Cutting Or Tightening the Gordian Knot
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Kosovo: No Good Alternatives to the Ahtisaari Plan
KOSOVO: NO GOOD ALTERNATIVES TO THE AHTISAARI PLAN Europe Report N°182 – 14 May 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. THE AHTISAARI PLAN AT THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL.............................. 1 A. THE STATE OF THE STATUS DEBATE .....................................................................................1 1. The road to Ahtisaari’s supervised independence plan............................................1 2. The Security Council: options and dynamics........................................................ 3 3. The case against delay .......................................................................................... 6 4. The precedent issue: Kosovo as a unique case...................................................... 7 B. WHY PARTITION IS NOT A SOLUTION......................................................................................8 1. The Ahtisaari plan: a multi-ethnic, decentralised society...................................... 8 2. The EU objective: a multi-ethnic Balkans ............................................................ 9 3. The partition alternative: who supports it ........................................................... 10 4. The partition alternative: why it should be rejected ............................................ 14 C. OVERCOMING RUSSIA’S CONCERNS......................................................................................15 II. HOW THE AHTISAARI PLAN SHOULD BE IMPLEMENTED ........................ 17 -
Security Force in the Making: Capacity Building in Kosovo
Security Force in the Making Capacity Building in Kosovo EMMA SKEPPstrÖM AND ANNA WEIBULL FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. The organisation employs approximately 1000 personnel of whom about 800 are scientists. This makes FOI Sweden’s largest research institute. FOI gives its customers access to leading-edge expertise in a large number of fields such as security policy studies, defence and security related analyses, the assessment of various types of threat, systems for control and management of crises, protection against and management of hazardous substances, IT security and the potential offered by new sensors. FOI Swedish Defence Research Agency Phone: 46 8 555 030 00 www.foi.se FOI-R--3276--SE User Report Defence Analysis Defence Analysis Fax: +46 8 555 031 00 ISSN 1650-1942 October 2011 SE-164 90 Stockholm Emma Skeppström and Anna Weibull Security Force in the Making Capacity Building in Kosovo FOI-R--3276--SE Titel Security Force in the Making: Capacity Building in Kosovo Title Security Force in the Making: Capacity Building in Kosovo Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--3276--SE Rapporttyp Användarrapport/User Report Report type Månad/Month Oktober/October Utgivningsår/Year 2011 Antal sidor/Pages 47 p ISSN Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet Projektnr/Project no A12014 Godkänd av/Approved by Maria Lignell Jakobsson FOI, Totalförsvarets Forskningsinstitut FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency Avdelningen för Försvarsanalys 164 90 Stockholm SE-164 90 Stockholm Detta verk är skyddat enligt lagen (1960:729) om upphovsrätt till litterära och konstnärliga verk. -
Kosovo Security Force: Quo Vadis?
ELIAMEP Briefing Notes 14 /2013 May 2013 Kosovo Security Force: Quo Vadis? by Dr. Giorgos Triantafyllou, Research Associate , South-East Europe Programme, ELIAMEP, Greece On September 10, 2012, the International Civilian Representative for Kosovo (ICR), Pieter Feith, announced at a press conference that Kosovo’s supervised independence by the International Steering Group for Kosovo (ISG), pursuant to the Ahtisaari Plan, was over. The end of Kosovo’s supervision by the international community was undoubtedly an important milestone for the youngest country in the Balkans, and was hailed by Kosovar Prime Minister, Hashim Thaci, as a sign that Kosovo had gained a great deal of trust and respect in the international community. However, in the wake of its unsupervised policy making, Kosovo still has many serious problems to deal with, both internally, and in relation to its neighboring countries. Some of the most pressing issues stem from the ongoing debate on NATO’s future presence in Kosovo, and the quest for a new status for the Kosovo Security Forces (KSF). The KSF was formally created in January 2009, under the provisions of the Ahtisaari Plan and within the wider context of the ongoing security sector reform in Kosovo; it became operationally active in September 2009. Operating under the supervision of NATO’s KFOR, the KSF was established as a professional, uniformed, and minimally armed body, designed to represent the multi-ethnic composition of Kosovo’s society, and was placed under democratic, civilian control. The mandate of the KSF drew heavily from that of its predecessor, the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC), a civil emergency response unit that was created in 1999 by the UN and NATO missions in Kosovo, in order to facilitate the effective reintegration of the former Kosovo Liberation Army combatants into the country’s post-conflict society. -
