Ken Cribb 2009

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ken Cribb 2009 THE PHILADELPHIA SOCIETY T. KENNETH CRIBB, JR. MARCH 29, 2009 NEW ORLEANS, LA “AS DELIVERED” THREE YEARS AGO THESE EX-PRESIDENTS STOOD BEFORE YOU IN PHILADELPHIA TO ADDRESS THE THEME, “WHERE IN THE WORLD ARE WE GOING?” AT THAT TIME—APRIL, 2006—THE POLITICAL FORTUNES OF THE RIGHT WERE RIDING HIGH, AT LEAST ON THE SURFACE, WITH REPUBLICANS IN CONTROL OF THE ELECTIVE BRANCHES OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND STRONG IN THE STATES. BUT BENEATH THE SURFACE THE CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT WAS ILL AT EASE, BUFFETED BY CENTRIFUGAL FORCES. DISAGREEMENTS CONCERNING FOREIGN POLICY THREATENED OUR HARD-WROUGHT UNITY. AND ON THE CRITICAL QUESTION OF THE SIZE OF GOVERNMENT, THE CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT WAS NEARLY UNAMNIMOUS IN ITS CONDEMNATION OF BIG SPENDING REPUBLICANS IN CONTROL OF THE WHITEHOUSE, CONGRESS, AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY APPARATUS. IN MY REMARKS THEN, I BRIEFLY SURVEYED OUR COMMON HISTORY AS A MOVEMENT, HIGHLIGHTING FIRST THE FLASHPOINTS OF PRINCIPLED DISAGREEMENT AMONG TRADITIONALISTS, LIBERTARIANS, AND ANTI-COMMUNISTS; BUT THEN SHOWING, AS WELL, THE INTRICATE WEB OF INTELLECTUAL COMMON GROUND THAT BROUGHT THOSE STRANDS OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM TOGETHER. THAT SOLID GROUND SERVED AS THE BASIS FOR A MOVEMENT THAT WAS MORE THAN 1 A MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE, MORE THAN A COALITION OF EXPEDIENCY. INDEED, THE SOLID INTELLECTUAL FOUNDATION ON WHICH WE BUILT REPRESENTED THE COMMON SENSE OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE: WHAT AMERICANS KNEW “IN THEIR HIPS,” AS WILLMOORE KENDALL PUT IT. TODAY, THE CIRCUMSTANCES WE FACE ARE QUITE DIFFERENT. REPUBLICANS HAVE LOST CONTROL OF BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, LOST THE WHITE HOUSE, AND ARE WEAKENED IN THE STATES. PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA IS THE MOST LEFT-WING PRESIDENT IN THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, AND HE IS AT LEAST SUPERFICIALLY POPULAR AS CELEBRITY-IN-CHIEF. THE ECONOMIC CRISIS IN WHICH HE HAS COME TO OFFICE IS ARGUABLY THE MOST SEVERE SINCE THE GREAT DEPRESSION, AND HE HAS RESPONDED AS A PERFECT KEYNESIAN WITH A FANTASTICAL GROWTH OF GOVERNMENT REACH AND POWER. (I TAKE THAT BACK: HE IS NOT A PERFECT KEYNESIAN, SINCE OF COURSE, EVEN LORD KEYNES KNEW BETTER THAN TO RAISE TAX RATES IN A RECESSION.) AT EVERY TURN, WE FACE NEWLY EMBOLDENED LIBERAL VOICES CRAFTING A NARRATIVE OF CONSERVATIVE “OVERREACH” DURING THE BUSH YEARS, SETTING THE STAGE FOR A MASSIVE SHIFT LEFTWARD OF THE AMERICAN POLITICAL AND CULTURAL SPECTRUM. EMPOWERED BY THIS NARRATIVE, THE LEFT HAS SET OUT TO OVERTURN THE WORK OF DECADES—AND NOT ONLY IN ECONOMICS, BUT IN FOREIGN POLICY AND 2 IN THE MORAL-CULTURAL SPHERE AS WELL. RESPONSIBLE CONSERVATIVES RECOGNIZE THAT UNDER THESE ADVERSE CIRCUMSTANCES, WE DO NOT