or ankle), or irregular bone (e.g., the vertebrae). Once the bone is identified, the forensic anthropologist determines whether it is from the left or right side of the body in the case of bilateral bones. This procedure is known as “siding.” When all of the available bones or bone fragments are sorted and sided properly, they should be laid out on a table in anatomical position (Figure 1.5). Standardized forms are used to record the number and identity of the bones present, document their condition, and describe the presence of soft tissue and any associated evidence (Moore-Jansen et al. 1994).

Skeletal Biology and the Biological Profile The underlying principle of skeletal biology is that certain aspects of an individual’s life history are FIGURE 1.5 ANATOMICAL DISPLAY OF A SKELETON FOR recorded in his or her skeleton. Bone is a dynamic INVENTORY AND ANALYSIS tissue that adapts to changes in height, weight, age, and activity levels, as well as to certain diseases and traumatic events. Further, aspects of an individual’s female? Have you ever broken a bone? What other population history, or ancestry, are also recorded in characteristics might make your skeleton unique? the skeleton, as is his or her sex. What story might How might your skeleton change over the next your skeleton tell about your life history? What is twenty, thirty, or fifty years? When a person’s death your current height? Are you fairly muscular? Are is set within a forensic context, it is the forensic you right-handed or a southpaw? Are you male or anthropologist’s responsibility to interpret the M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 12

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CASE STUDY: Inventory In the case from New York, several bones were missing due to animal activity. The recovered elements were laid out in anatomical position (Figure 1.6) after cleaning with a toothbrush and water. No soft tissue was present. Note that the sacrum and os coxa, which were exposed to the sun, are whiter in color than the bones that were largely covered by leaf litter where the skeleton was found. The highly fragmented and

FIGURE 1.6 CASE SKELETON LAID OUT IN ANATOMICAL POSITION (RECOVERED SKULL FRAGMENTS IN INSET) incomplete elements of the skull and mandible are at the top of the photograph. None of the skeletal elements were redundant and the remains are consistent with a single individual. Following a complete inventory, a biological profile of the individual can be constructed.

“evidence” recorded in the bones to determine iden- Sex The pelvis is considered the most sexually tity and the circumstances of his or her demise. To dimorphic skeletal element in humans because the accomplish this, forensic anthropologists begin by female pelvis must accommodate the relatively establishing a biological profile of the skeleton— large head of an infant during childbirth—a func- the sex, age, ancestry, and stature, as well as any tion obviously not shared by males. Thus, the skeletal anomalies or pathologies that make an indi- female pelvis is typically wider in every dimension vidual unique. than the male pelvis (Figures 1.7 and 1.8). M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 13

THE MARTY MILLER CASE: INTRODUCING FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY 13

Female Male

Broad Pelvic Inlet

FIGURE 1.7 SEX-RELATED DIFFERENCES IN THE PELVIS (SUPERIOR VIEW)

Male Female

Wide Subpubic Angle Narrow Subpubic Angle

FIGURE 1.8 SEX-RELATED DIFFERENCES IN THE PELVIS (ANTERIOR VIEW)

Particular features to examine include the presence the function of the skull does not vary between of a ventral arc, ischiopubic ridge, and preauricular males and females, only general differences are sulcus, as well as the breadth of the sciatic notch observed in the size of the muscle attachments and and subpubic concavity (Bennett 1993; Phenice the shape of certain features. Males tend to have 1969; Sutherland and Suchey 1991). Table 1.1 lists larger neck muscles than females, which means some of the more useful sex discriminating skeletal that the bony areas where those muscles attach traits of the pelvis. must be correspondingly robust. For example, one Though the pelvis is considered to be the most of the muscles on the side of the neck, the stern- reliable skeletal indicator of sex, the cranium is also ocleidomastoid muscle, originates on the clavicle sexually dimorphic in many populations. Because and sternum and inserts on the mastoid process of

1TABLE 1.1 COMMONLY USED MORPHOLOGICAL INDICATORS OF SEX IN THE PELVIS

SKELETAL INDICATOR MALE FEMALE

Subpubic Angle Narrow, V-shaped Wider, U-shaped Ventral Arc Absent or not well defined Present, well defined Greater Sciatic Notch Narrow, less than 68° Wider, greater than 68° Preauricular Sulcus Absent or thin and shallow Present, deep and wide Obturator Foramen Oval, larger Triangular, smaller Pubic Bone Short, triangular Longer, rectangular Ischiopubic Ramus Broad and flat Thin and sharp M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 14

