The Devastating Crisis in Eastern Congo Hearing
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The Worst Place in the World to Be a Woman?: Women's Conflict
DePauw University Scholarly and Creative Work from DePauw University Student research Student Work 2016 The orsW t Place in the World to be a Woman?: Women's Conflict Experiences in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Megan Bailey DePauw University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.depauw.edu/studentresearch Part of the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Recommended Citation Bailey, Megan, "The orW st Place in the World to be a Woman?: Women's Conflict Experiences in the Democratic Republic of the Congo" (2016). Student research. Paper 43. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Scholarly and Creative Work from DePauw University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student research by an authorized administrator of Scholarly and Creative Work from DePauw University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Worst Place in the World to be a Woman?: Women’s Conflict Experiences in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Megan Bailey Spring 2016 Prof. Brett O’Bannon (sponsor) Prof. Tamara Beauboeuf Tiamo Katsonga-Phiri 3 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my committee members for the constant support they have given me during the past two semesters. You’ve taken so much time out of your busy schedules to help me, and I couldn’t be more appreciative. A special thank you to Prof. Brett O’Bannon, for telling me that it’s okay to have feelings about difficult topics and that this work is most definitely important. To Prof. Tamara Beauboeuf, for always asking the hard questions and pushing this project to be the best it can be. -
Ituri:Stakes, Actors, Dynamics
ITURI STAKES, ACTORS, DYNAMICS FEWER/AIP/APFO/CSVR would like to stress that this report is based on the situation observed and information collected between March and August 2003, mainly in Ituri and Kinshasa. The 'current' situation therefore refers to the circumstances that prevailed as of August 2003, when the mission last visited the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the Swedish International Development Agency. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Swedish Government and its agencies. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the Department for Development Policy, Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Finnish Government and its agencies. Copyright 2003 © Africa Initiative Program (AIP) Africa Peace Forum (APFO) Centre for Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) Forum on Early Warning and Early Response (FEWER) The views expressed by participants in the workshop are not necessarily those held by the workshop organisers and can in no way be take to reflect the views of AIP, APFO, CSVR and FEWER as organisations. 2 List of Acronyms............................................................................................................................... 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY...................................................................................................................................... -
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes And
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes and Understanding the Origins Nicola Skakel Senior Honors Thesis Department of History April 9th 2018 Defense Committee: Dr. Susan K. Kent, Department of History, Primary Advisor Dr. Matthew Gerber, Department of History, Honors Council Representative Dr. Paul Shankman, Department of Anthropology, Advisor 1 Introduction On the 7th of April 1994, the small east African country of Rwanda erupted into one of the most deadly and intimate genocides the modern world had ever witnessed. Whilst the western world stood by and watched in just 100 days over 800,000 Rwandans out of a total population of 7 million, were systematically murdered in the most brutal and violent of ways. Those who were targeted made up the country’s minority ethnic group the Tutsis, and moderates from the majority group, the Hutus. For many, the legacy of Rwanda is a monstrous example of extreme pent up ethnic tensions that has its roots in European colonialism. In contrast, I will argue that the events not just of 1994 but also the unrest that proceeded it, arose from a highly complex culmination of long-standing historical tensions between ethnic groups that long pre-dated colonialism. In conjunction, a set of short-term triggers including foreign intervention, civil war, famine, state terrorism and ultimately the assassination of President Habyarimana also contributed to the outburst of genocide in 1994. Whilst it would be easy to place sole responsibility on European colonists for implementing a policy of divide and rule and therefore exacerbating ethnic tensions, it seems to me that genocide is never that cut and dried: it can never be explained by one factor. -
KAS International Reports 06/2013
