On the Historiography of the Rise and Demise of the Third Worldism
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This Electronic Thesis Or Dissertation Has Been Downloaded from Explore Bristol Research
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Mai, Thuy Title: The Politics of Nationalism in the Vietnamese Communist Discourse General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. The Politics of Nationalism in the Vietnamese Communist Discourse Thuy Thu Mai A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirement for award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Social Science and Law, School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies 30th January 2019 Word Count: 81,365 words Abstract The Vietnamese communists have always defined their revolution in national terms, telling the story of how the communists led the Vietnamese people to rescue and rebuild the nation from the plight of French colonisation and American aggression. -
Missing Men: Differential Effects of War and Socialism on Female Labour Force Participation in Vietnam
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Kreibaum, Merle; Klasen, Stephan Working Paper Missing men: Differential effects of war and socialism on female labour force participation in Vietnam Discussion Papers, No. 181 Provided in Cooperation with: Courant Research Centre 'Poverty, Equity and Growth in Developing and Transition Countries', University of Göttingen Suggested Citation: Kreibaum, Merle; Klasen, Stephan (2015) : Missing men: Differential effects of war and socialism on female labour force participation in Vietnam, Discussion Papers, No. 181, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Courant Research Centre - Poverty, Equity and Growth (CRC-PEG), Göttingen This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/112748 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) -
Doi Moi in Review: the Challenges of Building Market Socialism in Vietnam
Journal of Contemporary Asia V\ Routledge Vol. 38, No. 2, May 2008, pp. 221-243 ^^ Ta,,o,.F™.>ao Doi Moi in Review: The Challenges of Building Market Socialism in Vietnam MELANIE BERESFORD Division of Economic & Financial Studies, Macquarie University. Sydney, Auslraiia ABSTRACT TWO decades ago the Vietnamese Communist Party embarked on a transformation from eentralplanning towards a "socialist market economy under state guidance." It looked to East Asian development models, particularly the role of state enterprises (SEs), combined with the creation of a "civilised and equitable" society. The article argues that, in the case of SEs, the state's inability, especially under donor pressure, to provide crucial investment support to the SEs meant that foreign investors and the domestic non-state sector began to dominate the economic landscape. While state-led development remains feasible, it requires a clear and more authorita- tive industry policy; otherwise, the balance of interventionism could eventually tip towards crony- ism. Eurther, the vagueness of the term "civilised and equitable" society leaves open both conformity with the post-Washington consensus and the possibility to achieve more aggressive re- distributive measures, including redistribution of power. In practice, inclusion in and exclusion from successful public-private networks has been crucial for the capacity of individuals to parti- cipate in the rising prosperity of the market economy and has driven a process of rising regional inequality and the emergence of a new social class structure. KEY WORDS: East Asian development, socialism, distribution of income, industry policy, transition economies At its 6"^ National Congress in December 1986, Vietnam's Communist Party made a decisive step to abandon the central planning model of socialism and to adopt a "market-oriented socialist economy under state guidance" - also known as Doi Moi (Renovation). -
The Least Developed Country (LDC) Category at 40 Djalita Fialho
Aiming high, falling short: the Least Developed Country (LDC) category at 40 Djalita Fialho ISS - Institute of Social Studies Abstract Why have 94% of LDCs not escaped poverty during the last four decades? This paper analyses the motivation behind the UN decision to establish the LDC category in 1971. The reviewed literature highlights the conflicting interests of the actors involved. It provides a historical account of the creation of the category and an international political economy analysis of that process. Based on this literature, I argue that the initial LDC identification process - which set a precedent for future LDC categorizations - was manipulated in order to generate a reduced list of small and economically and politically insignificant countries. Contrary to the LDC official narrative, this list served the interests of both donors (by undermining the UN’s implicit effort to normalize international assistance) and other non-LDC developing countries (disturbed by the creation of a positive discrimination within the group, favoring the most disadvantaged among them). As a result of this manipulation, considerably less development-promoting efforts have been demanded from donors, which has, in turn, not significantly distressed the interests of other non-LDC developing countries. Keywords: LDCs, aid, trade, preferential treatment, graduation JEL Classification: N20, O19 1. Introduction In May 2011 the international community, under the auspices of the UN, gathered for the fourth time in 40 years to assess progresses made by the least developed country (LDC) group. The conference took place in Istanbul, under the grim shadow of a stagnant and non-evolving category, whose membership has not declined for most of its lifespan. -
