Peace Agreement - Or Last Piece in a Sellout Agreement?
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Modern Ireland: Structured Essays
Modern Ireland: Structured Essays PART 4: POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN NORTHERN IRELAND, 1949–93 Structured Essay 4 What moves were made towards finding a peaceful resolution of the ‘Troubles’, 1973–1993? Introduction From the outbreak of the ‘Troubles’ in 1969, successive British and Irish governments were committed to a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Northern Ireland, but such efforts were frequently thwarted by republican and loyalist violence and difficulties pertaining to power-sharing between nationalists and unionists. Significant landmarks on the road towards a peaceful settlement included the Sunningdale Agreement, the New Ireland Forum, the Anglo-Irish Agreement, the Hume–Adams talks, and the Downing Street Declaration. The Sunningdale Agreement After the abolition of the parliament in Stormont in 1972 and the introduction of direct rule, successive British governments made it clear that they would only restore power to Northern Ireland politicians if a power-sharing arrangement between unionists and nationalists was in place: the Sunningdale Agreement (1973), signed by the British and Irish governments, provided the first such arrangement in the form of a power-sharing executive. The agreement was weakened from the outset by the failure of the republican and loyalist paramilitaries to stop their campaigns of violence, and collapsed in May 1974 as a result of the Ulster Workers’ Council Strike. Although various efforts during the 1970s and 1980s to restore power-sharing in the North were to be frustrated by ongoing paramilitary violence and the opposition of many unionists, Sunningdale had pointed the way for progress in the future. The Peace Movement Founded in 1976 by Betty Williams and Máiréad Corrigan, the Peace Movement enjoyed widespread support in both Catholic and Protestant communities, with up to 20,000 people attending some of their rallies. -
Previous Attempts to Bring Peace to Northern Ireland Have Failed. What Problems Need to Be Overcome So Devolution and Peace Can Succeed in Northern Ireland?
Previous attempts to bring peace to Northern Ireland have failed. What problems need to be overcome so devolution and peace can succeed in Northern Ireland? So what are the problems? Paramilitaries – Loyalist and Republican terrorists are fighting a war against each other. Unionist and Nationalist politicians find it hard to discuss peace when the other side is killing their people. Partition – Both sides want different things. Nationalists want a Free and independent Ireland. Unionists want Northern Ireland to remain part of the UK. British and Irish governments – There was a great deal of mistrust between Dublin and London until 1985. Distrust – Unionists/Protestants and Nationalists/Catholics do not trust each other. Economic and Social problems. Poor schooling, housing and amenities need investment. Who gets the investment first. High Unemployment is caused by lack of companies and businesses willing to invest in Northern Ireland whilst the Troubles continue. America was funding the IRA and Sinn Fein. Weapon decommissioning and the end of violence. The arrest and detainment of innocent Catholics. Orange Marches and RUC seen as offensive to Nationalists. Civil Rights. Different opinions amongst the Unionists and Nationalists. DUP vs UUP. Sinn Fein vs SDLP. Obstacles to Peace - Politics During the Troubles, the media reports of bombs and shootings gave people outside Northern Ireland the impression that Northern Ireland was a war zone. It seemed to have no normal life and no normal politics either. This was not the case. There were 'normal' political parties in Northern Ireland, and most people supported them. All the parties had views and policies relating to a wide range of 'normal' issues such as education, health care and housing. -
The RUC Handling of Certain Intelligence and Its Relationship with Government Communications Headquarters in Relation to the Omagh Bomb on 15 August 1998
Investigation Report The RUC handling of certain intelligence and its relationship with Government Communications Headquarters in relation to the Omagh Bomb on 15 August 1998 Public Statement by the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland arising from a referral by the Chief Constable, in accordance with Section 62 of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998 1.0 INTRODUCTION 1.1 On 4 May 2010, I received a Referral from the Chief Constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) concerning a number of specific matters relating to the manner in which the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) Special Branch handled both intelligence and its relationship with Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) in relation to the Omagh Bombing on 15 August 1998. The referral originated from issues identified by the House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. 