HAVE THE LUXURY OF SQUABBLING AMONGST OURSELVES; WE MUST HANG TOGETHER. HAPPILY, WE NOW HAVE MORE THAN MERELY PRAGMATIC REASONS FOR SEEKING UNITY. WE ARE COMPELLED TO A RENEWED UNITY BY A NEW CENTRIPETAL FORCE IN OUR MIDST: THE REVIVAL OF SOCIALISM. THE WHEEL HAS COME FULL CIRCLE. THE FIRST STIRRINGS OF WHAT WOULD BECOME THAT AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT BEGAN WITH OPPOSITION TO THE NEW DEAL. THOSE EARLY “INDIVIDUALISTS” SAW CLEARLY THAT GOVERNMENT CAN NEVER BE A PRODUCER OF WEALTH, ONLY A REDISTRIBUTOR AND A CONSUMER. AS FRIEDRICH HAYEK AND LUDWIG VON MISES RECOGNIZED, STATE INTERVENTION WARPS THE PRICE MECHANISM AND CREATES POLITICAL UNCERTAINTIES ABOUT THE FUTURE WHICH BRING INVESTMENT TO A HALT. MOREOVER, A MONEY SUPPLY UNDER POLITICAL CONTROL INTRODUCES WELL-NIGH IRRESISTIBLE PRESSURES FOR INFLATIONARY POLICIES. ALL TRUE. BUT TRADITIONALISTS ALSO— LIKE RICHARD WEAVER—SAW IN SOCIALISM THE UNDERMINING OF THE VIRTUES ASSOCIATED WITH PROPERTY: THE UNDERMINING, TOO, OF THE LOCAL COMMUNITIES OF MEMORY AND MUTUAL AID THAT STRUCTURE OUR SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN A TRULY HUMANE WAY. WHILE SOME NOW THOUGHTLESSLY CONDEMN THE SOUTHERN AGRARIANS AS ANTI- 3 CAPITALISTS, IT SHOULD BE REMEMBERED THAT ORIGINAL WORKING TITLE OF I’LL TAKE MY STAND WAS “TRACTS AGAINST COMMUNISM.” AND ANTI-COMMUNISTS LIKE JAMES BURNHAM RECOGNIZED IN SOCIALISM THE FINAL TRIUMPH OF THE MANAGERIAL REVOLUTION, AS THE BUCK STOPPED NOT WITH THE OWNER OF CAPITAL, OR WITH THE VOTER, BUT RATHER WITH THE EXPERT BUREAUCRAT, BEHOLDEN TO NO ONE AND NOTHING BUT HIS TECHNICAL EXPERTISE. THE BRIGHT PROMISE OF SOCIALISM ALWAYS HIDES THE REALITY OF SERFDOM UNDER THE TUTELAGE OF BUREAUCRATIC MASTERS. IT WAS THIS COMMON GROUND WHICH SERVED AS A BASIS FOR THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT AT ITS BIRTH. ALL THESE INSIGHTS REGARDING THE SOCIALIST TEMPTATION REMAIN TRUE, AND THEY REMAIN THE SOURCE OF THE DEEPEST WELL SPRING OF MODERN CONSERVATIVE THOUGHT AND ACTION. THE FUTURE OF THE CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT, THEREFORE, WILL BE TO RECALL FOR US—AND FOR COUNTLESS OTHERS—THOSE EARLIER ARGUMENTS, WHICH ARE NO LESS POWERFUL AND RELEVANT TODAY. AS SAMUEL JOHNSON OBSERVED, “MEN MORE FREQUENTLY REQUIRE TO BE REMINDED THAN INFORMED”; CONSERVATIES ARE THE GREAT REMINDERS. RE-MINDING. LISTEN TO THE COMPONENTS OF THE WORDS. IT IS NOT ENOUGH TO CHANGE LAWS, BECAUSE THEY CAN BE CHANGED BACK. 4 MARGINAL TAX RATES LOWERED UNDER BUSH CAN BE RAISED UNDER OBAMA. NO—OUR TASK IS TO CHANGE MINDS . IF THIS DOES NOT COMPLELEY ANSWER THE QUESTION WHAT IS TO BE DONE, IT DOES SUGGEST WHERE WE MUST BEGIN. WE MUST BEGIN AGAIN AT THE LEVEL OF FUNDAMENTAL IDEAS THAT MOVE THE GENERATIONS TO CHOOSE LIBERTY OVER SECURITY, TO CHOOSE CIVIC VIRTUE OVER LICENSE, TO CHOOSE THE FUNDED WISDOM OF MANKIND WE CALL TRADITION, OVER THE ARMED DOCTINES OF IDEOLOGY. BUT THEN, THERE IS THE LITTLE PROBLEM THAT STAN EVANS POINTED OUT IN HIS REMARKS YESTERDAY