14 PERSONAL IDENTIFICATION: THEORY AND APPLICATIONS

the temporal bone, just behind the ear. When both more square and pronounced, while the gonial the left and right muscles contract, they pull the angle of females is more obtuse and their chins mastoid process (and hence the head) forward and are generally more pointed than square. Skeletal down towards the chest. Unilateral contraction biologists cannot offer good explanations as to moves the head to one side. Adhering to the rule why such variation exists but they are nonethe- that form follows function, an individual with a less useful for discriminating between the sexes large sternocleidomastoid muscle will have a larg- in skeletal material. er mastoid process than an individual with rela- Note that most of the differences between the tively smaller muscle mass. Thus, the mastoid traits listed in Tables 1.1 and 1.2 are relative. For processes of males tend to be wider and longer instance, the greater sciatic notch is “wider” in than those of females (Figure 1.9). The same gener- females than in males, while the glabella is “more al rule applies to the muscles on the back of the pronounced” in males than in females. There is a neck (nuchal muscles) that attach to the nuchal great deal of overlap between the sexes in all of these crest of the occipital (Figure 1.10). traits, including those of the pelvis, and some popu- There are other important sex-related differ- lations are more sexually dimorphic than others. ences of the cranium (Table 1.2). For instance, the Thus, it is crucial to understand the sex-related vari- superior margins of the orbit, called the supraor- ability within and among populations in order to bital margins, tend to be thin and sharp in accurately estimate this parameter of the biological females and thick and blunt in males. The jaw profile. Estimation of the sex of children based on the line (gonial angle) and chin of males are often same morphological traits of the pelvis or cranium as

Male Female Small Supraorbital Pronounced Ridge Supraorbital Ridge

Small Mastoid Thick, Long Process Mastoid Process Obtuse Gonial Straight Gonial Angle Angle

FIGURE 1.9 SEX-RELATED DIFFERENCES IN THE CRANIUM (LATERAL VIEW)

Male

Female

Gracile Nuchal Robust Crests Nuchal Crests

FIGURE 1.10 SEX-RELATED DIFFERENCES IN THE CRANIUM (POSTERIOR VIEW) M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 15

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TABLE 1.2 COMMONLY USED MORPHOLOGICAL INDICATORS OF SEX IN THE CRANIUM

SKELETAL INDICATOR MALE FEMALE

Nuchal Crest Well developed, robust Less developed, gracile External Occipital Protuberance Well developed Weak, smooth Mastoid Process Large, wide and robust Thinner, narrow and gracile Glabella and Supraorbital Ridges More pronounced Less pronounced Supraorbital Margins Thick, blunt Thin, sharp Forehead Sloping, less rounded Vertical, more rounded Gonial Angle Vertical (approaches 90°) Angled (greater than 90°) Chin Square, U-shaped Pointed, V-shaped

are used for adults is unreliable because the female Age SUBADULT Your skeleton appears different pelvis does not widen, or deviate from the male now than when you were born, and it will certainly form, until after puberty. look different in fifty years. The estimation of age at Measurements of the skull and postcranial death from skeletal materials is based on morpho- skeleton are also useful for assessing sex. Bennett logical changes in the skeleton over time. The devel- (1993) and France (1998) present a synthesis of opment of the skeleton and teeth is useful for measurements and statistical sectioning points use- estimating the age of subadults (infants, children, ful for sex estimation. Summary data can also be and teenagers). Longitudinal growth occurs at the found in Krogman and Iscan (1986) and Stewart epiphyseal growth plate, a section of hyaline carti- (1979). Notably, Giles and Elliot (1963) developed lage between the epiphysis and metaphysis of long discriminant functions for cranial data from the bones (Figure 1.11). Cartilage cells, called chondro- nineteenth-century Terry collection, though cytes, proliferate and eventually die, thereby form- changes in the size and shape of crania over time ing a cartilaginous matrix upon which osteoblasts (secular changes) have limited their utility. Walker (bone forming cells) lay down bone. The bone (2008) has published discriminant function analy- lengthens at both ends as this process continues. sis for a series of cranial observations (including Longitudinal growth cannot continue indefinitely, the mental eminence and supraorbital ridge), however, or we would all be giants. A hormone though warns that the equations are likely popula- secreted from the pituitary gland, called the growth tion specific. Measurements of the humerus, femur, hormone, determines the rate and duration of bone and tibia can outperform those of the cranium in growth. When the growth hormone is “turned off,” discriminating between the sexes of some popula- the growth plate ossifies, the epiphysis fuses to the tions (e.g., Bennett 1993; Dittrick and Suchey 1986; metaphysis, and longitudinal growth ceases. Thieme and Schull 1957). Fortunately for anthropologists, the growth plates of

