THE FINNISH CIVIL WAR of 1918 by Brian Train Subsequent to Military Defeat and Revolution in 1917, the Russian Empire Colla

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

THE FINNISH CIVIL WAR of 1918 by Brian Train Subsequent to Military Defeat and Revolution in 1917, the Russian Empire Colla THE FINNISH CIVIL WAR OF 1918 by Brian Train Subsequent to military defeat and revolution in 1917, the Russian Empire collapsed into its component nations. As one of these components, Finland had first to endure a short but wrenching episode of civil warbefore it could seek its own independence as a coherent political entity. Background to 1918 Finland became part of the Russian Empire in 1809, after centuries of domination by Sweden. The new Grand Duchy of Finland enjoyed considerable autonomy within the Empire but throughout the 19th century Finnish nationalism grew. It was opposed on the one hand to Russian influence, which was considered Asiatic and oppressive, and on the other to Swedish influence, as Finland’s own upper class clung to the language and culture of the former ruling kingdom as a sign of sophistication. In 1905 when rebellion swept the Russian Empire, there was a general strike in Finland and the Russian garrisons there mutinied. The government offered to support volunteer militia units as a national guard to maintain law and order, as many soldiers and police had deserted their posts. In southern Finland there emerged two factions, drawn apart by class, linguistic and political lines. On the one side was the working class, Finnish‐speaking and leftist Red Guard, and on the other the upper class/ bourgeois, Swedish‐speaking and conservative Home Guard. As part of the general suppression of leftist radicals in 1906, there were brief battles by opposing Guard units in Helsinki. The few men killed in these skirmishes should be considered the first casualties of the Civil War. When the First World War broke out in 1914, hundreds of nationalist Finns joined the German Army voluntarily to get training against the day when they felt the Russian Empire would collapse and Finland would finally gain complete independence. The Germans concentrated these volunteers into the Prussian Army’s 27th Jager (light infantry) Battalion, established in August 1915. In March 1917 Tsar Nicholas II abdicated and a Provisional Government was formed in Petrograd (formerly, and now, St. Petersburg). Directed by the Provisional Government to form a new government by themselves, the politicians of the Finnish government drafted and discussed while law and order in the country continued to break down. In the cities and the larger towns, workers organized militia patrols, assisted by small detachments of Russian soldiers and sailors from nearby garrisons. These patrols were usually formed of the more radical and Bolshevik‐influenced members of the soviets and were called Red Guards. A series of strikes in the late spring and summer made order degenerate further, and in the smaller towns and rural areas so‐called “fire brigades”, “Home Guard”, or “Protective Corps” units began to form. These units tended to attract conservative and right‐wing members, and while these groups were ostensibly formed to keep order and protect property against “hooliganism”, their leadership and organization was dominated by men dedicated to rapid and complete Finnish independence from Russia, and who were willing to accept German connivance and aid to do it. Besides their support of the 27th Jager Battalion, the Germans delivered weapons and ammunition to these units in hopes of pinning down Russian garrisons.By the end of October two large and hostile paramilitary groups faced each other in otwns and villages across the country, while hopes for a political solution steadily receded. On November 7 the Bolsheviks seized power in Petrograd in a coup d’etat. The following three weeks saw complete chaos in Finland, concluded by a unilateral declaration of Finnish independence on December 6. General Baron Carl Gustaf von Mannerheim left his post as a Russian cavalry corps commander in southern Russiaand assumed command of the various Protective Corps units (later referred to as the White Guard, in contrast to the Red Guard) as a national force for law and order, and ultimately a force to be used to expel the Russian troops who remained in Finland. The units of the Red Guard were not included in this force, and they began to operate openly as local authorities, with the participation of units of radicalized Russian troops. On January 26 the Red Guard Executive Committee declared a complete mobilization and Red Guard units took over critical points in the major cities of Turku, Helsinki and Viipuri. The “Socialist Workers Republic of Finland” was declared on January 28. Within days the legally elected Finnish government was re‐established in Vaasa, on the north side of a line that divided the country into White and Red zones. The north side contained 80% of Finland’s land area and about half of the population; the