1.2 In 2013 the Chief Constable made a further Referral to my Office in connection with the findings of a report commissioned by the Omagh Support and Self Help Group (OSSHG) in support of a full Public Inquiry into the Omagh Bombing. The report identified and discussed a wide range of issues, including a reported tripartite intelligence led operation based in the Republic of Ireland involving American, British and Irish Agencies, central to which was a named agent. It suggested that intelligence from this operation was not shared prior to, or with those who subsequently investigated the Omagh Bombing. 1 1.3 On 12 September 2013 the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers M.P. issued a statement explaining that there were not sufficient grounds to justify a further inquiry beyond those that had already taken place. -
Four Nations Impartiality Review: an Analysis of Reporting Devolution
APPENDIX A Four Nations Impartiality Review: An analysis of reporting devolution Report authors Prof. Justin Lewis Dr. Stephen Cushion Dr. Chris Groves Lucy Bennett Sally Reardon Emma Wilkins Rebecca Williams Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies, Cardiff University 1 Contents Page 1. Introduction and Overview 2. General sample 3. Case studies 4. Reporting the 2007 elections 5. Current Affairs Coverage 2007 6. Five Live Phone-In Programmes (Oct-Nov and Election Samples) 7. Devolution Stories on BBC Six O’Clock News and 6.30pm Opt- Outs 8. Omissions 9. Devolution online: Focus groups 10. Bibliography 11. Appendix 2 1. Introduction and Overview The scope of the study The central aim of the study was to examine how devolution is reported in UK-wide BBC network television and radio news, BBC network factual programmes and BBC online news. This analysis took place within the broad framework of questions about impartiality and accuracy, and asked whether the coverage of the four nations is balanced, accurate and helpful in understanding the new political world of devolved government. The focus of the study fell on the coverage of politics in the broadest sense, including the impact of specific policies and debates over the future of devolution, rather than being limited to the reporting of the everyday business of politics within Westminster, Holyrood, Cardiff Bay or Stormont. We conducted two substantive pieces of content analysis. The first was based on a sample of four weeks of news coverage gathered during an eight week period in October and November 2007. This involved 4,687 news items across a wide range of BBC and non-BBC outlets. -
Report of Sir Peter Gibson
REVIEW OF INTERCEPTED INTELLIGENCE IN RELATION TO THE OMAGH BOMBING OF 15 AUGUST 1998 [Extracts from full report] Sir Peter Gibson, the Intelligence Services Commissioner 16th January 2009 Terms of Reference by Gordon Brown, then British Prime Minister, 17 September 2008: “Review any intercepted intelligence material available to the security and intelligence agencies in relation to the Omagh bombing and how this intelligence was shared” These extracts from the full report were made available by Shaun Woodward, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 20 January 2009 16th January 2009 REVIEW OF INTERCEPTED INTELLIGENCE IN RELATION TO THE OMAGH BOMBING OF 15 AUGUST 1998 CONTENTS Introduction 2 Context 3 Background to the bombing 5 The Investigations and Actions taken after the Bombing 6 Roles and relationships 9 Sources of information relating to my review 12 Conclusions 13 Acknowledgments 16 1 of 16 Introduction 1. Following the BBC Panorama programme broadcast on 15 September, the Prime Minister invited me, as the Intelligence Services Commissioner, to “review any intercepted intelligence material available to the security and intelligence agencies in relation to the Omagh bombing and how this intelligence was shared”. 2. In preparing my Report, which I presented to the Prime Minister on 18 December 2008, I drew on a range of very sensitive and highly classified material made available to me by those agencies involved in the production of intercept intelligence. Some of this material is subject to important legal constraints on its handling and disclosure. Such material, if released more widely, would reveal information on the capabilities of our security and intelligence agencies. -
"European Citizens Are Being Reminded"
02/02/2018 Gmail - "EUROPEAN CITIZENS ARE BEING REMINDED" William Finnerty <[email protected]> "EUROPEAN CITIZENS ARE BEING REMINDED" William Finnerty <[email protected]> Fri, Feb 2, 2018 at 3:45 PM To: UK Northern Ireland Secretary of State Karen Bradley MP <[email protected]>, "Northern Ireland Justice Department, Case Ref: COR/1248/2016" <[email protected]>, "First Minister of Northern Ireland Arlene Foster (Lawyer) LL.B. MLA" <[email protected]>, [email protected], Northern Ireland Justice Minister Claire Sugden MLA <[email protected]>, Northern Ireland Minister For Finance Máirtín Ó Muilleoir MLA <[email protected]>, Northern Ireland Minister for Health Michelle O'Neill MLA <[email protected]>, [email protected], "Discretionary Support Inspector D Todd at Office of