CASE STUDY: Sex Assessment As mentioned above, the pelvis is the most reliable skeletal region for sex estimation but only the right ilium was present for analysis. The greater sciatic notch was quite narrow and there was no preauricular sulcus, suggesting male sex. The nuchal crests, mastoid processes, and glabella were robust and the supraorbital margins were thick. In addition, the maximum diameters of the femoral and humeral heads were 50 mm and 49 mm, respectively, which are well within the male range of variation (Stewart 1979). All of these characteristics are consistent with a male individual. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 16

16 PERSONAL IDENTIFICATION: THEORY AND APPLICATIONS

FIGURE 1.11 LONG BONES OF INDIVIDUALS AT DIFFERENT AGES (INFANT, SUBADULT, AND ADULT)

each bone turn off at different times, yet the timing (agenesis). Thus, skeletal biologists can accurately of epiphyseal fusion for any one growth plate is rel- estimate subadult age from the dentition between atively constant across populations. Therefore, infancy and approximately fifteen years, when the anthropologists can compare the observed pattern second molars erupt and their roots are complete- of epiphyseal fusion of an unknown skeleton to ly developed. Schour and Massler (1941, 1944) modern growth standards. A general chart is pre- and Ubelaker (1999) have developed charts of sented in Figure 1.12, though more specific informa- dental eruption patterns at different ages that are tion can be found in Scheuer and Black (2000). commonly used by forensic anthropologists. Female skeletons will typically mature faster than Dental formation is considered more accurate those of males (Saunders 2000). There may be some than eruption patterns for chronological age esti- population differences as well, and childhood mal- mation (Ubelaker 1989). Here, observations of nutrition may negatively impact skeletal growth crown and root development are used to estimate and development (Cardoso 2008). chronological age from prenatal to late teens The formation and eruption of teeth are also (Moorrees et al. 1963a, b). Dental histological aging useful for estimating the age of subadult skele- techniques are also available, and Fitzgerald and tons. Humans are diphodont, meaning they have Rose (2000) provide an excellent review of these two sets of teeth. The deciduous, or “baby,” teeth techniques. Because there is relatively little vari- begin to erupt in infancy while eruption of adult, ability in dental development and epiphyseal “permanent,” teeth commences during middle fusion among populations, age ranges of two to childhood, typically around the age of seven five years may be estimated for subadult remains. years. Dental development terminates in the late Recent studies (Cardoso 2008; Heuzé and Cardoso teens or early twenties with the eruption (and/or 2008) have shown that socioeconomic factors play extraction) of the third molars, or “wisdom teeth.” a role in population variation in that children with The timing of third molar eruption is highly vari- lower socioeconomic status may developmentally able, and some individuals do not have them at all lag behind their more affluent cohort. No matter M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 17

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age-associated changes and are not generally affect- ed by other stresses, such as locomotion, weight, or muscularity. The most commonly used adult age indicator is the pubic symphysis. Medial Clavicle (17–30y) The pubic symphysis is the joint at which the two pubic bones meet at the front of the pelvis. In Proximal life, the faces of the pubic bones are separated by Humerus (17–23y) fibrocartilage. The pubic symphysis is not directly weight bearing and, in the absence of trauma, experiences relatively standard change over time. Medial Epicondyle There are differences between the sexes, however, (10–16y) and it is imperative to estimate the sex of the indi- Proximal Radius Iliac vidual prior to assessing age based on the pubic (14–19y) Crest symphysis. There are also some differences (17–24y) among populations in the United States (Katz and Distal Proximal Suchey 1989). Radius Femur (16–22y) (14–19y) In general, the symphyseal face of a youthful individual has a number of ridges and furrows Distal Ulna with no distinct rim (Figure 1.13). Over time, the (16–20y) ridges and furrows level out, a ventral rampart develops, and a complete rim forms around the

Distal face. Later, both the face and the rim begin to Femur break down. Since it is difficult to create discrete (15–21y) age ranges from a continual process of change, Proximal Fibula Proximal anthropologists must settle for broad, statistically (15–19y) Tibia (15–19y) derived age ranges. Three techniques of pubic symphyseal aging are frequently used today: Suchey-Brooks (Katz and Suchey 1986; Suchey and Katz 1998), McKern and Stewart (1957), and

Distal Fibula Distal Tibia Todd (1921a, b). The latter techniques were devel- (14–18y) (14–19y) oped from the study of war dead (a sample domi- nated by males, though see Gilbert and McKern 1973 for female standards) and late nineteenth- century medical school cadavers, respectively. In FIGURE 1.12 TIMING OF EPIPHYSEAL FUSION OF contrast, the six-phase Suchey-Brooks technique LONG BONES is based upon the study of over 1,200 modern Source: Adapted from White (2000); Ubelaker (1999); and individuals of both sexes, all ages, and multiple Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) ancestral affiliations from the Los Angeles County Department of the Coroner. For purposes of stan- the developmental rate, however, age-related vari- dardization, it is recommended that case reports ability increases among adults and the estimated include the Suchey-Brooks observations, when age range must increase accordingly. available. ADULT A skeleton is considered to be an adult Another aspect of the pelvis, the auricular sur- once all of the epiphyses have fused. The last epiph- face of the ilium, is also useful for estimating adult ysis to fuse is the medial clavicle, which occurs age (Buckberry and Chamberlain 2002; Lovejoy approximately between seventeen and thirty years et al. 1985). Important features of the aging process of age—earlier in females, later in males (Webb and of the face include a decrease in the number of Suchey 1985). At this point, the bones are no longer striations, an increase in porosity and degree of developing and growing but instead slowly begin apical lipping, and changes in bone texture. In to break down. Anthropologists have identified addition, changes also occur on the ilium immedi- features of the skeleton that undergo regular ately posterior to (behind) the auricular surface. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 18

18 PERSONAL IDENTIFICATION: THEORY AND APPLICATIONS

Ventral Dorsal

Young Adult Middle Adult Old Adult

FIGURE 1.13 COMPARISON OF PUBIC SYMPHYSIS OF A YOUNG, MIDDLE AGED, AND OLDER ADULT

Again, a broad age range is the best we can expect police investigators, it is the responsibility of the from this technique given the variability of age- anthropologist to explain that excessively narrow related changes in adults. age ranges may result in the inappropriate exclusion Other aging techniques employed by forensic of missing persons from consideration. anthropologists include the examination of the Forensic anthropologists must also be able to sternal end of the right fourth rib (Iscan and Loth communicate to the court a sense of the accuracy of 1986a, b) and cranial suture closure (Meindl and skeletal age and sex estimations. Most authors Lovejoy 1985). The sternal rib ends can yield quite include an estimate of accuracy and reliability in the reliable age estimations (Saunders et al. 1992), and seminal articles that describe their techniques. For adjacent ribs can be used without losing informa- instance, Phenice (1969) reports an accuracy of tion (Yoder et al. 2001). However, debate continues 96 percent when the ventral arc, ischiopubic ramus, concerning the utility of cranial suture closure as and subpubic concavity are analyzed together to an accurate age indicator (Meindl and Lovejoy estimate sex. However, it is important to be familiar 1985; Nawrocki 1998; Singer 1953), and most agree with “blind” studies designed to test the accuracy that the best it can render is a fifteen-year age and reliability of the methods (e.g., Hoppa 2000; range. Nonetheless, a forensic anthropologist has Mulhern and Jones 2005; Murray and Murray 1991; little choice but to use cranial sutures when only Saunders et al. 1992). Lovell (1989) and others the skull is present. Histological aging methods for (e.g., Ubelaker and Volk 2002) applied the Phenice bones and teeth are also available and are very use- technique to skeletal samples of known age and sex ful for aging burnt and extremely fragmentary but obtained an accuracy below 90 percent. materials (Ericksen 1991; Kerley and Ubelaker Ubelaker and Volk (2002) further found that the 1978; Prince and Ubelaker 2002; Robling and Stout accuracy of sex estimation increased substantially 2000; Stout 1992; Ubelaker 1986; see Chapter 18). (from 88.4 percent to 96.5 percent) when additional In casework, forensic anthropologists use as pelvic morphological indicators (e.g., sciatic notch many aging techniques as are available and then and preauricular sulcus) were incorporated with reconcile the results of each method into an appro- Phenice’s traits. Further, they argue that observer priate age range, which may be quite broad (e.g., ten experience is also a key factor in accurate sex estima- years or more). While a wide range may frustrate tion. Thus, forensic anthropologists should test and M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 19

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quantify their own proficiency for various methods forensic anthropologists must reflect the everyday using unfamiliar skeletons of known age and sex. usage of the society with which they interact” (Sauer 1992: 109). In practice, however, ancestry estimation Ancestry Biological anthropology is histori- may make little statistical contribution to a discrimi- cally rooted in raciology, a typological approach to natory biological profile unless the individual is human variation in which individuals are segre- truly a minority within the relevant population at gated into discrete groups based on the relative large (e.g., a particular geographic area) (Konigsberg frequency of particular physical traits. However, et al. 2008). the approach today is no longer typological in In cases when ancestry might be discriminatory nature and biological anthropologists are now and therefore assist with personal identification, interested in understanding the range of variation forensic anthropologists first look to the cra- within and between groups without necessarily nium. Forensic anthropologists examine morpho- creating artificial boundaries between them. In logical features of the skull and collect cranial general, anthropologists argue that race (white, measurements, which are then statistically com- black, Hispanic, Chinese, etc.) is a social construct pared to skulls of known ancestry. Morphological that has no biological basis (Brace 1995; Lewontin features typically examined include the overall 1972; Marks 1995; Montagu 1964). The term shape of the skull vault, orbits, palate, and nasal ancestry, on the other hand, takes into account aperture, as well as the presence or absence of cer- population origins and history, which do have bio- tain characteristics, including Wormian bones (or logical foundations. According to Ousley and ossicles, bones within the sutures) and a nasal sill. Jantz (1996), biological differences “reflect the dif- Many other morphological features are listed in ferent origins and separate histories of each [popu- various anthropology papers and books (e.g., Gill lation], which can be highly correlated with many 1998; Gill and Rhine 1990; Stewart 1979). social, geographic, temporal, historical, or linguis- Although a variety of discriminant function tic groupings of populations. These correlations analyses have been developed for cranial measure- form the basis of the study of human variation and ments (e.g. Giles and Elliot 1962), forensic anthro- of forensic anthropology.” pologists rely on metric data from the Forensic Data Forensic anthropologists have been criticized by Bank (FDB) for a comparative sample of modern other anthropologists for upholding the race individuals of known sex, ancestry, and stature. concept whenever they estimate the ancestry of a Since 1983, forensic anthropologists from around the skeleton (e.g., Belcher and Armelagos 2002; country have contributed metric information from Albanese and Saunders 2006). Sauer (1992) counters their cases when positive identifications are made. this point by arguing that race must be discussed in The Data Bank is maintained at the University of forensic reports since the goal of the analysis is iden- Tennessee (Ousley and Jantz 1998) and currently tification. “To be of value the race categories used by contains data on over 2,100 individuals, most of

CASE STUDY: Age Assessment The skeleton recovered from upstate New York exhibited complete fusion of all of the epiphyses so adult aging methods were employed. The available auricular surface was too damaged for analysis and the pubic sym- physes were missing so only the cranial sutures and the right fourth sternal rib end could be utilized. The Meindl and Lovejoy (1985) method was used to evaluate the vault sutures. Most of the vault sutures were obliterated, though the left midlambdoid and midcoronal sutures were scored as “significant closure.” These data suggested an age older than forty years. The sternal end of the right fourth rib was evaluated following the methods of Iscan and Loth (1986a) and determined to be in Phase 6, which has an age range of forty-three to fifty-five years. Thus, the skeletal data indicate an age over forty years but a more precise range could not be reliably estimated. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 20