56 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 6|2013 M23 REBELLION A FURTHER CHAPTER IN THE VIOLENCE IN EASTERN CONGO Steffen Krüger Steffen Krüger is Resident Representa- In recent years, the provinces of North Kivu and South tive of the Konrad- Kivu in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Adenauer- Stiftung have once again become the epicentre of various conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. in the African Great Lakes Region. The two provinces and their population of ten million were affected particularly strongly by the three Congo Wars between 1996 and 2006. For years they have been the scene of looting, indiscrimi- nate killing and other crimes committed by various parties to the conflict. The region is very densely populated and rich in mineral resources. The reserves of gold, diamonds, tin, coltan1 and other raw materials are worth hundreds of billions of euros. In April 2012, the M23 Rebellion2 began with the mutiny of 600 Congolese soldiers, bringing a new wave of violence and destruction to the region. Many women, children and men fell victim to the conflict and over 900,000 people had to flee their homes yet again. Nobody knows the precise figures because many are left to their own devices and have hardly any access to assistance. The fighting has now stopped, but the insecurity of not knowing whether a new conflict may break out remains. Various national and inter- national actors have analysed the events during the past few months and discussed solutions for a lasting peace. 1 | Coltan is an ore, which is mainly processed to extract the metal tantalum. -
Mapping Conflict Motives: M23
Mapping Conflict Motives: M23 1 Front Cover image: M23 combatants marching into Goma wearing RDF uniforms Antwerp, November 2012 2 Table of Contents Introduction 4 1. Background 5 2. The rebels with grievances hypothesis: unconvincing 9 3. The ethnic agenda: division within ranks 11 4. Control over minerals: Not a priority 14 5. Power motives: geopolitics and Rwandan involvement 16 Conclusion 18 3 Introduction Since 2004, IPIS has published various reports on the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Between 2007 and 2010 IPIS focussed predominantly on the motives of the most significant remaining armed groups in the DRC in the aftermath of the Congo wars of 1996 and 1998.1 Since 2010 many of these groups have demobilised and several have integrated into the Congolese army (FARDC) and the security situation in the DRC has been slowly stabilising. However, following the November 2011 elections, a chain of events led to the creation of a ‘new’ armed group that called itself “M23”. At first, after being cornered by the FARDC near the Rwandan border, it seemed that the movement would be short-lived. However, over the following two months M23 made a remarkable recovery, took Rutshuru and Goma, and started to show national ambitions. In light of these developments and the renewed risk of large-scale armed conflict in the DRC, the European Network for Central Africa (EURAC) assessed that an accurate understanding of M23’s motives among stakeholders will be crucial for dealing with the current escalation. IPIS volunteered to provide such analysis as a brief update to its ‘mapping conflict motives’ report series. -
Democratic Republic of Congo
JANUARY 2013 COUNTRY SUMMARY DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO State security forces and Congolese and foreign armed groups committed numerous and widespread violations of the laws of war against civilians in eastern and northern Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo). In late 2011, opposition party members and supporters, human rights activists, and journalists were threatened, arbitrarily arrested, and killed during presidential and legislative election periods. Gen. Bosco Ntaganda, sought on arrest warrants from the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes and crimes against humanity, defected from the army in March and started a new rebellion with other former members of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), a rebel group integrated into the army in early 2009. The new M23 rebel group received significant support from Rwandan military officials. Its fighters were responsible for widespread war crimes, including summary executions, rapes, and child recruitment. As the government and military focused attention on defeating the M23, other armed groups became more active in other parts of North and South Kivu, attacking civilians. Abuses during National Elections Presidential and legislative elections in November 2011 were characterized by targeted attacks by state security forces on opposition party members and supporters, the use of force to quell political demonstrations, and threats or attacks on journalists and human rights activists. President Joseph Kabila was declared winner of the November 28, 2011 election, which international and national election observers criticized as lacking credibility and transparency. 1 The worst election-related violence was in the capital, Kinshasa, where at least 57 opposition party supporters or suspected supporters were killed by security forces—mostly Kabila’s Republican Guard—between November 26 and December 31. -
