The Goldstone Commission in South Africa's Transition
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Complete Dissertation
VU Research Portal Itineraries Rousseau, N. 2019 document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication in VU Research Portal citation for published version (APA) Rousseau, N. (2019). Itineraries: A return to the archives of the South African truth commission and the limits of counter-revolutionary warfare. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. E-mail address: [email protected] Download date: 09. Oct. 2021 VRIJE UNIVERSITEIT Itineraries A return to the archives of the South African truth commission and the limits of counter-revolutionary warfare ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad Doctor aan de Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, op gezag van de rector magnificus prof.dr. V. Subramaniam, in het openbaar te verdedigen ten overstaan van de promotiecommissie van de Faculteit der Geesteswetenschappen op woensdag 20 maart 2019 om 15.45 uur in de aula van de universiteit, De Boelelaan 1105 door Nicky Rousseau geboren te Dundee, Zuid-Afrika promotoren: prof.dr. -
South·Africa in Transition
POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South ·Africa in Transition Report on Violence in South Africa by an American Friends Service Committee Study Team November 1992 The American Friends Service Committee's concern over Southern Africa has grown out of over 60 years of relationships since the first visit by a representative of the organization. In 1982 the AFSC Board of Directors approved the release of a full length book, Challenge and Hope, as a statement of its views on South Africa. Since 1977 the AFSC has had a national Southern Africa educational program in its Peace Education Division. AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE 1501 Cherry Street Philadelphia, PA 19102 (215) 241-7000 AFSC REGIONAL OFFICES: Southeastern Region, Atlanta, Georgia 30303, 92 Piedmont Avenue, NE; Middle Atlantic Region, Baltimore, Maryland 21212, 4806 York Road; New England Region, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02140, 2161 Massachusetts Avenue; Great Lakes Region, Chicago, Illinois 60605, 59 E. Van Buren Street, Suite 1400; North Central Region, Des Moines, Iowa 50312, 4211 Grand Avenue; New York Metropolitan Region, New York, New York 10003, 15 Rutherford Place; Pacific Southwest Region, Pasadena, California 91103, 980 N. Fair Oaks Avenue; Pacific Mountain Region, San Francisco, California 94121,2160 Lake Street; Pacific Northwest Region, Seattle, Washington 98105, 814 N.E. 40th Street. CONTENTS II THE AFSC DELEGATION 1 PREFACE III POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South Africa in Transition 1 THE BASIC VIOLENCE 2 ANALYZING THE VIOLENCE 5 THE HIDDEN HAND 7 RETALIATION 9 POLICE INVESTIGATIONS 11 LESSONS FROM THE BOIPATONG MASSACRE 12 HOMELAND VIOLENCE IN CISKEI AND KWAZULU 13 HOMELAND LEADERS BUTHELEZI AND GQOZO 16 CONCLUSION 19 RECOMMENDATIONS 20 ACRONYMS 21 TEAM INTERVIEWS AND MEETINGS 22 THE AFSC DELEGATION TO SOUTH AFRICA The American Friends Service Committee's Board of Directors approved a proposal in June 1992 for a delegation to visit South Africa to study the escalating violence there. -
Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
The Constitutional Court of South Africa: Rights Interpretation and Comparative Constitutional Law
THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA: RIGHTS INTERPRETATION AND COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW Hoyt Webb- I do hereby swear that I will in my capacity asJudge of the Constitu- tional Court of the Republic of South Africa uphold and protect the Constitution of the Republic and the fundamental rights entrenched therein and in so doing administerjustice to all persons alike with- out fear,favour or prejudice, in accordance with the Constitution and the Law of the Republic. So help me God. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Schedule 3 (Oaths of Office and Solemn Affirmations), Act No. 200, 1993. I swear that, asJudge of the ConstitutionalCourt, I will be faithful to the Republic of South Africa, will uphold and protect the Consti- tution and the human rights entrenched in it, and will administer justice to all persons alike withwut fear,favour or prejudice, in ac- cordancewith the Constitution and the Law. So help me God. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, Schedule 2 (Oaths and Solemn Affirmations), Act 108 of 1996. I. INTRODUCTION In 1993, South Africa adopted a transitional or interim Constitu- tion (also referred to as the "IC"), enshrining a non-racial, multiparty democracy, based on respect for universal rights.' This uras a monu- mental achievement considering the complex and often horrific his- tory of the Republic and the increasing racial, ethnic and religious tensions worldwide.2 A new society, however, could not be created by Hoyt Webb is an associate at Brown and Wood, LLP in NewYork City and a term member of the Council on Foreign Relations. -
South Africa
Safrica Page 1 of 42 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map May 1995 Vol. 7, No.3 SOUTH AFRICA THREATS TO A NEW DEMOCRACY Continuing Violence in KwaZulu-Natal INTRODUCTION For the last decade South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal region has been troubled by political violence. This conflict escalated during the four years of negotiations for a transition to democratic rule, and reached the status of a virtual civil war in the last months before the national elections of April 1994, significantly disrupting the election process. Although the first year of democratic government in South Africa has led to a decrease in the monthly death toll, the figures remain high enough to threaten the process of national reconstruction. In particular, violence may prevent the establishment of democratic local government structures in KwaZulu-Natal following further elections scheduled to be held on November 1, 1995. The basis of this violence remains the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC), now