AFTERNOON. THE LEGIONS OF RED STATE YOUNG PEOPLE THAT WANT TO HELP, HAVEN’T DONE THE HOMEWORK TO BE ABLE TO HELP. THEY HAVEN’T READ THE THINKERS WE HAVE TALKED ABOUT THIS WEEKEND AND THEY ARE INNOCENT OF THE FUNDAMENTAL ARGUMENTS THEY WILL NEED IN ORDER TO PREVAIL. AT ISI WE DEAL WITH ELITES, HELPING MIDWIFE THE INTELLECTUAL LEADERSHIP OF EACH NEW GENERATION. BUT WHAT ABOUT THE SCORES-OF-THOUSANDS OF FOOT SOLDIERS WHO WILL BE NEEDED FOR THE POLITICAL TASK AT HAND? IN OUR OWN WAY, ISI TOO IS CHARGING TO THE SOUND OF THE GUNS. BEYOND OUR DIRECT WORK WITH YOUNG INTELLECTUALS, WE HAVE BUILT A SUITE OF INTERNET WEBSITES THAT TOGETHER WE CALL THE “AMERICAN IDEAS AND INSTITUTIONS RESOURCE CENTER.” AT THE 5 HEART OF THE WEBSITES ARE A SERIES OF SIX “SHORT COURSES” (AT WWW.FIRSTPRINCIPLESJOURNAL.COM ) WHICH COVER THE MAJOR THEMES AND ISSUES OF THE CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT OVER THE PAST FIFTY YEARS: 1. WESTERN CIVILIZATION, 2. THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE, 3. FREE MARKETS & CIVIL SOCIETY, 4. AMERICAN SECURITY, 5. THE CONSERVATIVE INTELLECTUAL REVIVAL, 6. AND HIGHER EDUCATION & THE LIBERAL ARTS. AMIDST ALL THE CHATTER AND NOISE OF THE INTERNET, THESE COURSES OFFER UP ON A SILVER PLATTER THE BEST THAT THE MOVEMENT HAS PRODUCED INTELLECTUALLY OVER THE YEARS, WITH LITERALLY HUNDREDS OF HYPERLINKS TO LEAD STUDENTS TO THE PRIMARY SOURCES. THE POWER OF OUR IDEAS REMAINS GREAT; THEIR APPEAL IS UNIVERSAL; OUR TASK IS TO WIN FOR THOSE IDEAS A NEW HEARING. THE BAD NEWS IS THAT THIS TAKES TIME. THE GOOD NEWS IS, IT’S THE ONLY THING THAT WORKS! BEYOND WHAT WE AT ISI ARE DOING, AS WE SURVEY OUR CURRENT POLITICAL SITUATION THERE ARE ALREADY SIGNS OF HOPE. TYPICAL FOR A MAN OF THE LEFT, PRESIDENT OBAMA IS NOT A SERIOUS STUDENT OF HISTORY. THUS, HE HAS INTERPRETED 2008 AS A SIMPLE REPEAT OF 1929, AND HE HAS PRESUMED FOR HIMSELF THE ROLE OF FDR 6 IN 1933. EVIDENTLY, IN HIS FIRST “HUNDRED DAYS,” HIS INTENTION HAS BEEN TO SET IN MOTION A WHOLESALE RESTRUCTURUING OF THE AMERICAN ECONOMY AND AMERICAN SOCIETY, TO SOLIDIFY A GENERATION OR MORE OF LIBERAL ASCENDANCY. BUT CONSERVATIVES KNOW THAT A TRUE HISTORICAL SENSE MEANS MORE THAN DEALING WITH FACILE ANALOGIES—AS IF HISTORY CAN EVER AGAIN, SIMPLY, REPEAT ITSELF. A TRUE HISTORICAL SENSE ALSO MEANS MORE THAN EXTRAPOLATING CURRENT TRENDS IN A STRAIGHTLINE PATH TO THE FUTURE—AS IF HISTORY WILL NEVER OFFER UP SURPRISES AND REVERSALS. NO, THE TRUE HISTORICAL SENSE RECOGNIZES THE UNIQUENESS OF EACH MOMENT IN HISTORY, DISCERNING WITH A DEEP LEARNING BOTH THE POSSIBILITIES AND THE PITFALLS THAT CONFRONT US. PRESIDENT OBAMA AND HIS WOULD-BE BRAIN TRUST OF NEW NEW DEALERS LACK A TRUE HISTORICAL IMAGINATION. AND SO THEY HAVE FAILED TO NOTICE THAT HIS ELECTION WAS FAR FROM A LANDSLIDE OF ROOSEVELTIAN PROPORTIONS; AND MOST OF ALL, THEY HAVE FAILED TO NOTICE THAT THE OPPOSITION THEY FACE DOES NOT CONSIST OF INARTICULATE BUSINESSMEN AND A HANDFUL OF SCATTERED INTELLECTUALS, AS WAS THE CASE IN THE 1930S. BUT