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known sex and ancestry. The FDB is often consulted Stature An individual’s standing height is to estimate the ancestry of an unknown individual also part of his or her biological profile. Since using a program called FORDISC, the most recent average height differs between the sexes and version of which is FORDISC 3.0, written by Ousley among populations, forensic anthropologists esti- and Jantz (2005). FORDISC works by treating the mate living stature by measuring the long bones documented forensic cases in the FDB as a compara- and applying sex- and population-specific regres- tive sample that can be used to classify unknown sion equations. Formulae are available for a num- individuals from forensic cases. The unknown is ber of different populations, including World War then classified by finding the group to which the II and Korean War dead (Trotter 1970; Trotter and individual in question is most similar. In discrimi- Gleser 1952), as well as modern forensic samples nant function analysis, the statistical method used in (Ousley 1995). In addition, the appropriate mea- FORDISC, posterior probabilities of group member- surement techniques are found in several sources ship can be calculated for each group. These are (e.g., Bass 1995; Moore-Jansen et al. 1994). called posterior probabilities because they are calcu- Typically, measurements of the leg bones tend to lated after (posterior to) analysis of the bone be more reliable than those of the arms (Trotter measurements. Before evaluating the measure- and Gleser 1958), but the forensic anthropologist ments, there are prior probabilities of group mem- must pay particular attention to the measurement bership, which FORDISC assumes are equal. In protocol for the tibia. Jantz and colleagues (1994, other words, if four groups are under consideration, 1995) describe how Trotter’s measurements of then the prior probability that the case belongs to maximum tibial length do not correspond to the each group is 0.25. Following the analysis, the metric measurement descriptions she provided and information from the case presumably modifies results in the underestimation of living stature. these priors so that (ideally) all but one of the proba- All stature estimates should be reported as a bilities will become very small. These modified range by including appropriate confidence inter- probabilities are the posterior probabilities of group vals (Giles and Klepinger 1988; Konigsberg et al. membership; the higher the posterior probability, 1998; Ousley 1995). New statistical approaches to the more likely the unknown case belongs to that stature estimation provide likelihood ratios that group. can be useful to quantify identity, as further Even when the posterior probabilities seem to discussed in Section II (see Konigsberg et al. clearly and unambiguously assign an individual to 1998, 2006). a single group, it is possible that the individual is To establish a personal identification, stature not “typical” of that group. For example, if an estimates derived from long bone measurements unknown cranium from a group not represented in are compared to statures recorded in medical the FDB was analyzed using FORDISC (e.g., a records and/or driver’s licenses of potential Biaka Pygmy), the program would still assign the matches. However, self-reported height may not cranium to a particular group, but the skull would always be accurate. For instance, Willey and probably not be typical of that group. The probabil- Falsetti (1991) have found that many people, espe- ity of getting a cranium that is similar to others in cially men, tend to overstate their true stature on that group is called a “typicality probability” or their driver’s licenses. Further, Galloway (1988) “typicality index” (McLachlan 1992; VanVark and reports that significant stature loss in elderly indi- Schaafsma 1992). Chapter 8 discusses FORDISC in viduals is often not recorded in medical records or greater detail and provides examples. on driver’s licenses. In other words, older adults

CASE STUDY: Ancestry Assessment In the current case ancestry could not be assessed because the majority of the skull and facial skeleton were too fragmentary and incomplete to observe traits or perform measurements. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 21

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tend to report their more youthful stature. The extent of osteoarthritis and infections, particular errors of self-reporting emphasize the need for trabecular patterns within a bone, and frontal forensic anthropologists to report appropriate sta- sinus morphology. Comparisons of antemortem tistical ranges so that a missing individual is not and postmortem radiographs may require the falsely excluded from consideration. assistance of a radiologist, especially if the anthropologist does not have extensive experience in Antemortem Pathology For any particular case, a radiograph interpretation. The time elapsed biological profile consisting of age, sex, ancestry, and between when a radiograph was taken and the stature may not significantly reduce the number of death of the individual is also an important con- missing individuals, especially in urban areas where sideration since significant bone remodeling may the missing persons’ list is often quite lengthy modify or obscure lesions. Medical prosthetics (Cunha 2006). Thus, the forensic anthropologist and surgical devices with serial numbers are also must examine the bones carefully and note any useful for identification (Ubelaker and Jacobs unique characteristics that will help exclude one or 1995). Similarly, dental pathologies and restora- more individuals from the missing persons’ pool. tions, particularly fillings and crowns, can be used Pathological conditions that occur before death are to identify human remains (e.g., Adams 2003; called antemortem pathologies. However, for a Stimson and Mertz 1997). pathology or anomaly to be forensically important, Certain habitual tasks will alter the biome- an antemortem record must exist in the form of radi- chanical stresses placed on bone and provide the ographs (X-rays), dental records, or medical records. anthropologist with clues as to the types of activ- Individuals close to the missing person may also ities the individual might have performed in life convey information about his or her medical history, (Kennedy 1989; Saul and Saul 1999; Wilczak and even if records are not available. Ideally, information Kennedy 1998). For instance, in certain cultures gathered from non-medical sources should be con- females spend a great deal of time kneeling or sistent across multiple family members or friends. squatting while processing food. This habitual The most common skeletal pathology encoun- activity alters the way the tibia and femur and tered in forensic anthropology cases is bone the tibia and talus articulate, leaving distinct fractures. These are especially useful since most accessory or modified facets on these bones—so people seek medical care when a bone is broken called “squatting facets” (Kennedy 1989; Kostick and radiographs are routinely ordered to diagnose 1963). Kennedy et al. (1986) determined that an and treat the fractures. Anthropologists can com- Egyptian mummy, whose burial case inscriptions pare the location and morphology of the fracture, suggested he or she was a scribe in life, indeed including the amount of healing present, to the exhibited bony changes on one of the fingers of specific site and date of fracture as recorded in the the right hand that was consistent with routinely medical records (e.g., Klepinger 1999; Maples holding a stylus. When a forensic anthropologist 1984). Chapter 16 discusses fracture repair and observes accessory facets, unilateral muscle healing rates in more detail. development, or other unique markers of stress Other more subtle bone disorders or unique on bone, he or she may be able to include a characteristics observed on radiographs are also description of general activities that may have forensically important, such as the location and contributed to these traits, such as pitching,