south side contained the majority of Finland’s industry, major ports, and railroads. Civil war The first two weeks of the Civil War saw much confused action behind both sides of the solidifying front line. Members of White and Red Guard units caught on the wrong side of the line who did not surrender or go into hiding went guerrilla, moving overland to disrupt railway movements and prevent reinforcements from reaching critical points. The Red Finns, who in January had over 30,000 men under arms and the potential support of another 30,000 Russian troops in garrisons scattered across southern Finland, seemed to have an advantage. But the complete lack of competence, cohesion or direction at the senior levels of Red leadership, and the poor state of training and leadership at the unit level, assured that they were unable to exploit any temporary opportunities that presented themselves. Meanwhile, the great majority of the Russian garrison troops were demoralized and of no help, except to continue selling their weapons to both sides. In a series of surprise raids throughout central and northern Finland,Mannerheim used the better White Guard units to surround and disarm the smaller garrisons there, capturing large numbers of rifles and crew‐served weapons. In one stroke, this cleared the White rear areas of potential trouble and eased some of his problems in arming the regular battalions and Guard units then forming. The deep snow and lack of good roads forced both sides to rely primarily on Finland’s simple rail net. There were only three viable routes into and out of central Finland: the western route through Tampere and Haapamaki, the central through Mikkeli and Pieksamaki, and the eastern through Kakisalmi and Elisenvaara. An east‐west railroad connecting these three routes had opened only recently. Early Red attempts to takeHaapamaki, the western terminus of this line, stalled out by February 14‐15, as had their advances on Mikkeli. In turn the Reds realized that the main danger to their own communications was the White threat to cut the railway lines on either side of Viipuri. Therefore, from February 26 to mid‐March, they expended a great deal of effort to push the Whites back, or at least to hold them along the line of the Vuoksi River. While the White Guard companies continued to hold the front line, Mannerheim set about organizing and training a dependable regular force of Jager battalions using the leader cadres of the German‐trained 27th Jager Battalion, volunteers from the White Guard units, and conscripts. The first six battalions were ready by March 10. On March 15 and 16 Mannerheim opened his own offensive from Haapamaki, with the immediate objective of Tampere, Finland’s largest industrial town and then home to about 45,000 people. The Jager battalions, brigaded with the better White Guard units, managed to outflank the tired Red Guards, who fell back and kept falling back. Tampere was successfully isolated on March 25. Mannerheim’s first attacks on the built‐up areas on March 28 were made with tired troops and defeated, but he entered reinforcements and renewed the attack on April 3. The morale of the Red Guard units trapped in the city cracked and Tampere finally fell on April 6. This was the largest single battle of the war. Mannerheim inflicted over 2,000 casualties on the Red forces, at the cost of 650 dead, and captured 11,000 prisoners. The defeat and capture of so many Reds, as well as the German landings at Hanko on April 3, passed the initiative firmly to the White forces. The German Ostsee (Baltic) Division, about 9,500 strong, had landed at Hanko against no resistance. The Russian government, cowed by the signing of the Treaty of Brest‐Litovsk and occupied in evacuating its forces from Finland as directed by the Treaty, had decided not to take any chances of provoking the Germans and prompted the Red government to abandon southwestern Finland. The Red government transferred itself to Viipuri on April 4‐6, in advance of the retreating Red Guard units, who now resembled a fleeing mob. The Ostsee Division advanced steadily towards Helsinki, capturing it completely by April 14. Meanwhile, on April 7 the Brandenstein Detachment of about 3,000 German troops had landed at Lovisa, again meeting no resistance. Once his entire command had landed, Colonel Brandenstein moved north to threaten the east‐west railroad running through Lahti, capturing it on April 19. In between the two German units there were about 20,000 Red Guards and thousands more civilian refugees and dependents fleeing the vengeance of the Whites; when they realized the railroad had been cut their morale collapsed and by May 3 almost all the militia had surrendered. In the space of one month the Whites had destroyed or captured half of the remaining Red Guard forces. Mannerheim, who had judged correctly that the Germans would be able to contain or destroy the Reds in the western areas, had begun to shift his Jager battalions by rail to the east and Karelia within days of the fall of Tampere.