Kosovo: No Good Alternatives to the Ahtisaari Plan
KOSOVO: NO GOOD ALTERNATIVES TO THE AHTISAARI PLAN Europe Report N°182 – 14 May 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. THE AHTISAARI PLAN AT THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL.............................. 1 A. THE STATE OF THE STATUS DEBATE .....................................................................................1 1. The road to Ahtisaari’s supervised independence plan............................................1 2. The Security Council: options and dynamics........................................................ 3 3. The case against delay .......................................................................................... 6 4. The precedent issue: Kosovo as a unique case...................................................... 7 B. WHY PARTITION IS NOT A SOLUTION......................................................................................8 1. The Ahtisaari plan: a multi-ethnic, decentralised society...................................... 8 2. The EU objective: a multi-ethnic Balkans ............................................................ 9 3. The partition alternative: who supports it ........................................................... 10 4. The partition alternative: why it should be rejected ............................................ 14 C. OVERCOMING RUSSIA’S CONCERNS......................................................................................15 II. HOW THE AHTISAARI PLAN SHOULD BE IMPLEMENTED ........................ 17 -
Kosovo 2018 International Religious Freedom Report
KOSOVO 2018 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution prohibits religious discrimination and provides for freedom of religion, subject to limitations to ensure public order, health, and safety or to protect the rights of others. The law does not allow religious groups to register as legal entities, creating obstacles for them in conducting their affairs. In 2017 the parliament voted to consider a draft law that would allow religious groups to register as legal entities so they would be able to conduct business and legal matters with the state and private entities, but the law had not received final approval at year’s end. On March 23, a Pristina Basic Court panel acquitted Shefqet Krasniqi of a February 2017 indictment by Kosovo’s Special Prosecution (SPRK) on charges of incitement for terrorism, incitement to religious hatred, and tax evasion. While religious groups stated they generally had collaborative relationships with local governments, some groups said municipal governments did not treat religious organizations equally on property issues, including building permits. Representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) said the government violated the SOC’s property rights, including by refusing to implement court decisions in the SOC’s favor or pursuing construction in Special Protective Zones (SPZs). Decan/Decani authorities, including the mayor, continued to refuse to implement a 2016 Constitutional Court decision awarding 24 disputed hectares (59 acres) around the Visoki Decani Monastery to the SOC; government authorities did not hold any municipal officials accountable. The municipality, with central government support, began constructing a road through the SPZ around Visoki Decani Monastery in breach of a Kosovo law banning construction in SPZs. -
Republika Kosova - Republic of Kosovo
Republika e Kosovës Republika Kosova - Republic of Kosovo Qeveria –Vlada-Government ANALYSIS OF THE STRATEGIC SECURITY SECTOR REVIEW OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO Prishtina, March 2014 1 | P a g e Table of Contents Executive Summary of the SSSR ................................................................................................... 4 Chapter 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 7 Section 1.1. Purpose of SSSR ..................................................................................................... 7 Section 1.2. Background ............................................................................................................. 8 Chapter 2. Process of the SSSR .................................................................................................... 11 Section 2.1. Objectives of the SSSR ......................................................................................... 11 Section 2.2. Terms of Reference and Stages of the SSSR ........................................................ 12 Chapter 3. National Security Interests and Objectives of the Republic of Kosovo ...................... 14 Section 3.1. National Security Interests and Objectives ........................................................... 14 Chapter 4. Strategic Security Environment of the Republic of Kosovo ....................................... 15 Section 4.1. Strategic Context .................................................................................................. -
Minority Rights: an Opportunity for Adjustment of Ethnic Relations in Kosovo?
Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 13, No 4, 2014, 85-110 Copyright © ECMI 2014 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/fileadmin/downloads/publications/JEMIE/2014/Beha.pdf Minority Rights: An Opportunity for Adjustment of Ethnic Relations in Kosovo? Adem Beha* University of Prishtina There is a prevailing perception in Kosovo that minority rights are nothing but ‘ad hoc compromises’ that were paid in return for Kosovo statehood. This paper presents a two-fold argument. First, although Kosovo has ensured the legal entrenchment of ‘group-differentiated rights’ for minority communities in Kosovo, implementation of those rights remains weak. Second, ethnic relations between majority and minority communities living in Kosovo is understood through an essentialist perspective of ethnicity, which encouraged both Albanian and Serbian leaders in Kosovo to take an ethnic approach to politics in order to preserve their power, presenting themselves as the ‘true’ defenders of their ethnic group. This paper concludes that the main impediment to minority communities enjoying the highest democratic standards is not Kosovo’s legislation but its implementation, which illustrates the unwillingness of the political leadership and institutions to meaningfully embrace minority rights as an existential necessity for Kosovo society. Keywords: minority rights; group-differentiated rights; Ahtisaari plan; technical and political dialogue. If ethnic hatred triumphs, then everything that people of goodwill [in Kosovo] and their friends -
Kosovo's Final Status Negotiation Process: a Way out Or Cul-De-Sac
Kosovo’s Final Status Negotiation Process: A Way Out or Cul-de Sac Shkëndije Geci A dissertation presented to the Faculty of Arts in the University of Malta for the degree of Master in Contemporary Diplomacy July 2008 Declaration I hereby declare that this dissertation is my own original work. (signature) Shkëndije Geci 31 July 2008, Prishtina, Kosovo 2 Table of Contents List of Abbreviations ..................................................................................................... 4 I. Introduction ............................................................................................................... 6 I. 1. 1. Research Methodology ....................................................................................... 9 II. Historical background ............................................................................................ 10 II. 1. 1. The roots of the conflict................................................................................. 10 II. 1.2.Kosovo under Tito's Yugoslavia ...................................................................... 11 II.1.3.The rise of Milosevic - Kosovo under Serbian Rule ......................................... 13 II. 1. 4. The end of peaceful resistance – The rise of Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK)15 II.1. 5 Rambouillet ..................................................................................................... 17 II. 1. 6. NATO Bombing Campaign ........................................................................... 18 III. United Nations Mission in -
Kosovo's NATO Future
DECEMBER 2020 Kosovo’s NATO future Policy Brief How to Square the Circle? This policy brief examines how ties between Kosovo and NATO can be strengthened. The fact that Serbia and four NATO member states do not recognise Kosovo’s independence, has hampered further integration into international organisations. The authors delineate possible political and military steps that Kosovo could take in the short and medium term, in order to prepare itself as a credible future partner. The Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue is the ultimate challenge for Kosovo in the long term and until a deal is reached, NATO integration is unlikely. Pristina has to be aware of the military-political equation, where every major military change could have political repercussions. Nonetheless, Kosovo can already commit to necessary reforms of its democratic system. Kosovo should also try to create ways of strengthening ties to the Alliance under the current circumstances, by for instance explicitly asking to establish a political dialogue. Vice versa, NATO could consider deepening cooperation within the ‘enhanced cooperation framework’. Through this interaction, the Alliance could aid Kosovo in reforming its political system, which would create a smoother path for Kimberley Kruijver & Visar Xhambazi Kosovo’s future integration aspirations. Introduction Of all the Western Balkan countries, Kosovo the application for the Partnership for Peace is the last one to develop and implement its programme2 in 2012, have so far been in independent foreign security and defence vain. Believing it would be a game changer, policy. Since the country’s independence the Kosovo Parliament voted in December in 2008, NATO integration has been one of 2018 to transform its security forces, the the main governmental priorities. -
[Towards an Independent Kosovo Security Force!?]
2013 Radboud University Nijmegen Xavier Meulenbeek [Towards an independent Kosovo Security Force!?] The promotion of local ownership in SSR activities in support of defence reform by KFOR towards a sustainable security sector in Kosovo Towards an independent Kosovo Security Force!? A research to the promotion of local ownership in SSR activities in support of defence reform by KFOR towards a sustainable security sector in Kosovo X.N.J. Meulenbeek Human Geography Master specialisation “Conflicts, Territories & Identities” Radboud University Nijmegen First supervisor: Dr. S. Vuković Second supervisor: Drs. S.N. Mengelberg Nijmegen, July 2013 Preface This thesis is the result of the final research I have conducted on completion of the master programme Conflicts, Territories and Identities at the Radboud University in Nijmegen. For me as an officer of the Royal Netherlands Marine Corps it has been a privilege to be given the opportunity to do this master programme for which I am thankful. Defence reform in Kosovo is chosen as research topic with specific focus on the Kosovo Security Force. This topic is in my field of interest, because the Dutch defence forces are frequently used to train foreign defence forces. My research interest for the Kosovo Security Force came after I had visited Kosovo once before and gained a lot of interesting impressions. With Dr. Siniša Vuković, I found a first supervisor who had a lot of knowledge on conflict management and had specific interest in Kosovo as well. In the orientation phase of my research we came up with KFOR‟s role in the development of the Kosovo Security Force. -
Basic Instinct: the Case for More NATO in the Western Balkans
BASIC INSTINCT THE CASE FOR MORE NATO IN THE WESTERN BALKANS STUDY OF THE CENTER FOR EURO-ATLANTIC STUDIES FROM SERBIA SEPTEMBER 2017 “This assessment report was made possible with partial funding from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the NED”. Quotes That Inspired This Report NATO is made up of large countries and small countries, but the U.S. has no small allies and we cherish our new alliance with Montenegro through NATO. Michael Richard Pence, Vice President of the United States, statement during visit to Montenegro, August 2017 We need more NATO, more EU, and more NATO and EU. Rose Eilene Gottemoeller, Deputy Secretary General of NATO, at Lennart Meri conference in Tallinn, Riga, on a panel Less NATO More EU, May 2017 The way to deter a crisis is through speed of recognition, speed of political decision and speed of assembly. Unity of NATO and unity of the EU are absolutely necessary for deterrence. There is no room for miscalculation. Lt. Gen. Benjamin Hodges, commander of U.S. Army Europe, at Lennart Meri conference in Tallinn, Riga, May 2017 Russia is simply using every aspect of an ethnic tension of political destabilization of any kind of conflict to its own advantage, which means to the disadvantage of the West and of liberal democracy. That is the most potent foreign influence in the Balkans, which we need to counter in some way. Roland Freudenstein, Policy Director, Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, in an interview for European Western Balkans, June 2017 We were often asked by individuals what does the membership in NATO brings to each one of us, what kind of direct benefits would bring them. -
Final Status Negotiations on Kosovo Within the UN Security Council ©
Vlaamse Vereniging voor de Verenigde Naties Model United Nations - Flanders, 3rd Edition SIMULATION EXERCISE - December 2007 CASE 2007-2008 Final Status Negotiations on Kosovo within the UN Security Council © Case developed by EYES 1 EEYYEESS Dr. David Criekemans OOONNNLLLYYY Problem and setting For more than eight years since the unanimous adoption of resolution 1244 (1999) by the UN Security Council, the international community has been trying to find a solution to the ‘final status’ of Kosovo. Since February 2007, this debate is accelerating; the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General, Mr. Martti Ahtisaari, unveiled a plan to set Kosovo on a path to independence. The plan –although fully backed by the West– is highly controversial, both in Serbia and in Russia. To make matters worse, the relations between the Russian federation and some Western countries such as the United States of America and the United Kingdom have rapidly deteriorated as a result of conflicting interests; (1°) Washington’s intention to install anti-ballistic missile-facilities in the Czech republic and Poland “to protect against Iran” (but Moscow thinks it is targeting Russia); (2°) the UK-Russia row over the murder of ex-FSB spy Litvinenko, and Moscow’s unwillingness to extradite the FSB-spy and main suspect Lugovoi, resulting in the reciprocal expulsion of British and Russian diplomats; (3°) Western fears over Russia’s reliability and intentions regarding its gas and oil deliveries; (4°) the Russian row with Canada and the US about their respective territorial claims over the North Pole (gas & oil reserves); (5°) Russia’s restlessness over a further NATO-enlargement.