CASE STUDY: Stature Assessment Ousley’s (1995) regression formulae for white males (the default Steadman uses when ancestry is unknown) were applied to the maximum femoral and tibial lengths measured using an osteometric board. The stature was estimated to be 77 Ϯ 3 inches (6’2” – 6’8”), indicating that this person was likely taller than average. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 22

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carrying heavy loads on the shoulder, or even subtle bony details may be helpful if several writing. Though an occupational marker may missing individuals share otherwise similar not lead directly to an identification, attention to biological profiles.

CASE STUDY: Antemortem Pathologies Antemortem pathologies shed a great deal of light on the life history of the individual recovered in upstate New York. The skeleton exhibited a number of healed fractures of the right wrist and hand and left ribs, and moderate osteoarthritic changes were observed in the shoulders, right hand, legs, and spine. The rib fractures observed on left ribs 5–11 were vertically aligned on the lateral ribcage when placed in anatomical position (Figure 1.14). The location and similar age of the calluses suggested that the fractures occurred at the same time. The right ulnar styloid process exhibited a medial deviation due to a well-healed fracture (Figure 1.15) and the scaphoid may also have been fractured. A well-healed fracture of the right fifth metacarpal exhibited

FIGURE 1.14 ANTEMORTEM FRACTURES OF RIGHT FIGURE 1.15 ANTEMORTEM FRACTURE OF THE RIGHT RIBS 5–11 DISTAL ULNA Note healed calluses (arrows) Note deviation of the styloid process (arrow)

bowing deformation that was consistent with a “Boxer’s fracture” in which the fist is closed during impact (Galloway 1999; Jupiter and Belsky 1992). Only left portions of the mandible and maxilla were recovered and both were edentulous (antemortem loss of all teeth). M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 23

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The Process of Identification near the time of death (perimortem wounds). Wounds from knives, saws, blunt objects, or guns As mentioned above, forensic anthropologists com- leave diagnostic markers in bones. However, tapho- pare the postmortem biological profile to that of nomic processes may blur the distinction between missing persons. Some missing individuals may be perimortem and postmortem wounds. Taphonomic excluded by their sex, age, ancestry, height, and/or processes are those that affect the body after death, the presence or absence of a particular skeletal including rodent and scavenger damage, weather- pathology. Antemortem dental and medical records ing, or burning. There are clues to help distinguish of potential matches still remaining from the list are peri- and postmortem trauma. For instance, peri- then obtained and compared to the remains. mortem wounds will undergo the same decomposi- Presumptive anthropological and dental identifi- tion processes as the rest of the skeleton, including cations may be confirmed by genetic analyses. color changes. Therefore, the wound margins will Alternatively, DNA may be the only mode of identi- exhibit the same color as the surrounding, undam- fication if the remains are too fragmentary or aged bone. Conversely, trauma to bones that have incomplete for a conclusive identification. Two already decomposed and changed color (due to sun types of DNA analyses are possible. While nuclear exposure, contact with soil, etc.) will demonstrate (or genomic) DNA can be obtained from bone tissue margins that are lighter than the surrounding bone. or the marrow (if present), the amount of nuclear Fresh bone will also respond differently to blunt DNA is often too small to obtain reliable results. and sharp trauma than dry bone (Galloway 1999; Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA), on the other hand, is Maples 1986; Sauer 1984, 1998). For example, fresh present in greater quantities within cells and can be bone will bend before breaking and bone spurs may recovered from bone in forensic, historic, and pre- result. However, dry bone is more brittle and historic skeletons, and even fossils (Krings et al. will snap without leaving any deformed spurs 1997). Forensic anthropologists often work closely of bone. with DNA laboratories to select and procure appro- The forensic anthropological report must priate bone samples for genetic analysis. include clear descriptions of which wounds are perimortem and postmortem, and which are inconclusive. Because of their skills in interpret- Perimortem Trauma and Postmortem Alterations ing skeletal trauma and identifying potentially In addition to identification of skeletal remains, a confounding taphonomic processes, forensic forensic anthropologist may be called upon to anthropologists are often consulted by forensic describe wounds on the skeleton that occurred at or pathologists to examine bone trauma even when