Verge 7 Re-Orienting Neo-Liberal Development and Mainstreaming
Verge 7 Re-Orienting Neo-liberal Development and Mainstreaming HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa Brianna Bowman The countries of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) have been sites of turbulent development practices since the Third World debt crisis of the 1970s. As illustrated in Tanzania, attempts by International Financial Institutions (IFIs), namely the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), to stabilize and liberalize the economy through the implementation of neo-liberal contingency based Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) only worsened conditions. It was in the shadow of deepening poverty and increasing debt obligations that the HIV virus began to permeate and devastate SSA. Government implementation of SAPs facilitated transmission of the disease by raising unemployment, increasing labor mobility, and restricting social services. Institutional reforms abated structural violence, defined by John Galtung as a process that causes ―avoidable insults to basic human needs, and more generally to life,‖ (292) and compromised the human right to health, as set forth in Article 25 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Under these conditions, AIDS deaths in SSA continued to rise throughout the 1980s. Poverty, debt, and illness lformed a destructive cycle that set back development gains, worsened poverty, and impeded the ability of governments to adequately assist their people or help resolve their mounting debts. In the early 1990s, worsening conditions and increasing discontent throughout the developing world necessitated that the World Bank and IMF revise their development approach. Acknowledging the incompatibility of goals for economic growth and expectations that countries Verge 7 Bowman 2 fulfill their crippling debt obligations, the IFIs introduced their most recent development programs, the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC) in 1996, followed by the the enhanced version in 1999, and the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI) in 2006. -
War in the Fourth World
The Worlds ■ First World: the capitalistic west. ■ Second World: the communistic east. Much reduced today. ■ Third World: originally non-aligned but really means poor or developing states. ■ Fourth World: nations or peoples that exist largely within the bounds of third world states and who are defending themselves against territorial invasion and have desires for autonomy or independence. Worlds 1-3 Nations and States in the Fourth World ■ Nation: a community of self- identifying people who have a common culture and a historically common territory. They see themselves as a people on the basis of common ancestry, history, society, institutions, ideology, language, territory, and often, religion. A person is born into a particular nation. About 5,000 exist today ■ State: a centralized political system within international legal boundaries recognized by other states. It uses a civilian- military bureaucracy to establish one government and to enforce one set of institutions and laws. 191 states recognized by the UN. Nations and States { 95% of the 191 states in the world today are m ultinational (m ultiethnic) and assert sovereignty over som e 5,000 nations. { Nation states such as Portugal, I celand, or Senegal are rare. { 80% of today's (1993) 120 wars are between nations and states. State versus Nation Terminology State Terms and Fourth World Translations Categorizations peasants unarmed members of an unnamed nation separatists a nation that never joined a state rebels a large group of armed nation people terrorists a small group of armed -
Public Entrepreneurship, Collective Wisdom and Doi Moi (Renovation) in Vietnam
