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The Possibility of Perfection Living Utopia in Contemporary Mashhad

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The Possibility of Perfection Living Utopia in Contemporary Mashhad The possibility of perfection Living utopia in contemporary Mashhad Simon Mark Theobald A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University September, 2019 © Copyright by Simon Mark Theobald 2019 All Rights Reserved i Statement of Originality Except where otherwise indicated, this thesis is my own original work. Simon Theobald, September 4th 2019, School of Archaeology and Anthropology, Australian National University ii Acknowledgements This thesis is the outcome of the collective effort of many people, friends, family, and interlocutors in the field who ultimately became friends and family. Firstly, to those who made my thesis possible, my now anonymised colleagues and co-contributors in Mashhad – sepās. You took Alicia and I into your homes, put up with broken, almost certainly terrible accented Persian, and on occasion, brought yourselves out of your comfort zones to make us feel not just like we were getting useful data, but above all that we were welcome, and one of you. I will never be able pay back all the cups of tea and qorme sabzi that we drank and ate together, but I hope that the knowledge that your voices speak through this thesis offers you some sense of my boundless esteem for you. In Australia, I want to single out my cohort in the School of Archaeology and Anthropology and in the School of Culture, History, and Language. There were a great many of us who started together, and although now we may have gone our separate ways, it was an honour to have laboured along the same path with you. I am sure you will all go on to great things. Some people deserve special mention: Justine Chambers, Helen Abbott, and Joanne Thurman, formed a triad of formidable women who took on their role of affectionate cajoling, teasing, and encouragement with gusto, nurturing a special bond between us. Another particular note of gratitude should also go to Michael Rose and Ian Pollock. Mike, thanks for indulging our shared interest in the imponderabilia of life, and Ian, for forging the kind of fraternity few adults can hope to achieve. To the academic staff in the two schools, I credit you for fostering an environment that was supportive without being nannying, rigorous without being callous. Anthropology was unfamiliar territory when I arrived at the Australian National University, but under your collective guidance I have made it my home. I should single out Professor Philip Taylor and Associate Professor Matt Tomlinson, who, in their capacity as leaders of our thesis writing group read parts of this work, not to mention the material of many others, and always provided useful and interesting advice. To my supervisory panel and those who read this thesis to the fullest extent, Dr Carly Schuster, Dr Patrick Guinness, and Dr James Barry, apologies for all the words and mersi for trudging through it all. Singled out is of course, MBS – ‘Mama Bear Soup’ Professor Francesca Merlan – who was my point of contact way back when I started out as a Master’s student at ANU, and continued to mentor me with just the right amount of tough love the whole way through this PhD. Without your supervision and a willingness to tolerate a refugee from Studies in Religion, this thesis would not have come into being. iii My gratitude goes out as well to the members of the other major project in my life during my doctorate, Julia Brown, and Jodie-Lee Trembath. Together we founded The Familiar Strange, once a motely grab-bag, now on the cusp of so much more. I’m fairly certain our experience of building a podcast and a blog from the ground up slowed down the process of writing this thesis, but it also opened my eyes to a wealth of opportunities that would have otherwise remained obscured. Thank you for all the good times, maybe not the stressful ones, and for working on me as much as you did this labour of love. I want to especially thank my family – my parents Ross Barnett and Marian Theobald, and my brother, Martin Theobald – for believing in me even when I didn’t. I wouldn’t be where I am today without your constant emotional and material support. My decision to study anthropology, and the humanities in general, was guided by your interest. Particular gratitude goes to my mother, who in her capacity as an editor read over a draft of this thesis before it was submitted, and has read over countless documents in my many years at university. The love that you have all shared with me in our family has been foundation of my very being. Finally, I want to thank, above all, my partner, Alicia Wilson. You came on fieldwork with me to a country you’d never been to before, knowing you would have to live a very different life, and despite all the warnings of your friends and family who told you Iran was dangerous and not safe to visit. You were research assistant and companion simultaneously. You provided an invaluable source of emotional comfort both in Mashhad and back home in Canberra. For tolerating me while I was writing up, and while you were in the throes of your own PhD, I will always be grateful. Thank you for being part of this thesis, and most importantly, part of my life. iv Abstract This thesis examines how overlapping legacies of ancient, medieval, modern, and finally Revolutionary Islamic and Iranian utopianism come to be experienced amidst quotidian social moments in contemporary Mashhad, the second largest city in the Islamic Republic. I argue that this legacy can be defined as a commitment to, a concern for, and a belief in, the possibility of achieving perfection or completion, not as something abstract and remote but instead as a palpable and achievable experience. Struck by my interlocutors pervasive use of the term ‘complete’ or ‘perfect’ [kāmel], alongside related terminology like ‘ideal’ [ideāl] and ‘the best’ [behtarin], to describe a myriad of social phenomena, these concepts became a window through which to analyse utopia as a social form as it was experienced and expressed in the everyday. Using the organising metaphor of refraction, I hold that we can sense the legacies of utopianism not necessarily as a linear or one-to- one connection to historic precedent, but rather as inheritances that run through the social life of my interlocutors, still very much alive even as they are subtle. Each chapter in this thesis explores a different way in which and is a meditation upon how this utopianism refracted through the social, beginning with cultures of exceptionalism, through wealth creation, education, sound, sincerity, and finally, time. This thesis responds to two areas of contemporary anthropological debate. The first is material that has analysed what is collectively typically referred to as the anthropology of the good, including content relating to the stuff of virtue, ethics, and the eudaimonic (e.g. Fassin, 2008; Laidlaw, 2002, 2014; Robbins, 2007a, 2013). My specific intervention is to encourage us as anthropologists to conceptualise not just how our informants understood what a good life was, but what the best life was, a seemingly small, but I contend, consequential difference. Secondly, this thesis provides an alternative to pre-existing major anthropological works on Iran over the past decade (e.g. Khosravi, 2008, 2017; Mahdavi, 2009; Varzi, 2006) or so. This corpus of material has focused largely on paradigmatic concerns of resistance to the Islamist polity, particularly among youth populations, and the failure of the government to create Islamic subjects. In contrast, this thesis recognises the limitations of such approaches, and looks to go beyond them. In exploring the theme of utopia and its legacies, I make a comment not on the durability, success, or lack thereof of the Islamist v government, but rather look to the impact of elements that stretch back past the Revolutionary moment into a deeper history. Drawing on fifteen months of ethnographic fieldwork over two visits to Mashhad between 2015 and 2018, this thesis is one of the growing body of contemporary ethnographies of Iran based on research conducted outside the country’s capital, Tehran, and only the second to be written in Mashhad (cf Olszewska, 2015). I conducted research predominantly among members of the middle class living in Mashhad’s developing western suburbs, particularly in those regions to the west and north of Pārk-e Mellat, a major recreation site just to the west of the city’s ring road. Much of this research took place in the homes of the families of a handful of key informants who lived in those suburbs, and bridged a gamut of informants from children, to parents, to grandparents. Nonetheless, I prefer not to not to define or delimit my work by a specific sub-community or group, following instead the theme of perfectionism as it spread out in diverse directions. vi Contents Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................ iii Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... v List of Figures ........................................................................................................................................ xii Language and transliteration ............................................................................................................... xiii Glossary ...............................................................................................................................................
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