the leading party in the Government of National Unity, and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the majority party within the new region of KwaZulu-Natal that replaced the former white province of Natal and the black homeland of KwaZulu. Although the IFP abandoned a boycott of the negotiations process and election campaign in order to participate in the April 1994 poll, following last minute concessions to its position, neither this decision nor the election itself finally resolved the points at issue. While the ANC has argued during the year since the election that the final constitutional arrangements for South Africa should include a relatively centralized government and the introduction of elected government structures at all levels, the IFP has maintained instead that South Africa's regions should form a federal system, and that the colonial tribal government structures should remain in place in the former homelands. -
Appointments to South Africa's Constitutional Court Since 1994
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 15 July 2015 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Johnson, Rachel E. (2014) 'Women as a sign of the new? Appointments to the South Africa's Constitutional Court since 1994.', Politics gender., 10 (4). pp. 595-621. Further information on publisher's website: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X14000439 Publisher's copyright statement: c Copyright The Women and Politics Research Section of the American 2014. This paper has been published in a revised form, subsequent to editorial input by Cambridge University Press in 'Politics gender' (10: 4 (2014) 595-621) http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=PAG Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk Rachel E. Johnson, Politics & Gender, Vol. 10, Issue 4 (2014), pp 595-621. Women as a Sign of the New? Appointments to South Africa’s Constitutional Court since 1994. -
WT/2 Col Template
THEWORLDTODAY.ORG JANUARY 2010 PAGE 16 INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT PRichard Deicker, DIREaCTOR, HUMANcRIGHTS WATeCH’S INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE PROGRAMME, RECENT SPEAKER AT THE CHATHAM HOUSE INTERN &Justice The International Criminal Court believes it is marginalising Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir following his indictment on charges related to atrocities in Darfur. He decided to pull out of an Islamic summit in Istanbul in November and earlier cancelled plans to visit a number of African states. But the policy of seeking justice in such cases where peace efforts are underway, is deeply controversial. HE THORNY DEBATE OVER WHETHER PURSUING However, an analysis of the details documented in our justice for grave international crimes interferes recent report, Selling Justice Short: Why Accountability with peace negotiations has intensified as Matters for Peace, shows that out-of-hand dismissal of justice the possibility of abusive national leaders often proves shortsighted. We believe that those who want to being tried for such crimes has increased. forgo justice need to consider the facts more carefully, many t In part this is because of the establishment contradict oft-repeated assumptions. Because the of the International Criminal Court (ICC) which is mandated consequences for people at risk are so great, decisions on these to investigate and prosecute war crimes, crimes against important issues need to be fully informed. humanity, and genocide in ongoing conflicts. The call to suspend or ‘sequence’ justice in exchange for a possible end to a conflict has arisen in conjunction with the court’s work HIGH PRICE in Congo, Uganda, and most especially Darfur, with the From the perspective of many victims of atrocities, as well arrest warrant against a sitting head of state, Sudan’s as human rights and international law standards, justice for President Omar al-Bashir. -
Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa's Dominant
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 © Copyright by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System by Safia Abukar Farole Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Kathleen Bawn, Chair In countries ruled by a single party for a long period of time, how does political opposition to the ruling party grow? In this dissertation, I study the growth in support for the Democratic Alliance (DA) party, which is the largest opposition party in South Africa. South Africa is a case of democratic dominant party rule, a party system in which fair but uncompetitive elections are held. I argue that opposition party growth in dominant party systems is explained by the strategies that opposition parties adopt in local government and the factors that shape political competition in local politics. I argue that opposition parties can use time spent in local government to expand beyond their base by delivering services effectively and outperforming the ruling party. I also argue that performance in subnational political office helps opposition parties build a reputation for good governance, which is appealing to ruling party ii. supporters who are looking for an alternative. Finally, I argue that opposition parties use candidate nominations for local elections as a means to appeal to constituents that are vital to the ruling party’s coalition. -
An Ageing Anachronism: D.F. Malan As Prime Minister, 1948–1954
An Ageing Anachronism: D.F. Malan as Prime Minister, 1948–1954 LINDIE KOORTS Department of Historical Studies, University of Johannesburg This article tells the behind-the-scenes tale of the first apartheid Cabinet under Dr D.F. Malan. Based on the utilisation of prominent Nationalists’ private documents, it traces an ageing Malan’s response to a changing international context, the chal- lenge to his leadership by a younger generation of Afrikaner nationalists and the early, haphazard implementation of the apartheid policy. In order to safeguard South Africa against sanctions by an increasingly hostile United Nations, Malan sought America’s friendship by participating in the Korean War and British protection in the Security Council by maintaining South Africa’s Commonwealth membership. In the face of decolonisation, Malan sought to uphold the Commonwealth as the preserve of white-ruled states. This not only caused an outcry in Britain, but it also brought about a backlash within his own party. The National Party’s republican wing, led by J.G. Strijdom, was adamant that South Africa should be a republic outside the Commonwealth. This led to numerous clashes in the Cabinet and parliamentary caucus. Malan and his Cabinet’s energies were consumed by these internecine battles. The systematisation of the apartheid policy and the coordination of its implementation received little attention. Malan’s disengaged leadership style implies that he knew little of the inner workings of the various government departments for which he, as Prime Minister, was ultimately responsible. The Cabinet’s internal disputes about South Africa’s constitutional status and the removal of the Coloured franchise ultimately served as lightning conductors for a larger issue: the battle for the party’s leadership, which came to a head in 1954. -
The Health and Health System of South Africa: Historical Roots of Current Public Health Challenges
Series Health in South Africa 1 The health and health system of South Africa: historical roots of current public health challenges Hoosen Coovadia, Rachel Jewkes, Peter Barron, David Sanders, Diane McIntyre The roots of a dysfunctional health system and the collision of the epidemics of communicable and non-communicable Lancet 2009; 374: 817–34 diseases in South Africa can be found in policies from periods of the country’s history, from colonial subjugation, Published Online apartheid dispossession, to the post-apartheid period. Racial and gender discrimination, the migrant labour system, August 25, 2009 the destruction of family life, vast income inequalities, and extreme violence have all formed part of South Africa’s DOI:10.1016/S0140- 6736(09)60951-X troubled past, and all have inexorably aff ected health and health services. In 1994, when apartheid ended, the health See Editorial page 757 system faced massive challenges, many of which still persist. Macroeconomic policies, fostering growth rather than See Comment pages 759 redistribution, contributed to the persistence of economic disparities between races despite a large expansion in and 760 social grants. The public health system has been transformed into an integrated, comprehensive national service, but See Perspectives page 777 failures in leadership and stewardship and weak management have led to inadequate implementation of what are This is fi rst in a Series of often good policies. Pivotal facets of primary health care are not in place and there is a substantial human resources six papers on health in crisis facing the health sector. The HIV epidemic has contributed to and accelerated these challenges. -
Dc/Judges Speak Out?
DC/JUDGES SPEAK OUT? * Richard Goldstone 36th Alfred and Winifred Hoernle Memorial Lecture Delivered in Johannesburg on 10 February 1993 Do Judges Speak Out? MR JUSTICE RICHARD GOLDSTONE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS JOHANNESBURG 1993 Published by the South African Institute of Race Relations Auden House, 68 De Korte Street, Braamfontein, Johannesburg, 2001 South Africa ® South African Institute of Race Relations, 1993 PD8/93 ISBN 0-86982431-7 Members of the media are free to reprint or report information, either in whole or in part, contained in this publication on the strict understanding that the South African Institute of Race Relations is acknowledged. Otherwise, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electrical, mechanical, photocopy, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed by Galvin & Sales, Cape Town PREVIOUS HOERNLE LECTURES J H Hoftneyr, Christian principles and race problems (1945) E G Malherbe, Race attitudes and education (1946) I D Macrone, Group conflicts and race prejudice (1947) A W Hoernle, Penal reform and race relations (1948) W M Macmillan, Africa beyond the Union (1949) E H Brookes, We come of age (1950) H J van Eck, Some aspects of the South African industrial revolution (1951) S H Frankel, Some reflections on civilization in Africa (1952) A R R Brown, Outlook for Africa (1953) E Ross, Colour and Christian community (1954) T B Davie, Education and race relations in South Africa (1955) -
Public Inquiries and the Limits of Justice in Northern Ireland
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 26, Issue 4 2002 Article 10 The Government of Memory: Public Inquiries and the Limits of Justice in Northern Ireland Angela Hegarty∗ ∗ Copyright c 2002 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj The Government of Memory: Public Inquiries and the Limits of Justice in Northern Ireland Angela Hegarty Abstract The purpose of this Article is to examine the exercise and the usefulness of the public inquiry model, in the Northern Ireland conflict. This Article examines its role as both an accountability mechanism and a truth process, and in doing so I consider the proposition that public inquiries are employed by governments not as a tool to find truth and establish accountability for human rights violations, but as a way of deflecting criticism and avoiding blame. THE GOVERNMENT OF MEMORY: PUBLIC INQUIRIES AND THE LIMITS OF JUSTICE IN NORTHERN IRELAND Angela Hegarty* INTRODUCTION That States commit violations of human rights is an undeni- able, if much denied, truth. These violations are often not offi- cially acknowledged until some time after they have been carried out, and the complete account of such violations may not emerge until the regime responsible has been removed from power. The events and the acts complained of are often denied by the State responsible until it is obliged, sometimes as a result of a political settlement, to submit to an investigation. Much of the dialogue about how to address such violations has therefore been in the context of transitional justice or of societies emerg- ing from conflict.