RATHER CONSISTS OF THE MANY MAJOR INSTITUTIONS THAT TOGETHER CONSTITUTE A TRUE CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT , EQUIPPED WITH POWERFUL ARGUMENTS AND A POWERFUL VOICE. THE WORK OF A HALF-CENTURY 7 CANNOT SO EASILY BE BRUSHED ASIDE: “THIS TIME,” COLLECTIVIST ANSWERS WILL NOT HAVE ROOM TO RUN THE FIELD UNOPPOSED. AS A RESULT, WE CAN ALREADY SEE THE AMORPHOUS THIRST FOR “CHANGE” THAT PROCLAIMED IN THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT OBAMA DRYING UP IN THE LAND. ALREADY WE CAN SEE THE DELIBERATE SENSE OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE REASSERT ITSELF. AMERICANS, IN THE END, DO NOT WANT SOCIALISM; BUT THEY DO WANT ANSWERS. IT IS UP TO US TO SHOW THE WAY. YES WE HAVE TO DO IT ALL OVER AGAIN. BUT THE NEW ALWAYS HAVE TO DO IT ALL OVER AGAIN. IN THAT SENSE, CIVILIZATION IS NEVER MORE THAN ONE GENERATION OLD. THE DEFENCE OF FREEDOM IS PERENNIALLY NECESSARY, A NECESSITY BORN OF THE HUMAN CONDITION ITSELF. IF FINAL SUCCESS WILL ALWAYS IN THAT SENSE BE JUST BEYOND OUR REACH, THEN IT’S THE REACHING THAT MATTERS. IT’S TIME TO GET OUR HANDS DIRTY. IT’S TIME TO GET TO WORK. 8 .
Recommended publications
  • Philadelphia and the Southern Elite: Class, Kinship, and Culture in Antebellum America
    PHILADELPHIA AND THE SOUTHERN ELITE: CLASS, KINSHIP, AND CULTURE IN ANTEBELLUM AMERICA BY DANIEL KILBRIDE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1997 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In seeing this dissertation to completion I have accumulated a host of debts and obligation it is now my privilege to acknowledge. In Philadelphia I must thank the staff of the American Philosophical Society library for patiently walking out box after box of Society archives and miscellaneous manuscripts. In particular I must thank Beth Carroll- Horrocks and Rita Dockery in the manuscript room. Roy Goodman in the Library’s reference room provided invaluable assistance in tracking down secondary material and biographical information. Roy is also a matchless authority on college football nicknames. From the Society’s historian, Whitfield Bell, Jr., I received encouragement, suggestions, and great leads. At the Library Company of Philadelphia, Jim Green and Phil Lapansky deserve special thanks for the suggestions and support. Most of the research for this study took place in southern archives where the region’s traditions of hospitality still live on. The staff of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History provided cheerful assistance in my first stages of manuscript research. The staffs of the Filson Club Historical Library in Louisville and the Special Collections room at the Medical College of Virginia in Richmond were also accommodating. Special thanks go out to the men and women at the three repositories at which the bulk of my research was conducted: the Special Collections Library at Duke University, the Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and the Virginia Historical Society.