Public Entrepreneurship, Collective Wisdom and Doi Moi (Renovation) in Vietnam Du T. Huynh Abstract Through lens of public choices and public entrepreneurship, this paper examines ingredients for Vietnam’s Renovation in 1986 when the Socialist Bloc was falling apart, and Vietnam’s communist regime was in a brink of collapse. The findings show that public entrepreneurship and collective wisdom have played prominent roles. The communist regime has been able to lead the Vietnamese people to gain the national independence and change the development model to achieve high economic growth and inclusive development. Individuals pursuing private purposes also take proper account of public value as Ostrom’s argument, and rational collective actions are possible. There are three conditions for collective wisdoms including: public entrepreneurship, strong governing and supporting coalitions; and pressure to achieve group interests. Keywords: Public entrepreneurship, collective wisdom, public choice, Vietnam. 1 Introduction Theories on collective actions or public choices have emerged from the mid of the 20th century (Altshuler and Luberoff, 2003). However, the 1960s can be considered as their marking decade with the appearance of a series of classic works including: the Calculus of Consent by James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock in 1962; the Logic of Collective Action by Mancur Olson in 1965; Public Entrepreneurship: a Case Study in Ground Water Basin Management by Elinor Ostrom in 1965; and the Tragedy of Commons by Garrett Hardin in 1968. There are two contrast schools of collective actions reflected clearly in Olson’s argument that rational, self-interested individuals will not act to achieve their common or group interests; and Ostrom’s that individuals pursuing private purposes will also take proper account of public value. -
Collective and Family Agriculture in Socialist Economies
Collective and Family Agriculture in Socialist Economies Nguyen Huu Dong This article' presents an analysis of the relationship The question of productivityintheprivate between private and collective agricultural sectors in a sectorOne of the most controversial problems in socialist economy with special reference to Vietnam. the analysis of socialist agriculture, is: which is more Any country which is going through a 'transition to 'productive', the private or the collective sector? socialism' or which subscribes to 'scientific socialism' Gregor Lazarcik's figures [1974] show unequivocally shares the view of the founders of the Soviet Union that the private sector in Eastern European countries that the main means of production, of which land, is much more productive than the collective sector, historically speaking, is the most important, must be particularly in the case of animal husbandry and collectivised.2 vegetable growing. Benedict Stavis' [1979] figures for China show that the peasants derive over 20 per cent of The Family Sector - a Universal Phenomenon their income from their private plots. Official figures for Vietnam show that 65 per cent of the peasants' cash It is also characteristic of socialist countries that the income derives from their private plots, which land is not completely collectivised. Even where most represent only five per cent of cultivated land. These of the land is farmed by collective production units of conclusions have led a number of economists to reject various types, the peasants have the option of farming collectivisation completely as a negative production a plot of land on a private basis. The amount of land factor which is used to maintain political control over available for this varies between five and ten per cent the peasantry [Francisco 1979; Campbell 1974]. -
Decolonization, Development, and Denial Natsu Taylor Saito
Florida A & M University Law Review Volume 6 Number 1 Social Justice, Development & Equality: Article 1 Comparative Perspectives on Modern Praxis Fall 2010 Decolonization, Development, and Denial Natsu Taylor Saito Follow this and additional works at: http://commons.law.famu.edu/famulawreview Recommended Citation Natsu T. Saito, Decolonization, Development, and Denial, 6 Fla. A&M U. L. Rev. (2010). Available at: http://commons.law.famu.edu/famulawreview/vol6/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ FAMU Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida A & M University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons @ FAMU Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DECOLONIZATION, DEVELOPMENT, AND DENIAL Natsu Taylor Saito* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................. 1 R 11. THE TRANSITION FROM DECOLONIZATION TO DEVELOPMENT ............................................. 6 R A. Inherently Contradictory:Decolonizing Under Colonial Rules ............................................ 8 R B. The Influence of InternationalFinancial Institutions . 12 R C. "Good Governance" and "FailedStates" ............... 17 R III. DEVELOPMENT AS A COLONIAL CONSTRUCT ................ 21 R A. "Guardianship"as a Justificationfor Colonial Appropriation.................................... 22 R B. Self-Determination and the League of Nation's Mandate System ................................. 25 R C. The Persistence of the Development Model ........... -
Management, and Status in Vietnam. Photo by Christina Schwenkel
Time discipline, self- management, and status in Vietnam. Photo by Christina Schwenkel Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/positions/article-pdf/20/2/379/460449/pos202_01Schwenkel_FPP.pdf by guest on 23 September 2021 Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/positions/article-pdf/20/2/379/460449/pos202_01Schwenkel_FPP.pdf by guest on 23 September 2021 Guest Editors’ Introduction: How Is Neoliberalism Good to Think Vietnam? How Is Vietnam Good to Think Neoliberalism? Christina Schwenkel and Ann Marie Leshkowich While much of the world struggles to recover from the global economic crisis of past years, countries such as China and Vietnam are predicted to have some of the highest economic growth rates in the world.1 Though scorned by the US media for a hybridized “market socialism” that has been dubbed “autocratic capitalism” with “improper” state “meddling,”2 China’s and Vietnam’s continued growth more than twenty years after the “col- lapse” of socialism unsettles teleological beliefs in capitalist social change as a marker of “progress.”3 The specter of a crash of market- based, “neo liberal” systems has prompted rethinking of axiomatic truths that free market capi- talism is the most rational and efcient mode of political, social, and eco- nomic organization and that government interventions in the marketplace inevitably hamper growth and efciency. Ongoing apprehension about the impact of global capitalism on state sovereignty and social welfare in Asia, positions : ./- Copyright by Duke University Press Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/positions/article-pdf/20/2/379/460449/pos202_01Schwenkel_FPP.pdf by guest on 23 September 2021 positions 20:2 Spring 2012 380 Latin America, and elsewhere lends further credence to such critiques of neoliberalism. -
The Issue of People's Livelihood in China's Policy of Building A
E3S Web of Conferences 157, 03019 (2020) https://doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202015703019 KTTI-2019 The issue of people’s livelihood in China’s policy of building a harmonious society and Vietnam’s strategy of sustainable development Van Duc Pham 1,2 * 1 Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences, 59, Langha St, Badinh Dist, Hanoi, Viet Nam 2 Graduate Academy of Social Sciences, 1 Lieu Giai street, Ba Dinh district, Hanoi, Vietnam Abstract. The paper analyzes the basic ideas of Sun Yat-sen and Ho Chi Minh on the people’s livelihood. If Sun Yat-sen considered people's livelihood to be socialism, Ho Chi Minh thought that the goal of socialism was to solve well the problems of people's livelihood to bring prosperity, freedom and happiness to the people. At the same time, the author also analyzes and compares to point out the commonalities between the policy of building China's harmonious society and Vietnam's rapid and sustainable development strategy, among which the most oustanding is the goal to improve the quality of development and better solve the problems of the people's livelihood. 1 Introduction In recent years the issues of people’s livelihood, sustainable and harmonious development of Vietnam and China have attracted attention from the researchers and policy-makers of both countries because: first, both countries are in the course of building socialism, the highest aim of which is the comprehensive development of man; second, within the process of renovation, the solution to the issue of people’s livelihood is a pressing task as well as important condition to promote the harmonious and sustainable development of society. -
The Vietnamese Values System: a Blend of Oriental, Western and Socialist Values
International Education Studies; Vol. 9, No. 12; 2016 ISSN 1913-9020 E-ISSN 1913-9039 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The Vietnamese Values System: A Blend of Oriental, Western and Socialist Values Quynh Thi Nhu Nguyen1 1 Faculty of Education, Monash University, Victoria, Australia Correspondence: Quynh Thi Nhu Nguyen, Faculty of Education, Monash University, Clayton VIC 3800, Australia. Tel: 61-401-008-931. E-mail: [email protected] Received: May 17, 2016 Accepted: July 6, 2016 Online Published: November 24, 2016 doi:10.5539/ies.v9n12p32 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ies.v9n12p32 Abstract Values education has been discussed extensively in many parts of the world in the context of the dramatic changes associated with globalization which directly affects the set of human values. Vietnam is a developing country with an intermixture of cultural heritage and social-economic transformation. In order to achieve the goal of becoming a modernized and industrialized country, the Vietnamese government is setting the development of human resources as priority. In line with the enhancement of advanced industrial knowledge and skills, Vietnamese should be fulfilled with value codes to meet the requirements of the international labour market, to keep the specific ‘Vietnamese’ characters and to develop sustainably. The content of values education should be addressed to be promoted in families, schools and society. It is thus the aim of this paper to explore the Vietnamese values system. The first section of this paper discusses the notions of values and values education. The following section presents a brief outline of the Vietnamese cultural and historical context.