CASE STUDY: Identification of Marty Miller The biological profile indicated the remains were those of an older male, over forty years of age at death, with a suite of antemortem fractures. This biological profile was consistent with that of Marty Miller, a white male, approximately 6’4” tall, who was fifty-seven years old at the time of his disappearance. Miller’s medical records and radiographs were gathered from a local hospital. All of the antemortem conditions observed in the skeleton were accounted for in the X-rays and the dates of injuries were consistent with the amount of healing observed in the skeleton. Steadman took postmortem X-rays of the skeletal injuries and compared them to the antemorem radiographs, some of which were taken less than two months before Miller disappeared. The location and degree of healing of the fifth metacarpal fracture and rib fractures matched that of the antemortem radiographs. In addition, arthritic changes of the spine were observed on an antemortem chest film. There were no inconsistencies between the antemortem and postmortem data. As supporting evidence, clothing on the skeleton was identified as that worn by Miller on the day he killed his daughter and disappeared. The forensic pathologist accepted the anthropological identification and a DNA analysis was not ordered. The next step was to determine how and when Martin Miller died. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 24

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the remains are fleshed or the identity of the indi- the postmortem changes and associated evidence vidual is not an issue, such as pedestrian-vehicle (e.g., insects) to help estimate the postmortem collisions. Further, the anthropologist can study interval, or time since death.

CASE STUDY: Resolution The context of the recovery scene suggested that Miller took his own life but this had yet to be confirmed scientifically. The State Police Investigators examined the pump action shotgun that was found by his side. The safety was off, the action was closed and one expended shotgun slug casing was still present. Three more rounds were in the magazine. This indicates a single shot was discharged and the weapon was not cycled further. One expended slug casing had already been found at the car where the murder was committed so the firearms findings indicated that the last slug was fired where the skeleton was found. The posterior vault of the cranium could be reconstructed and demonstrated two defects in the superior right parietal (Figure 1.16). Both were semi- circular defects with external beveling and are approximately 10 cm apart. The morphology of the defects are consistent with exit wounds, likely of two or more fragments from the slug. The angles of the defects suggest the

FIGURE 1.16 SUPERIOR VIEW OF THE RIGHT PARIETAL (AT THE TOP OF THE HEAD) Note defects (white arrows) with external beveling (black arrows) slug entered the skull from the oral cavity or perhaps under the chin (DiMaio and DiMaio 2001). This information, combined with the scene context and clothing, suggests that Miller killed himself on the same day that he killed his daughter. Given the location of the body in the forest near the house and that no one heard the gunshot suggests he committed the act immediately prior to the arrival of the police officers. The forensic pathologist concurred with the anthropological assessment and ruled the cause of death as gunshot trauma and the manner of death as suicide. As a result, the death inquiries of both Marty Miller and his daughter were closed. M01_STEA0735_02_SE_C01.QXD 9/19/08 12:59 PM Page 25

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Conclusions Dittrick, Jean, and Judy M. Suchey. 1986. Sex determination of prehistoric central California skeletal remains The procedures and methods described in this using discriminant analysis of the femur and chapter are at the heart of forensic anthropological humerus. American Journal of Physical Anthropology casework, though often additional means of identi- 70:3–9. Ericksen, M. F. 1991. Histological estimation of age at fication are needed, such as DNA. The case of death using the anterior cortex of the femur. American Marty Miller was resolved in a matter of two days Journal of Physical Anthropology 84:171–179. given that law enforcement had a strong suspicion Fitzgerald, Charles M., and Jerome C. Rose. 2000. of the identity of the skeleton. Not all cases can be Reading between the lines: Dental development and resolved so efficiently due to the lack of ante- subadult age assessment using the microstructural growth markers of teeth. Pp. 163–186 in Biological mortem data, investigative errors, extensive peri- Anthropology of the Human Skeleton, ed. M. Anne mortem trauma, or other extreme damage to the Katzenberg and Shelley R. Saunders. New York: skeleton, as will be seen in other chapters of this Wiley-Liss. volume. France, Diane L. 1998. Observational and metric analysis of sex in the skeleton. Pp. 163–186 in Forensic Osteology: Advances in the Identification of Human Remains, ed. Kathleen J. Reichs. 2nd ed. Springfield, References IL: Charles C. Thomas. Galloway, Alison. 1988. Estimating actual height in the Adams, Bradley J. 2003. Establishing personal identifica- older individual. Journal of Forensic Sciences tion based on specific patterns of missing, filled, and 33(1):126–136. unrestored teeth. Journal of Forensic Sciences Galloway, Alison, ed. 1999. Broken Bones. Springfield, IL: 48:487–496. Charles C. Thomas. Albanese, John, and Shelley R. Saunders. 2006. Is it possi- Gilbert, B. M., and T. W. 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