Discretionary Support Commissioner, Belfast BT7 2JA" <[email protected]>, "Discretionary Support Commissioner, 20 Castle St, Antrim" <[email protected]>, NORTHERN IRELAND PENSION SERVICE <[email protected]>, "Welfare Adviser Damien O'Boyle at Ballynafeigh (Belfast) Community Development Association, Northern Ireland" <[email protected]>, Northern Ireland Southern Health and Social Care Trust SAFEGUARDING ADULTS TEAM <[email protected]>, "E&L Kennedy Law Firm, Belfast" <[email protected]>, "Lawyer Paul J. O'Kane LL.B." <[email protected]>, "Lawyer Aoife McShane LL.B." <[email protected]>, Lawyer Rory McShane <[email protected]>, Lawyer Mary Doherty <[email protected]>, "Lawyer Ronan McGuigan, LL.B. Solicitor Advocate" <[email protected]>, "Lawyer Jacqueline Malone LL.B. -
Fund Focus Winter 2010
Fund Winter 2010 The Newsletter of the International Fund for Ireland news www.internationalfundforireland.com The International Fund for Ireland announces £12m/€14.4m to promote sharing and integration Following the Fund’s most recent Board continued commitment to bringing together “In building these closer links from meeting in County Antrim on 4 November people from the Unionist and Nationalist primary school age and upwards, 2010, Fund Chairman Dr Denis Rooney traditions, be it in a classroom, on a youth we are trying to foster a greater CBE announced £12m/€14.4m funding programme, in housing or through work understanding of and respect for both to support a wide range of pioneering with local communities. traditions - to live peaceably in a shared community relations initiatives in shared and tolerant society.” education, youth work, community “The Fund is committed to supporting development and re-imaging. projects that seek to dismantle traditional Full details of this latest funding barriers in an effort to create a truly announcement can be viewed Dr Denis Rooney said: “This funding integrated society that will underpin a lasting on our website: www.international announcement demonstrates the Fund’s peace, long after the Fund ceases to exist. fundforireland.com Fund’s Shared Neighbourhood Programme reaches its target The Shared Neighbourhood Programme, working within the 30 neighbourhoods in the which is designed to support and Shared Neighbourhood Programme continue encourage shared neighbourhoods to experience some very real difficulties and across Northern Ireland has achieved its challenges in pursuing the vision for their initial aim of attracting 30 participants communities.” onto the Programme in three years. -
Statement by the Police Ombudsman for Northern
SSTTAATTEEMMEENNTT BBYY TTHHEE PPOOLLIICCEE OOMMBBUUDDSSMMAANN FFOORR NNOORRTTHHEERRNN IIRREELLAANNDD OONN HHEERR IINNVVEESSTTIIGGAATTIIOONN OOFF MMAATTTTEERRSS RREELLAATTIINNGG TTOO TTHHEE OOMMAAGGHH BBOOMMBBIINNGG OONN AAUUGGUUSSTT 1155 11999988 The persons responsible for the Omagh Bombing are the terrorists who planned and executed the atrocity. Nothing contained in this report should detract from that clear and unequivocal fact. Wednesday 12 December 2001 STATEMENT OF THE POLICE OMBUDSMAN FOR NORTHERN IRELAND IN RELATION TO THE OMAGH BOMB INVESTIGATION REPORT 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Under the provisions of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998 (the Police Act), Section 55(6)(b), the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland (the Police Ombudsman) may, without a complaint, formally investigate a matter in accordance with Section 56 of the Act if it is desirable in the public interest. 1.2 A Report has been presented to the Secretary of State, the Northern Ireland Policing Board and the Chief Constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) under Regulation 20 of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (Complaints etc.) Regulations 2000. The public interest relates to material issues preceding and following the Omagh Bomb on 15 August 1998. 1.3 This Statement in relation to the Report on the Omagh Bomb is published under Section 62 of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998 2. THE OMAGH BOMB 2.1 On Saturday 15 August 1998 at approximately 3.05 p.m. a terrorist bomb (the Omagh Bomb) exploded in the small county town of Omagh, County Tyrone, Northern Ireland. Three telephone calls were made, the first of which was at 2.29 p.m. warning that a bomb was going to detonate in the town. -
Northern Ireland and South Africa: "Hope and History at a Crossroads" Padraig O'malley University of Massachusetts Boston, [email protected]