Recommended publications
  • Alliancing in Finnish Transport Agency, Finland
    Alliancing in Finnish Transport Agency, Finland Pekka Petäjäniemi, Director, Finnish Transport Agency Finnish Transport Agency - Infrastructure* provides a platform for growth Infrastructure Current spending on FTA's share of the total assets on-going projects infrastructure market 19,5 billion € 2.9 billion € 1/4 *Roads, Railways & Fairways Number of people the Annual budget FTA personnel FTA employs indirectly approximately through projects 2,1 billion € 650 12,000 experts 2 www.liikennevirasto.fi Major Projects in Finland 2016 • In 2016 about 600 Million euros will spent on large investment projects (2016 • Current projects of the Projects Division amount to about 2,6 Billion euros. • 32 projects underway, of which • 23 road connection projects • 7 railway traffic projects • 2 fairway projects • An additional 4 projects in the preparation phase • A total of 26 project managers are working in the Major Projects Division. www.liikennevirasto.fi Current major projects ROAD PROJECTS FAIRWAYS PROJECTS 26 Pietarsaari channel 1 Ring Road III 2nd phase 27 Rauma channel 2 Main Road 19 Seinäjoki eastern bypass 28 Realignment of Savonlinna deep channel 3 Main Road 12 Tampereen rantaväylä 4 Road 101, Improvement of Ring Road I 5 Main Road 4 at Rovaniemi 6 Main Road 5 at Mikkeli 7 Main Road 8 Turku-Pori 8 West Metro park-and-ride facilities 9 E 18 Hamina-Vaalimaa (PPP project) 10 Main Road 6 Taavetti-Lappeenranta 11 Main Road 3 Grade separated junction at Arolampi 12 Road 148 Improvement at Kerava 13 Secondary Road 77, Viitasaari-Keitele 14 Main
    [Show full text]
  • Marianna Uutinen Cv
    L A R S B O H M A N G A L L E R Y Marianna Uutinen Marianna Uutinen has made acrylic works of collage type for over ten years, using them to create a markedly unique idiom. But despite visual and material abundance, Uutinen has always approached her themes and subjects with moderation - thematically her works do not underline things nor do they give the viewer ready-made interpretations. Uutinen says that in the early stages of her career she explicitly tried to find a material that would in a way depict itself and be self-reflective. Through an emphasis on the construction of the work and its materiality, Uutinen’s art approaches what underlies it in our present age. Each brushstroke or mark always means something - there is no such thing as a pure sign. Marianna Uutinen’s works also operate on this principle, as a social sign of surrounding reality. CV Born 1961 in Pieksemäki, Finland. Lives and works in Helsinki. Marianna Uutinen is currently professor at the Art Academy in Helsinki. EDUCATION 1991-92 Institute des Hautes Etudes en Arts Plastiques, Paris, France 1980-85 The School of Fine Arts Academy of Finland, Helsinki, Finland SELECTED SOLO EXHIBITIONS 2013 Salon Dahlman, Berlin, Germany (together with Anselm Reyle) Carlier-Gebauer, Berlin, Germany Galerie Forsblom, Helsinki, Finland 2012 Lars Bohman Gallery, Stockholm, Sweden 2011 Galerie Forsblom, Helsinki, Finland 2010 Lars Bohman Gallery, Stockholm, Sweden Kalhama-Piippo Contemporary, Helsinki, Finland Vanha Pappila , Pieksämäki, Finland Kouvolan Taidemuseo,Kouvola (Kouvola
    [Show full text]
  • The White Guard PDF Book
    THE WHITE GUARD PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Mikhail Afanasevich Bulgakov | 304 pages | 06 Jul 2006 | Vintage Publishing | 9780099490661 | English | London, United Kingdom The White Guard PDF Book Sure he had and s It was indeed a very amusing book. LitCharts Teacher Editions. When the shooting stars Use my words as bullets, Crimson with hate. I think that I was looking for something similar to Grossman's Life and Fate , but I just couldn't really find it here, and the introduction set up the book so well, too. This is a very interesting piece of text about the theatre and life within theatre. Nothing is ever perceived clear as to what is actually going on, in terms of leadership. Jul 26, Jayaprakash Satyamurthy rated it it was amazing. While The White Guard , Bulgakov's first novel, doesn't have the same surreal or supernatural elements as his later works, such as The Master and Margarita or Heart of a Dog , those qualities are presaged in the dream sequences and lyrical descriptions of the city of Kiev. More Details Born in Kiev in , the eldest of what was to become a family of seven children, Bulgakov belonged not only by blood — his father was a professor of theology at Kiev's theological seminary — but also by inclination to the ancient regime. While the main story revolves around the members of the Ukrainian Turbin family, the essence of the story is much more far reaching and captures the seemingly endless turbulence of both the City and the nation. During the strike Finnish police forces were effectively disbanded, as they had been closely associated with the occupying Russian authorities.
    [Show full text]
  • Helsinki Workers' House and Katajanokan Kasino During the Civil
    9 January 2018 Two Houses with Changing Masters – Helsinki Workers’ House and Katajanokan Kasino during the Civil War of 1918 - Photographic exhibition at Paasitorni and Katajanokan Kasino Helsinki Congress Paasitorni and Katajanokan Kasino are holding a joint photographic exhibition on the history of Helsinki in 1918, especially through the history of two buildings. The exhibition opens at Paasitorni on 18 January and runs until June 2018. From August until December 2018, the exhibition will be on display at Katajanokan Kasino. The exhibition is open to everyone during the opening hours of Paasitorni and Katajanokan Kasino. A hundred years after the Civil War, the Two Houses with Changing Masters exhibition offers the audience a poignant glimpse of the tragic events of 1918. Paasitorni (Helsinki Workers’ House) was designed by architect Karl Lindahl and it has been owned by the Helsinki Workers’ Association since its completion in 1908. Katajanokan Kasino was built as a club for Russian officers probably in 1913. It is owned through Katajanokka Officers’ Club by the Finnish Officers’ Union, the Helsinki Reservist District and the Finnish Reserve Officers’ Federation. Opening on 18 January 2018, the Two Houses with Changing Masters exhibition features 20 historical photographs depicting the events of 1918 and the Civil War in Helsinki, in which the Helsinki Workers’ House and Katajanokan Kasino played a key role. The name of the exhibition refers to the changing occupants of the two houses. Paasitorni, or the Helsinki Workers’ House became the base for the Red Guard despite the objection of the Workers’ Association, and on 26 January 1918, the Red Guard lit up a red lantern in the tower to mark the beginning of the revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • INTERNATIONALISM from BELOW Volume 4 (Part 1) COMMUNISTS
    INTERNATIONALISM FROM BELOW Volume 4 (Part 1) COMMUNISTS, NATIONS-STATES AND NATIONALISM DURING THE 1916-21 INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY WAVE Allan Armstrong 1 1. INTRODUCTION i) The four waves of twentieth century international revolution ii) The effects of the ebbing revolutionary tides iii) Political ‘memory loss’ after the end of the International Revolutionary Wave of 1916-21 2. THE FIRST ATTEMPT TO SET UP A POST-NATIONAL WORLD ORDER A. DIFFERENT TIMELINES OF REVOLUTION i) April 1916 to March 1921 or ‘October’ 1917 to August 1991? ii) Past and current attempts to create a ‘post-national’ world order iii) Old challenges re-emerge in new guises iv) Timelines in the 1916-21 International Revolutionary Wave B. OTHER CENTRES, OTHER TIMELINES – LATVIA i) Latvia ii) The LSDP and the ‘National Question’ in Latvia iii) The revolutionary timeline in Latvia C. OTHER CENTRES, OTHER TIMELINES - FINLAND i) The revolutionary timeline in Finland ii) From February to August 1917 - rapid progress along the Finnish revolutionary timeline iii) An ‘internationalism from below’ alternative? iv) From August 1917 to May 1918 - the Finnish revolutionary timeline is broken 2 D. OTHER CENTRES, OTHER TIMELINES – UKRAINE i) The two revolutionary timelines in Ukraine ii) Timeline 1 - the Russian revolution in Ukraine iii) The Ukrainian Left after the February Revolution iv) Timeline 2 - the Ukrainian revolution up to July 4th, 1917 and the missed ‘internationalism from below’ opportunity v) Two timelines collide - towards the October Revolution vi) From October 25th (OS) to February 7th (NS) - Ukrainian revolutionary timeline fractured as Russian social imperialism turns to ‘Bayonet Bolshevism’ 3. 1918 – THE LOST YEAR OF THE REVOLUTION? A.
    [Show full text]
  • Mihin Suuntaan Mennään Vuokra-Asuntomarkkinoilla?
    Mihin suuntaan mennään vuokra-asuntomarkkinoilla? SIJOITUS INVEST 29.-30.11.2017 Tuomas Viljamaa Suomen Vuokranantajat ry. Koko Suomi data Vuokraovi.com yksityisilmoittajat neliövuokra vuosimuutos 01-06/2017 14,7 0,1 % 01-06/2016 14,7 yritysilmoittajat neliövuokra vuosimuutos 01-06/2017 15,3 4,3 % 01-06/2016 14,7 kaikki vapaarahoitteiset neliövuokra vuosimuutos 01-06/2017 15,3 4,0 % 01-06/2016 14,7 Asuntosijoittamisen alueelliset tuotot 2017-2021 PTT ja Suomen Vuokranantajat Vuokratuoton laskeminen • Vuokratuotto ennen veroja lasketaan tässä tapauksessa näin: € 2 € 2 × 12 % = × 100 € 2 + € 2 + € 2 ⁄ − ⁄ 푀 ⁄ ⁄ ⁄ • Vuokratuotto lasketaan sitoutuneen pääoman sen hetkiselle markkina-arvolle. • Asunto hankitaan ilman lainaa ja varainsiirtovero asunto-osakkeista on 2 prosenttia. • Remonttivaraksi on oletettu PKS 700 €/m2, muut suuret kaupungit 500 €/m2, muu Suomi 400 €/m2. 5 Vuokratuotto ennen veroja 2017-2021, yksiöt Kajaani Pori Rauma Kotka Mikkeli Jyväskylä Kouvola Kehyskunnat Rovaniemi Kuopio Seinäjoki Kokkola Keskiarvo Lahti Vaasa Oulu Joensuu Tampere Turku Hämeenlinna Lappeenranta Vantaa Espoo-Kauniainen Porvoo Helsinki 0% 1% 2% 3% 4% 5% 6% 7% vuosikasvu, keskimäärin 6 Arvonnousu 2017-2021, yksiöt Helsinki Kokkola Vaasa Espoo-Kauniainen Turku Tampere Vantaa Jyväskylä Kuopio Keskiarvo Lahti Seinäjoki Kehyskunnat Joensuu Hämeenlinna Porvoo Pori Mikkeli Rovaniemi Lappeenranta Kotka Kajaani Oulu Rauma Kouvola 0% 1% 2% 3% 4% 5% 6% vuosikasvu, keskimäärin 7 Keskimääräinen kokonaistuotto 2017-2021, yksiöt Kokkola Vaasa Helsinki Jyväskylä
    [Show full text]
  • Finnish Studies Volume 18 Number 2 July 2015 ISSN 1206-6516 ISBN 978-1-937875-95-4
    JOURNAL OF INNISH TUDIES F S International Influences in Finnish Working-Class Literature and Its Research Guest Editors Kirsti Salmi-Niklander and Kati Launis Theme Issue of the Journal of Finnish Studies Volume 18 Number 2 July 2015 ISSN 1206-6516 ISBN 978-1-937875-95-4 JOURNAL OF FINNISH STUDIES EDITORIAL AND BUSINESS OFFICE Journal of Finnish Studies, Department of English, 1901 University Avenue, Evans 458 (P.O. Box 2146), Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX 77341-2146, USA Tel. 1.936.294.1420; Fax 1.936.294.1408 SUBSCRIPTIONS, ADVERTISING, AND INQUIRIES Contact Business Office (see above & below). EDITORIAL STAFF Helena Halmari, Editor-in-Chief, Sam Houston State University; [email protected] Hanna Snellman, Co-Editor, University of Helsinki; [email protected] Scott Kaukonen, Assoc. Editor, Sam Houston State University; [email protected] Hilary Joy Virtanen, Asst. Editor, Finlandia University; hilary.virtanen@finlandia. edu Sheila Embleton, Book Review Editor, York University; [email protected] EDITORIAL BOARD Börje Vähämäki, Founding Editor, JoFS, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto Raimo Anttila, Professor Emeritus, University of California, Los Angeles Michael Branch, Professor Emeritus, University of London Thomas DuBois, Professor, University of Wisconsin Sheila Embleton, Distinguished Research Professor, York University Aili Flint, Emerita Senior Lecturer, Associate Research Scholar, Columbia University Titus Hjelm, Lecturer, University College London Richard Impola, Professor Emeritus, New Paltz, New York Daniel Karvonen, Senior Lecturer, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis Andrew Nestingen, Associate Professor, University of Washington, Seattle Jyrki Nummi, Professor, Department of Finnish Literature, University of Helsinki Juha Pentikäinen, Professor, Institute for Northern Culture, University of Lapland Oiva Saarinen, Professor Emeritus, Laurentian University, Sudbury George Schoolfield, Professor Emeritus, Yale University Beth L.
    [Show full text]
  • Nordic American Voices National Nordic Museum
    Nordic American Voices National Nordic Museum Interview of Jonna Wilson ID: 2019.043.001 April 20, 2019 Seattle, Washington Interviewers: Gary London; Kaisa London; Saundra Magnussen Martin; Brandon Benson Gary London: [0:00] This is an interview for the Nordic American Voices oral history project. Today is April 20, 2019, and we will be interviewing Jonna Wilson. We are at the Nordic Museum in Seattle, Washington. My name is Gary London, and others present today are— Kaisa London: [0:21] Kaisa London. Saundra Magnussen Martin: [0:23] Saundra Magnussen Martin. Brandon Benson: [0:25] Brandon Benson. Gary: [0:27] Thank you, Jonna, for agreeing to be interviewed. We appreciate it very much, and hope this will be a positive experience for you. Jonna Wilson: [0:36] Thanks. I’m sure. It’s nice to be here. Gary: [0:39] Would you begin by giving us your name, place of birth, and date of birth? Jonna: [0:44] Yes. I was born in Mikkeli [Finland] January 26, 1979. I was born Jonna Maria Jääskeläinen. Gary: [0:54] Okay. We’d also like to learn as much as we can about your family background. Do you have memories of great grandparents at all? Jonna: [1:05] No, unfortunately not. They were all… My parents were quite old when they had me, nearly 40. Gary: [1:15] So, your grandparents, probably? Jonna: [1:17] Yeah. I only really met my grandmothers. My dad’s side, that family originally came from Karelia. They came after… I’m not exactly sure which year they came, but my dad’s mom was born in Jääski in Karelia.
    [Show full text]
  • Sami Suodenjoki, Popular Songs As Vehicles for Political Imagination
    Sami Suodenjoki, Popular Songs as Vehicles for Political Imagination Sami SUODENJOKI POPULAR SONGS AS VEHICLES FOR POLITICAL IMAGINATION: The Russian Revolutions and the Finnish Civil War in Finnish Song Pamphlets, 1917–1918* The rule of rogues is now ended, as our country is ruled by the government of men, by the People’s Delegation, and therefore we rejoice! Yet a battle still lies before us until the hiding places, the nooks are empty, until the bourgeoisie, its rabble of villains, is disarmed and harmless. With these verses from “The Finnish Spring,” the songwriter David Lauri Leivo called workers to arms in March 1918, during the first deci- sive battles of the Finnish Civil War. The militant verses were included in a small collection of songs titled Lahtarikenraali Mannerheimin husaarit (The Hussars of Butcher-General Mannerheim). This eight-page pamphlet * The author acknowledges the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions. 228 Ab Imperio, 2/2019 circulated in southern Finland, which was controlled by the socialist Red Guards.1 By means of moral polarization, mockery of the bourgeois enemy, and glorification of the proletarian struggle against oppression, the song pamphlet reflected and boosted the revolutionary mood among the Reds. Because the pamphlet marked out Leivo as a Red sympathizer, the question naturally arises of what happened to him when the Whites crushed the so- cialist revolutionaries only a month later. His verses also raise more general questions about the role of popular songs in revolutionary mobilization and political propaganda. In this article, I explore how printed songs published in 1917 and 1918 reflected and in turn affected the ongoing revolutionary situation and politi- cal imagination in Finland.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Were the “Greens”? Rumor and Collective Identity in the Russian Civil War
    Who Were the “Greens”? Rumor and Collective Identity in the Russian Civil War ERIK C. LANDIS In the volost center of Kostino-Otdelets, located near the southern border of Borisoglebsk uezd in Tambov province, there occurred what was identified as a “deserters’ revolt” in May 1919. While no one was killed, a group of known deserters from the local community raided the offices of the volost soviet, destroying many documents relating to the previous months’ attempts at military conscription, and stealing the small number of firearms and rubles held by the soviet administration and the volost Communist party cell. The provincial revolutionary tribunal investigated the affair soon after the events, for while there was an obvious threat of violence, no such escalation occurred, and the affair was left to civilian institutions to handle. The chairman of the volost soviet, A. M. Lysikov, began his account of the event on May 18, when he met with members of the community following a morning church service in order to explain the recent decrees and directives of the provincial and central governments.1 In the course of this discussion, he raised the fact that the Council of Workers’ and Peasants’ Defense in Moscow had declared a seven-day amnesty for all those young men who had failed to appear for mobilization to the Red Army, particularly those who had been born in 1892 and 1893, and had been subject to the most recent age-group mobilization.2 It was at this moment that one of the young men in the village approached him to ask if it was possible to ring the church bell and call for an open meeting of deserters in the volost, at which they could collectively agree whether to appear for mobilization.
    [Show full text]
  • MIT IPC Local Innovation Systems Working Paper 05-003
    Strengthening the Research and Educational Basis for Regional Development in Less-Favored Regions Kati-Jasmin Kosonen MIT-IPC-LIS-05-003 The views expressed herein are the author’s responsibility and do not necessarily reflect those of the MIT Industrial Performance Center or the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. University of Tampere Research Unit for Regional Development Studies Tampere – Seinäjoki Kati-Jasmin Kosonen, Researcher Research Unit for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Tampere Sente • • • • • Strengthening the Research and Educational Basis for Regional Development in Less-Favored Regions A Local Innovation System Case Study Report March 2005 • • • • • E-mail: [email protected] www.sjoki.uta.fi/sente 1. Introduction In the era of knowledge-based economy the regional or local knowledge environment and innovation environments for specific business areas have become more important. In the knowledge-based economy the base of knowledge constantly evolves institutionally. The institutional evolvement actualizes itself by linking different kinds of knowledge-creation institutions to the knowledge-exploitation organizations and sub-systems through new kinds of knowledge-enhancing mechanisms, and mainly from R&D conducted in relation to regional capabilities (Cooke and Leydesdorff, 2004). Furthermore, new institutions are taking part in the local innovation networks, shaping the technological change and transformation in the region for the benefits of all parties, local businesses, universities or other higher education institutions and local/ national development authorities. If a region has only little formal and informal research and a few development institutions and particularly little interaction between them, actors find it more difficult to transform information (resources) into new knowledge and innovations.
    [Show full text]
  • Finnish Socialism, Nationalism and Russian Ideological Intervention in the Finnish Civil War
    The Finnish Battle for Identity: Finnish Socialism, Nationalism And Russian Ideological Intervention in the Finnish Civil War Alexander Maavara Shortly before he returned to Russia in 1917, Vladimir Lenin expressed his support for Finland, or, as he referred to it: “one of the most advanced republican countries,” to receive independence from the Russian Empire.1 Lenin hoped that an independent Finland, which had "developed democracy relatively peacefully and won over a majority of the people to socialism,"2 would come to support the Russian proletariat in the global revolution. Lenin’s prediction proved incorrect as Finland erupted into a civil war shortly after gaining its independence in December 1917. The civil war was fought between the Finnish Whites and Reds, ending with over 30,000 dead and the defeat of the Reds, despite the pre-war popularity and support of socialism. Lenin had falsely assumed that Finland’s developed socialism corresponded with an equally developed militant revolutionary culture that would allow the Finnish socialists to easily seize power. This assumption led to the Finnish Reds becoming heavily dependent on Russian revolutionary ideology and material support. This dependence would allow the Finnish Whites to mobilize Finnish nationalism and frame the conflict as a War of Liberation against Russification, leaving a hostile nation on the Soviet Union’s border. Lenin’s misstep was grounded in a misinterpretation of how Finland’s position in the Russian Empire led to the evolution of a different socialist culture than existed in Russia itself. The Grand Duchy of Finland held privileged autonomy, maintaining its own legislature (the Diet) and executive (the Senate), while foreign relations were controlled by Russia.
    [Show full text]