Did Socialism Fail to Innovate? a Natural Experiment of the Two
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Did Socialism Fail To Innovate? A Natural Experiment of the Two Zeiss Companies by Bruce Kogut* and Udo Zander** February 1999 We would like to thank Bruce McKern and the Carnegie Bosch Institute for their support, Frau Edith Hellmuth of the archives of Zeiss Jena for her assistance, and Jeff Fear, Mauro Guillen, Peter Murmann, and the reviewers for comments. The Reginald H. Jones Center, the Institute of International Business at the Stockholm School of Economics, and the Sasakawa Fund provided additional funding. *Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104-6370, Tel: 215-8981093, Fax: 215-8981904, e-mail: [email protected] **Institute of International Business, Stockholm School of Economics, Box 6501, S-113 83 Stockholm, Sweden, Tel: +46 8 7369513, Fax: +46 8 319927, e-mail: [email protected] 1 Did Socialism Fail To Innovate? A Natural Experiment of the Two Zeiss Companies Abstract The case of Carl Zeiss Jena provides a natural experiment to analyze the effects of the socialist system on innovation against a backdrop of technological activities of a ”twin” firm in a capitalist market economy. By an analysis of patent records from 1950 to 1990, we trace the technological efforts of Zeiss Jena in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Zeiss Oberkochen in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). The analysis shows that Zeiss Jena gradually developed considerable technological competence, but the deficiency of the innovative potential of the socialist system led to political pressures on key firms to innovate by plan. The findings on the innovative capability of Zeiss Jena carry the important implication that technologically viable firms can fail in the initial period of transition. The emphasis on lack of innovation and faulty managerial incentives as the disease that is cured by market reforms needs to be better balanced by an understanding of the competence of the socialist firm and the difficulty of radical change under conditions of brutal shocks to the macro-economic system. 2 The indisputable hardship of the economic and social renewal of the former states of the German Democratic Republic poses the perplexing question why the richest country in the Soviet system, absorbed by one of the richest capitalist countries, suffered so painfully following the collapse of communism. Since its beginnings as a science of transition, sociology has debated exactly this transition from what Polanyi (1944) called ”redistributive” systems to market mechanism and the general shift from hierarchies to markets. The current discussion of the transition from the Soviet to market economies is marked by the debate over the policies required for successful transition. The neoliberal position, which has largely prevailed in eastern Germany, argues for resolute building of capitalism by design and through rapid reform of ”shock therapy”.1 An alternative policy, as stated by Stark (1996), begins where a country already is, by rebuilding organizations and institutions not on the ruins but with the ruins of communism.2 In this institutionalist view, transition is the transformation of existing organizations and institutions through their efforts to adapt to the changing socioeconomic environment (Fligstein, 1997). These issues hearken back to an older debate concerning the relative capabilities of socialist and capitalist firms. Are firms under socialism, as Schumpeter (1942) predicted, as capable and innovative as bureaucratic capitalist firms? Or is the relevant comparison, as Hayek (1988) articulated it, not between socialist and capitalist firms, but between planned innovation and the emergent and innovative properties of market competition to generate what he calls an ”extended order”? 1 Shock therapy is a set of policies consisting of privatization, macroeconomic stabilization, and elimination of price controls. The creation of a market economy is seen as bringing the novelty of modern private corporate entrepreneurship to non-innovative socialism (see e.g. Róna-Tas, 1994). For eloquent statements of the benefits of ”shock therapy” or ”big bang” see Sachs (1994) in reference to Poland, Kornai (1990) on Hungary, and Åslund (1995) on Russia. 2 See also Stark (1992) and Walder (1995). 3 We establish two aims in this study. The first is to analyze similar firms working under a socialist and a capitalist system, i.e. to understand firm behavior under different institutional settings and to evaluate empirically the innovative potential of socialist firms and the socialist system. Based on this understanding, our second aim is to discuss macro-level changes of radical reform and their intersection with the existing organizations and institutions in place at the time of reforms. In order to understand firm behavior and capabilities under different institutional settings, we exploit an unusual quasi-natural experiment to analyze the development of innovative capabilities under different institutional regimes.3 The optical firm, Zeiss, was split into two independent companies after World War II, one located in Oberkochen, West Germany, the other in Jena, East Germany. By a comparison of their patent histories from 1950 to 1990, this paper analyzes the cumulative technological innovations of the two companies and their efforts to diversify into new technical fields. These conditions create the experimental design that we exploit by treating the East German operation in Jena as exposed to 45 years of socialism; the West German operations in Oberkochen serve effectively as the control. The historical experiment ends by Zeiss Oberkochen acquiring parts of Zeiss Jena in the wake of German reunification. By looking at the subsequent patent history of the remaining (and reorganized) part, the reunification events allow considerable insight into evaluating the technological capabilities of a socialist firm in the context of a capitalist economy. The results of comparing patent histories indicate a high correlation in the technological achievements of the firms under both systems. Using a measure developed by Jaffee (1986) for technological relatedness, we analyze the degree of overlap in the technological output of the two 3 We qualify the natural experiment as “quasi”, because the two firms were not in isolation from each other. We discuss the possible contamination of their mutual awareness in the history below. 4 Zeiss companies. Despite significant technological diversification - especially by Zeiss Jena, their patent activities remained highly correlated throughout the post-war period. The transition from socialism to capitalism poses to the socialist firm the quandary of how to adapt its capabilities to new institutional and competitive conditions. An evolutionary perspective, such as proposed by Murrell (1992), has a natural affinity with Stark’s emphasis on the recombination of existing institutions as innovative and adaptive responses to the collapse of communism (or what Burawoy (1997) calls ”involution” of the economy). In this view, firms in transition countries are in crisis not due to a lack of incentives or the lack of capital, but to deficiencies in their cumulative capability to compete in capitalistic markets. Firms are repositories of knowledge, by which it is meant that they operate by a body of routines and organizing principles that are only imperfectly understood and open to facile manipulation.4 The resistance of firms to change is not due to faulty incentives, but rather to the difficulty of firms to reconstitute their ways of doing things. In a period of disequilibrium, the market price mechanism can serve to eliminate potentially viable firms.5 Gradualist policies provide the opportunity for firms to adapt to the new conditions by an evolutionary transformation, but the initial institutions have persisting effects. German policy in the East could not follow the principles of shock therapy by the rulebook due to the particular political considerations entailing German reunification. Firms were privatized fairly quickly, but state subsidies to firms and, more directly, workers have been substantial. The political policy to convert the eastern mark at an overvalued exchange rate, and the subsequent fixing of East-German wages relative to the West-German wages at a level not justified by productivity differences, discouraged investment. As a consequence, transition in East Germany 4 See Nelson and Winter (1982). 5 See the seminal article by Winter (1964) that lays out formally the analysis by how efficient firms may be evolutionarily disadvantaged under price disequilibria. 5 proceeded under the challenging condition of transformation under excessively high wages. Because these policies constituted a market ”shock," East Germany provides an extreme laboratory to address the issue whether socialist firms had developed sufficient capabilities to survive in a radically different macroeconomic climate. No one doubts that the excessively high wages, given the impoverished capital stock that was inherited from the old regime, made the transition more difficult. The interesting question is whether the inference from this observed hardship should be simply that market incentives were inadequate to compensate for the harsh macroeconomic conditions. Another possibility is that transition is difficult even for the most capable firms of the socialist system due to the stickiness in adapting capabilities developed under one system to the institutional environment of another. From studies on returns to human capital