University of Massachusetts Boston ScholarWorks at UMass Boston John M. McCormack Graduate School of Policy and McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Global Studies Publications Studies 3-2000 Northern Ireland and South Africa: "Hope and History at a Crossroads" Padraig O'Malley University of Massachusetts Boston, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.umb.edu/mccormack_pubs Part of the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Recommended Citation O'Malley, Padraig, "Northern Ireland and South Africa: "Hope and History at a Crossroads"" (2000). John M. McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies Publications. Paper 27. http://scholarworks.umb.edu/mccormack_pubs/27 This Occasional Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies at ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. It has been accepted for inclusion in John M. McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies Publications by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. For more information, please contact [email protected]. .The John W McCormack Institute of Public Affairs Northern Ireland and South Africa: "Hope and History at a Crossroads" - •••••••••••••••••••• ) 'by Padraig O'Malley - . March2000 Northern Ireland and South Africa: "Hope and History at a Crossroads" by Padraig O'Malley March 2000 Northern Ireland and South Africa: "Hope and History at a Crossroads" Padraig O'Malley Your truth that lacks the warmth of lies, the ability to compromise. John Hewitt Whenever things threatened to fall apart during our negotiations - and they did on many occasions - we would stand back and remind ourselves that if negotiations broke down the outcome would be a blood bath of unimaginable proportions, and that after the blood bath we would have to sit down again and negotiate with each other. -
WORSHAM-DOCUMENT-2019.Pdf
Democracy and the Fallacy of the Post-Conflict Era in Northern Ireland The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Worsham, Nicole A. 2019. Democracy and the Fallacy of the Post- Conflict Era in Northern Ireland. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:42004239 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Democracy and the Fallacy of the Post -Conflict Era in Northern Ireland Nicole A. Worsham A Thesis in the Field of International Relations for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University May 2019 © 2019 Nicole A. Worsham Abstract While Northern Ireland has experienced a period of relative peace since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, entrenched, age-old tensions persist between those of opposing political persuasions, and between those of different religions. Those tensions continue to manifest themselves in ways which disprove the notion that Northern Ireland is in a post-conflict era. Further, demographic shifts, social changes, and external pressures make the status quo in Northern Ireland untenable. Profound uncertainty over Brexit now threatens the structure and foundation of government, and, perhaps of more immediate concern, the devolved local Executive and Assembly of Northern Ireland have collapsed, with little evidence that local government may be restored in the near term. -
A Year in Review, the Year Ahead
2018: A YEAR IN REVIEW, 2019: THE YEAR AHEAD Foreword from Rt Hon Patricia Hewitt, Senior Adviser, FTI Consulting 2018 was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2017. Which was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2016. And there’s no sign of let-up as we move into 2019. The unresolved questions of Brexit - how? when? whether at all? - will inevitably dominate the coming year. Even if Theresa May brings back from Brussels a new political declaration sufficiently compelling to command a majority in Parliament - a highly unlikely prospect at the time of writing - the end of March will mean the start of a fresh, complex round of negotiations on a future trade deal, conducted under the shadow of the Irish backstop. For most people, that would be preferable to the collapse of Mrs May’s deal and, almost inevitably, the collapse of her government and a subsequent constitutional crisis. Faced with the choice between revoking Article 50 or leaving the European Union (EU) without a deal, the Commons could well produce a majority for a new referendum. Under the pressure of a leadership contest, the personal and political rancour in the Conservative Party could finally break apart Europe’s hitherto most successful party of government. A no-confidence vote that would be defeated today could command enough votes from the Brexiteers’ kamikaze tendency to force another General Election. And Labour - with most of its moderates MPs replaced by Corbynistas in last-minute candidate selections - could win on a ‘cake and eat it’ manifesto of a Brexit that would end free movement but provide frictionless trade (Irish backstop, anyone?). -
Bordering Two Unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics de Mars, Sylvia; Murray, Colin; O'Donoghue, Aiofe; Warwick, Ben Book — Published Version Bordering two unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit Policy Press Shorts: Policy & Practice Provided in Cooperation with: Bristol University Press Suggested Citation: de Mars, Sylvia; Murray, Colin; O'Donoghue, Aiofe; Warwick, Ben (2018) : Bordering two unions: Northern Ireland and Brexit, Policy Press Shorts: Policy & Practice, ISBN 978-1-4473-4622-7, Policy Press, Bristol, http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv56fh0b This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/190846 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen