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The Least Developed Country (LDC) Category at 40 Djalita Fialho
Aiming high, falling short: the Least Developed Country (LDC) category at 40 Djalita Fialho ISS - Institute of Social Studies Abstract Why have 94% of LDCs not escaped poverty during the last four decades? This paper analyses the motivation behind the UN decision to establish the LDC category in 1971. The reviewed literature highlights the conflicting interests of the actors involved. It provides a historical account of the creation of the category and an international political economy analysis of that process. Based on this literature, I argue that the initial LDC identification process - which set a precedent for future LDC categorizations - was manipulated in order to generate a reduced list of small and economically and politically insignificant countries. Contrary to the LDC official narrative, this list served the interests of both donors (by undermining the UN’s implicit effort to normalize international assistance) and other non-LDC developing countries (disturbed by the creation of a positive discrimination within the group, favoring the most disadvantaged among them). As a result of this manipulation, considerably less development-promoting efforts have been demanded from donors, which has, in turn, not significantly distressed the interests of other non-LDC developing countries. Keywords: LDCs, aid, trade, preferential treatment, graduation JEL Classification: N20, O19 1. Introduction In May 2011 the international community, under the auspices of the UN, gathered for the fourth time in 40 years to assess progresses made by the least developed country (LDC) group. The conference took place in Istanbul, under the grim shadow of a stagnant and non-evolving category, whose membership has not declined for most of its lifespan. -
Verge 7 Re-Orienting Neo-Liberal Development and Mainstreaming
Verge 7 Re-Orienting Neo-liberal Development and Mainstreaming HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa Brianna Bowman The countries of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) have been sites of turbulent development practices since the Third World debt crisis of the 1970s. As illustrated in Tanzania, attempts by International Financial Institutions (IFIs), namely the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), to stabilize and liberalize the economy through the implementation of neo-liberal contingency based Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) only worsened conditions. It was in the shadow of deepening poverty and increasing debt obligations that the HIV virus began to permeate and devastate SSA. Government implementation of SAPs facilitated transmission of the disease by raising unemployment, increasing labor mobility, and restricting social services. Institutional reforms abated structural violence, defined by John Galtung as a process that causes ―avoidable insults to basic human needs, and more generally to life,‖ (292) and compromised the human right to health, as set forth in Article 25 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Under these conditions, AIDS deaths in SSA continued to rise throughout the 1980s. Poverty, debt, and illness lformed a destructive cycle that set back development gains, worsened poverty, and impeded the ability of governments to adequately assist their people or help resolve their mounting debts. In the early 1990s, worsening conditions and increasing discontent throughout the developing world necessitated that the World Bank and IMF revise their development approach. Acknowledging the incompatibility of goals for economic growth and expectations that countries Verge 7 Bowman 2 fulfill their crippling debt obligations, the IFIs introduced their most recent development programs, the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC) in 1996, followed by the the enhanced version in 1999, and the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI) in 2006. -
Michael K. Dorsey
MICHAEL K. DORSEY Permanent Contact Information Main: +1734-945-6424 Preferred Search Email: [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D. Natural Resources and Environmental Policy University of Michigan School of Natural Resources (2005) M.A. Anthropology Johns Hopkins University (1999) M.F.S. (Master of Forest Science) Yale University School of Forestry & Environmental Studies (1996) B.S. in Natural Resources and Environmental Policy University of Michigan School of Natural Resources (1993) (ESG) CORPORATE, INVESTOR EXPERIENCE & LEADERSHIP Limited Partner & Co-Founding Investor 2015 – present Around the Corner Advisors & Around the Corner Capital, LLC Washington, DC, USA Oversight & Responsibilities: • Large scale renewable energy and sustainability deal cultivation, financing and project development. • Series A investor in CHGX. • Multi-spectrum strategic advocacy for globally profitable large-scale renewable energy via regulators, elected officials, investors, media, NGOs, and other platforms. Limited Partner & Co-Founding Investor IberSun Solar (USA, Spain, Japan) 2019 – present IberSun North America (Americas) 2020 – present Pahal Solar (India & South Asia) 2018 – present Univergy/Think Green (India) 2017 – 2018 Washington, DC, USA; Tokyo, Japan; Madrid, Spain; Hyderabad, India Oversight & Responsibilities: • Large/Utility scale solar deal cultivation, negotiation & deployment. • Solar project financing, development and sale – Global (Large scale (15MW-1GW) projects to date in: Botswana, India, Panama, South Africa, Spain, Zimbabwe and -
War in the Fourth World
The Worlds ■ First World: the capitalistic west. ■ Second World: the communistic east. Much reduced today. ■ Third World: originally non-aligned but really means poor or developing states. ■ Fourth World: nations or peoples that exist largely within the bounds of third world states and who are defending themselves against territorial invasion and have desires for autonomy or independence. Worlds 1-3 Nations and States in the Fourth World ■ Nation: a community of self- identifying people who have a common culture and a historically common territory. They see themselves as a people on the basis of common ancestry, history, society, institutions, ideology, language, territory, and often, religion. A person is born into a particular nation. About 5,000 exist today ■ State: a centralized political system within international legal boundaries recognized by other states. It uses a civilian- military bureaucracy to establish one government and to enforce one set of institutions and laws. 191 states recognized by the UN. Nations and States { 95% of the 191 states in the world today are m ultinational (m ultiethnic) and assert sovereignty over som e 5,000 nations. { Nation states such as Portugal, I celand, or Senegal are rare. { 80% of today's (1993) 120 wars are between nations and states. State versus Nation Terminology State Terms and Fourth World Translations Categorizations peasants unarmed members of an unnamed nation separatists a nation that never joined a state rebels a large group of armed nation people terrorists a small group of armed -
Decolonization, Development, and Denial Natsu Taylor Saito
Florida A & M University Law Review Volume 6 Number 1 Social Justice, Development & Equality: Article 1 Comparative Perspectives on Modern Praxis Fall 2010 Decolonization, Development, and Denial Natsu Taylor Saito Follow this and additional works at: http://commons.law.famu.edu/famulawreview Recommended Citation Natsu T. Saito, Decolonization, Development, and Denial, 6 Fla. A&M U. L. Rev. (2010). Available at: http://commons.law.famu.edu/famulawreview/vol6/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ FAMU Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida A & M University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons @ FAMU Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DECOLONIZATION, DEVELOPMENT, AND DENIAL Natsu Taylor Saito* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................. 1 R 11. THE TRANSITION FROM DECOLONIZATION TO DEVELOPMENT ............................................. 6 R A. Inherently Contradictory:Decolonizing Under Colonial Rules ............................................ 8 R B. The Influence of InternationalFinancial Institutions . 12 R C. "Good Governance" and "FailedStates" ............... 17 R III. DEVELOPMENT AS A COLONIAL CONSTRUCT ................ 21 R A. "Guardianship"as a Justificationfor Colonial Appropriation.................................... 22 R B. Self-Determination and the League of Nation's Mandate System ................................. 25 R C. The Persistence of the Development Model ........... -
U.S. Trade with the Third World: Theamerican Stake
416 DOCUMENT RESUME ED 219 293 SO 014 019 AUTHOR' yathieson, John A. TITLE U.S. Trade with the Third World: TheAmerican Stake. Occasional- Paper' 28. INSTITUTION Stanle? FOundation, Muscatine, Iowa. PUB DATE Jan 82 NOTE 34p. AVAILABLE FROM Stanley Foundation, 420 East Third Street, Muscatine, 'IA f2761 (free). EDRS PRICE MF01 Phis Postage. PC Not Available from EDRS. DESCRIPTORS *Developing Nations; Economic Change; *Economic Factors; Futures (of Society) IDENTIFIERS1- *International Trade ABSTRACT This essay examines the various economic effects or U.S. trade with developing nations todetermine''whether or'not such trade is in the U.S. interest. Expansion of ,trade withthe Third . Worls very much in keeptiwith the Reagan administration's economlc goals. It.stems f conviction that solution to the.. problems of poverty and'insufficient economic development is tobe found in the magic of the market place. U.S.' gains from tradein6lude acceps to needed raw materials, consumerbenefits, economic effikelZncy, and growing marketsfor U.S. exports. Although U.S.trade with the'developidg countries is quite favorable (with theexception of oil), it is not sufficient to look exclusively on thepositive side. One serious costto the United States is loss 'ofemployment opportunities in" declining industries. Study afterstudy identifies the same'industries as being most sensitive to -importcompetition: textiles and clothing, footwear, leather goods, and consumer electronics. Compered to a protectionist stance,the/article concludes, in the lbng run, a set of policies to stimulateworld, trade and distribute its costs equitably carrieswith it a much greater potential kor ippeoving the economicwell-being of all nations. (RM) /./ *t*************************t***,***********************-*****************) * * Reproductions suppLiestrby EDRS are the best than bemade * , * ' from the oiginasl'document. -
Decolonization and Revolution by Fabian Klose
Decolonization and Revolution by Fabian Klose Decolonization is a central historical trend. Occurring in four broad phases from 1776 up to 1991, it has shaped the present-day global system of states through the release of revolutionary forces. The term "decolonization" refers to the process through which colonial rule dissolved, and it encompasses the various political, economic, cultural and social dimensions of this process both in the periphery and in the metropole. For more than 200 years, decolonization has linked the history of Europe with that of the other four continents in significant ways, and it continues to influence the relationship between the European continent and the rest of the world right up to the present. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction: Definition, Periodization and Models of Interpretation 2. The Atlantic Revolutions and American Independence (1776–1826) 3. The "White" Dominions and the Establishment of "Neo-Europes" (1839–1931) 4. The Anticolonial Revolution and the Dissolution of the European Colonial Empires (1914–1975) 5. The Collapse of the Soviet Empire as a Fourth Phase of Decolonization (1985–1991) 6. Summary 7. Appendix 1. Literature 2. Notes Indices Citation The future historian may regard as the greatest "revolution" of the twentieth century not Lenin's overthrow of the short-lived free regime in Russia in November 1917, but the less conspicuous […] and, yet, more far- reaching process which brought Europe's four hundred years old dominion of the globe to an end (Hans Kohn, October 1958).1 Introduction: Definition, Periodization and Models of Interpretation The term "decolonization" refers to the process whereby colonial rule dissolved in the periphery and in the metropole, with its various political, economic, cultural and social dimensions.2 The transfer of national sovereignty rights led to the emergence of new independent states, thereby permanently changing international relations and the global system of states. -
"Africa and the Politics of Climate Justice " by Dr
The High Commission for the Republic of South Africa in Canada and the Institute of African Studies at Carleton University invite you to the "Africa Dialogue Series" talk "Africa and the Politics of Climate Justice " by Dr. Patrick Bond, University of KwaZulu-Natal When: Tuesday, 29 March 2011 Time: 5:30 pm – 7:30 pm Where: Humanities Theatre, 303 Paterson Hall, Carleton University ("PA" on campus map, http://www2.carleton.ca/campus/) Refreshments will be served Patrick Bond is a political economist at the University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Development Studies in Durban, where since 2004 he has directed the Centre for Civil Society (ukzn.ac.za/ccs). Amongst his authored, edited and co-edited books are: Zuma’s Own Goal (2010); Climate Change, Carbon Trading and Civil Society (2009); The Accumulation of Capital in Southern Africa (2007); Looting Africa (2006); Talk Left, Walk Right (2006); Fanon’s Warning (2005); Elite Transition (2005); Zimbabwe’s Plunge (2003); Against Global Apartheid (2003); Unsustainable South Africa (2002) and Cities of Gold, Townships of Coal (2000). Forthcoming books address South African and African political economy, and global climate justice politics. In service to the new South African government from 1994-2002, Patrick authored/edited more than a dozen policy papers, including the Reconstruction and Development Programme. He was born in Belfast, Northern Ireland in 1961 and has lived in South Africa since 1990. The Africa Dialogue Series at Carleton University seeks to promote the better understanding and discussions of current policy issues facing the African continent. Through an informed presentation concerning one of the complex and substantive policy issues facing policy-makers and societies at large in the continent, the series aims to engage students and the wider public in Ottawa- Gatineau in a dialogue concerning the implications of global issues for Africa. -
The CDM Cannot Deliver the Money to Africa – December 2012
The CDM Cannot Deliver the Money to Africa – December 2012 ejolt report º no. 2 December 2012 The CDM Cannot Deliver the Money to Africa Why the carbon trading gamble won’t save the planet from climate change, and how African civil society is resisting Patrick Bond, Khadija Sharife, Ruth Castel-Branco (Coord.) With contributions by Fidelis Allen, Baruti Amisi, Keith Brunner, Michael Dorsey, GerardoEJOLT GambirazzReport No. 02io, Terri Hathaway, Adrian Nel, Will Nham The CDM Cannot Deliver the Money to Africa – December 2012 December - 2012 EJOLT Report No.: 02 Report coordinated by: Patrick Bond, Khadija Sharife, Ruth Castel-Branco T he CDM (CCS - UKZN) With chapter contributions by: Fidelis Allen (CCS - UKZN), Baruti Amisi (CCS - UKZN), Keith Brunner (Global Justice Ecology Project), Michael Dorsey cannot (Dartmouth College), Almuth Ernsting (Biofuelswatch), Gerardo Gambirazzio (Dartmouth College), Terri Hathaway (International Rivers), Adrian Nel (Otago University), Will Nham (Carleton University, CCS - UKZN) deliver the Editorial review: Beatriz Rodríguez-Labajos, Leah Temper, Joan Martinez-Alier (ICTA – UAB) money to Design: Jacques bureau for graphic design (Netherlands) Layout: Africa Stephen Murphy (South Africa) Series editor: Beatriz Rodríguez-Labajos Why the Clean The contents of this report may be reproduced in whole or in part for educational or non-profit services without special permission from the Development Mechanism authors, provided acknowledgement of the source is made. This publication was developed as a part of the won’t save the planet from project Environmental Justice Organisations, Liabilities and Trade (EJOLT) (FP7-Science in climate change, and how Society-2010-1). EJOLT aims to improve policy responses to and support collaborative research and action on environmental conflicts through capacity building of African civil society is environmental justice groups around the world. -
Economic Relations with Newly Industrialising Countries
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Kebschull, Dietrich Article — Digitized Version Economic relations with newly industrialising countries Intereconomics Suggested Citation: Kebschull, Dietrich (1983) : Economic relations with newly industrialising countries, Intereconomics, ISSN 0020-5346, Verlag Weltarchiv, Hamburg, Vol. 18, Iss. 6, pp. 286-293, http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02928232 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/139890 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu NlCs Economic Relations With Newly Industrialising Countries by Dietrich Kebschull, Hamburg* It is often maintained, with reference to the increasing competition from newly industrialising countries, that Western support for the development of LDCs' economies would only amount to supplying the rope with which one will later be hanged. -
BRICS in Africa
BRICS in Africa anti-imperialist, sub-imperialist or in between? a reader for the Durban Summit edited by Patrick Bond University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society with groundWork and the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance and In conjunction with Pambazuka News NB: This material was gathered as an educational tool for dissemination on a non- commodified basis in March 2013, with no remuneration granted to our generous contributors of text, photos, cartoons and ideas. We are most grateful for their work. BRICS in Africa anti-imperialist, sub-imperialist or in between? a reader for the Durban Summit TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction to Brics and brics-from-below 1 Patrick Bond The Brics come to Durban 5 Maite Nkoana-Mashabane Recommendations from academics to Brics 10 The 5th Brics Academic Forum Brics as radical shift – or mere relocation of power? 12 Fatima Shabodien Will SA’s new pals be so different from the West? 15 Peter Fabricius Brics and the ANC sell-out to international capital 17 Patrick Bond Brics as a spectre of alliance 19 Anna Ochkina Brics viewed positively from Moscow 22 Vladimir Shubin From Nepad to Brics, SA’s toll at the ‘gateway to Africa’ 25 Patrick Bond Brics grab African land and sovereignty 30 Tomaso Ferrando A day-light robbery in Ethiopia 38 Obang Metho Brics cook the climate 42 Patrick Bond Vale leads corporates in offsetting and ‘false solutions’ 46 Friends of the Earth International Brics lessons from Mozambique 50 Bobby Peek Watchdogging the Brics Bank 52 Carlos Tautz The Brics’ dangerous endorsement -
The BRICS—Merely a Fable? Emerging Power Alliances in Global Trade Governance
The BRICS—merely a fable? Emerging power alliances in global trade governance KRISTEN HOPEWELL* The rise—and, more recently, purported fall—of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has been among the most prominent stories of recent decades. The concept of the BRICS originated as a marketing tool designed by an investment bank: in 2001, a Goldman Sachs report highlighted the rapid economic growth in the BRIC countries and their increasing weight in the global economy, projecting that they would eventually overtake the established economic powers.1 This prompted a flood of new BRIC investment funds and an explosion of interest in these countries. Much of the discussion to date has accordingly been dominated by what could be called the Goldman Sachs view of the BRICS—as primarily an economic phenomenon, centred on rapid economic growth in these countries and resulting opportunities for investment.2 Consequently, now that growth has slowed in most of the BRICS—with China’s annual rate falling from double digits to less than 7 per cent, and Brazil and Russia currently in reces- sion—the frenzy surrounding the rise of the BRICS has been replaced by equally fervent declarations of their demise. In a reversal of earlier fantastical predictions that these countries would ‘power an unstoppable wave of emerging markets-led economic growth’, many now conclude that slowing growth means ‘the BRICs are dead’.3 Goldman Sachs generated a fresh storm of attention when it closed its BRIC fund in 2015 after sustained losses and folded it into its larger emerging markets fund.