Kabila Returns, in a Cloud of Uncertainty
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 1, Issue 3 | 1997 Kabila Returns, In a Cloud of Uncertainty THOMAS TURNER INTRODUCTION Since the 1960's, Laurent Kabila had led a group of insurgents against the dictatorial Mobutu Sese Seko government in Kinshasa, operating along Zaire's eastern border 1. Kabila's group was one of the many rebel movements in the East that had arisen with the aim of furthering the political program of Congo's first prime minister, Patrice Lumumba, the popular and charismatic leader who was assassinated in 1961. The major Lumumbist insurgencies had been subdued by Mobutu using foreign mercenaries between 1965 and 1967. The small surviving groups such as that of Kabila posed no threat to the Mobutu regime. The 1994 Rwandan genocide changed all that. Approximately one million Rwanda Hutu refugees fled to eastern Zaire, which was already near the boiling point due to conflicts over land use and political representation. In an effort to break out of its diplomatic isolation, the Mobutu government provided backing to the Hutu, including army and militia elements, thereby earning the enmity of the Tutsi-dominated government in Rwanda. Tutsi of South Kivu, the so-called Banyamulenge, staged an uprising in the summer of 1996, with the support of the Rwanda government. By the second half of that year, the alliance of Banyamulenge, Tutsi of North Kivu, and Lumumbists and others, headed by Kabila, had taken over substantial parts of eastern Zaire, with the corrupt and demoralized Mobutu army disappearing in the face of their advance. After a short seven month campaign, Kabila and the new armed coalition entered Kinshasa as Mobutu fled into exile. -
Towards a Spirituality of Reconciliation with Special Reference to the Lendu and Hema People in the Diocese of Bunia (Democratic Republic of Congo) Alfred Ndrabu Buju
Towards a spirituality of reconciliation with special reference to the Lendu and Hema people in the diocese of Bunia (Democratic Republic of Congo) Alfred Ndrabu Buju To cite this version: Alfred Ndrabu Buju. Towards a spirituality of reconciliation with special reference to the Lendu and Hema people in the diocese of Bunia (Democratic Republic of Congo). Religions. 2002. dumas- 01295025 HAL Id: dumas-01295025 https://dumas.ccsd.cnrs.fr/dumas-01295025 Submitted on 30 Mar 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF EASTERN AFRICA FACULTY OF THEOLOGY DEPARTMENT OF SPIRITUAL THEOLOGY TOWARDS A SI'IRITUALITY OF RECONCILIATION WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE LENDU AND IIEMA PEOPLE IN THE DIOCESE OF BUNIA / DRC IFRA 111111111111 111111111111111111 I F RA001643 o o 3 j)'VA Lr .2 8 A Thesis Sulimitted to the Catholic University of Eastern Africa in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for the Licentiate Degree in Spiritual Theology By Rev. Fr. Ndrabu 13itju Alfred May 2002 tt. it Y 1 , JJ Nairobi-ken;• _ .../i"; .1 tic? ‘vii-.11:3! ..y/ror/tro DECLARATION THE CATIIOLIC UNIVERSITY OF EASTERN AFRICA Thesis Title: TOWARDS A SPIRITUALITY OF RECONCILIATION WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO LENDU AND IIEMA PEOPLE IN TIIE DIOCESE OF BUNIA/DRC By Rev. -
Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 7
Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 7 Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Home > Research Program > Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests (RIR) respond to focused Requests for Information that are submitted to the Research Directorate in the course of the refugee protection determination process. The database contains a seven- year archive of English and French RIRs. Earlier RIRs may be found on the UNHCR's Refworld website. Please note that some RIRs have attachments which are not electronically accessible. To obtain a PDF copy of an RIR attachment, please email the Knowledge and Information Management Unit. 6 March 2017 BDI105750.FE Burundi: The situation of the Tutsi, including the Tutsi elite; their treatment by the authorities and by society; and protection provided to them (December 2015-February 2017) Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa 1. Overview of Situation Sources qualify the current crisis in Burundi as “political” (UN 9 Sept. 2016, para. 18; FIDH and Ligue Iteka Nov. 2016, 106). A number of sources state that the victims of the crisis in Burundi are both the Hutus and the Tutsis (African Arguments 22 Jan. 2016; AI 15 Feb. 2017; Human Rights Watch 25 Feb. 2016). Sources report that the government targets anyone who opposes it (ibid.; FIDH and Ligue Iteka Nov. 2016, 106; researcher 23 Feb. 2017). In correspondence sent to the Research Directorate, a researcher in residence and -
The Evolution of an Armed Movement in Eastern Congo Rift Valley Institute | Usalama Project
RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE | USALAMA PROJECT UNDERSTANDING CONGOLESE ARMED GROUPS FROM CNDP TO M23 THE EVOLUTION OF AN ARMED MOVEMENT IN EASTERN CONGO rift valley institute | usalama project From CNDP to M23 The evolution of an armed movement in eastern Congo jason stearns Published in 2012 by the Rift Valley Institute 1 St Luke’s Mews, London W11 1Df, United Kingdom. PO Box 30710 GPO, 0100 Nairobi, Kenya. tHe usalama project The Rift Valley Institute’s Usalama Project documents armed groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The project is supported by Humanity United and Open Square and undertaken in collaboration with the Catholic University of Bukavu. tHe rift VALLEY institute (RVI) The Rift Valley Institute (www.riftvalley.net) works in Eastern and Central Africa to bring local knowledge to bear on social, political and economic development. tHe AUTHor Jason Stearns, author of Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa, was formerly the Coordinator of the UN Group of Experts on the DRC. He is Director of the RVI Usalama Project. RVI executive Director: John Ryle RVI programme Director: Christopher Kidner RVI usalama project Director: Jason Stearns RVI usalama Deputy project Director: Willy Mikenye RVI great lakes project officer: Michel Thill RVI report eDitor: Fergus Nicoll report Design: Lindsay Nash maps: Jillian Luff printing: Intype Libra Ltd., 3 /4 Elm Grove Industrial Estate, London sW19 4He isBn 978-1-907431-05-0 cover: M23 soldiers on patrol near Mabenga, North Kivu (2012). Photograph by Phil Moore. rigHts: Copyright © The Rift Valley Institute 2012 Cover image © Phil Moore 2012 Text and maps published under Creative Commons license Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by/nc-nd/3.0. -
The Banyamulenge Tutsi Survivors of the Gatumba Refugee Camp Massacre
© 2007 Center for Applied Linguistics The contents of this publication were developed under an agreement nanced by the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, United States Department of State, but do not necessarily represent the policy of that agency and should not assume endorsement by the Federal Government. The U.S. Department of State reserves a royalty-free, nonexclusive, and irrevocable right to reproduce, publish, or otherwise use, and to authorize others to use, this work for Government purposes. The Banyamulenge Tutsi Survivors of the Gatumba Refugee Camp Massacre Lubumbashi, and other Congolese cities were attacked, killed, and later imprisoned (in some cases for their own The Need for Resettlement safety). From 1999 to 2000, the United States accepted for in the United States resettlement some of these imprisoned families, who had The resettlement of the Gatumba massacre survivors is, in been referred to U.S. refugee officials by the United Nations essence, a humanitarian rescue mission of a group of people High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). These individuals for whom there are no other good options. became the core of the current Banyamulenge community in There are three internationally accepted solutions to a refu- America. gee situation. The first and best solution is for the refugees to After the peace agreement in 2003 between the various return to their own homes, safely and voluntarily. The second- rebel movements and the Congolese government, Congolese best solution is for them to integrate into the communities Tutsi hoped that they would no longer be discriminated where they have fled; these are often places that are familiar against and subject to violence. -
The Tutsi and the Ha: a Study
The Tutsi and the Ha: A Study in Integration JAMES L. BRAIN State University of New York, New Paltz, New York, U.S.A. THE PAST decade has been the witness of bloody conflict between the former ruling elite of the Tutsi and the agricultural Hutu in the countries of Rwanda and Burundi. While it is true that Rwanda probably represented the stratified caste structure in its most extreme form, a very similar form of social structure did exist in the neighboring area of Buha in what is now Tanzania, and to date no comparable conflict and bloodshed has occurred. It is the pur- pose of this essay to examine why this was so. Although the colonial powers in their wisdom excised Rwanda and Burundi from formerly German Tangan- yika after the First World War, and gave them to Belgium, this did not, of course, alter the ethnic and cultural makeup of the area. Thus Buha, which under German administration had been separated from the Belgian Congo by Ruanda-Urundi, now found that it formed the frontier of British Tanganyika, and joined Belgian territory. In reality this did little to hinder local trade and movement between the areas, in spite of the police and customs posts set up on the main roads. Census figures (see Appendix) show that almost half the popu- lation of Kibondo District in Buha was composed of people classified as Rundi, and in the late 1950s efforts of local agricultural extension officers to improve the quality of tobacco offered for sale to B.A.T. Ltd (British American Tobacco Company Ltd) were nullified by the discovery that it was far more lucrative to sell any tobacco of any type across the border in Burundi than to grade and select leaf for sale through legitimate channels.