    [Show full text]
  • "Citizens in the Making": Black Philadelphians, the Republican Party and Urban Reform, 1885-1913
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 "Citizens In The Making": Black Philadelphians, The Republican Party And Urban Reform, 1885-1913 Julie Davidow University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Davidow, Julie, ""Citizens In The Making": Black Philadelphians, The Republican Party And Urban Reform, 1885-1913" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2247. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2247 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2247 For more information, please contact [email protected]. "Citizens In The Making": Black Philadelphians, The Republican Party And Urban Reform, 1885-1913 Abstract “Citizens in the Making” broadens the scope of historical treatments of black politics at the end of the nineteenth century by shifting the focus of electoral battles away from the South, where states wrote disfranchisement into their constitutions. Philadelphia offers a municipal-level perspective on the relationship between African Americans, the Republican Party, and political and social reformers, but the implications of this study reach beyond one city to shed light on a nationwide effort to degrade and diminish black citizenship. I argue that black citizenship was constructed as alien and foreign in the urban North in the last decades of the nineteenth century and that this process operated in tension with and undermined the efforts of black Philadelphians to gain traction on their exercise of the franchise. For black Philadelphians at the end of the nineteenth century, the franchise did not seem doomed or secure anywhere in the nation.
    [Show full text]
  • Imagination Movers: the Construction of Conservative Counter-Narratives in Reaction to Consensus Liberalism
    Imagination Movers: The Construction of Conservative Counter-Narratives in Reaction to Consensus Liberalism Seth James Bartee Dissertation submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Social, Political, Ethical, and Cultural Thought Francois Debrix, Chair Matthew Gabriele Matthew Dallek James Garrison Timothy Luke February 19, 2014 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: conservatism, imagination, historicism, intellectual history counter-narrative, populism, traditionalism, paleo-conservatism Imagination Movers: The Construction of Conservative Counter-Narratives in Reaction to Consensus Liberalism Seth James Bartee ABSTRACT The purpose of this study was to explore what exactly bound post-Second World War American conservatives together. Since modern conservatism’s recent birth in the United States in the last half century or more, many historians have claimed that both anti-communism and capitalism kept conservatives working in cooperation. My contention was that the intellectual founder of postwar conservatism, Russell Kirk, made imagination, and not anti-communism or capitalism, the thrust behind that movement in his seminal work The Conservative Mind. In The Conservative Mind, published in 1953, Russell Kirk created a conservative genealogy that began with English parliamentarian Edmund Burke. Using Burke and his dislike for the modern revolutionary spirit, Kirk uncovered a supposedly conservative seed that began in late eighteenth-century England, and traced it through various interlocutors into the United States that culminated in the writings of American expatriate poet T.S. Eliot. What Kirk really did was to create a counter-narrative to the American liberal tradition that usually began with the French Revolution and revolutionary figures such as English-American revolutionary Thomas Paine.
    [Show full text]
  • 2019 YEAR in REVIEW a Letter from Our President and CEO Recently a Selection of Writings by Harry Bradley, One of Our Founders, Was Brought to My Attention
    2019 YEAR IN REVIEW A Letter from Our President and CEO Recently a selection of writings by Harry Bradley, one of our founders, was brought to my attention. Harry’s thoughts, which were put to paper in the 1950s, described how he and his brother Lynde started the Allen-Bradley Company and how their values enabled it to become a remarkable American success story. “Lynde wanted, and so did I, people who thought of their jobs not in terms of paychecks, but as the end result of their own work. We were small, but we were building for more than a day, and for more than a year. To us, every job was an open door to the high ground of human freedom and general happiness,” he wrote. Harry also shared his views on freedom, human dignity and American principles. “A nation’s progress is measured by the character of its people, and not by the promises of its politicians. It seems hard for politicians to comprehend one simple truth: There is no source of national income, but the work of the people,” he observed. Harry Bradley While Harry and Lynde lived in a very different era, their core principles and aspirations - the ability to improve society through education, innovation, and free markets; the role of government; and the application of the Constitution - continue to be at the heart of our country’s current philosophical debate. At such a critical time in our history, I know they would be pleased that the principles of American exceptionalism they so firmly believed in continue to be advanced every day through The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation and its remarkable grant recipients.
    [Show full text]
  • Roger A. Freeman Papers, 1950-1990
    http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf4f59n6sp No online items Preliminary Inventory to the Roger A. Freeman Papers, 1950-1990 Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 Phone: (650) 723-3563 Fax: (650) 725-3445 Email: [email protected] © 1999 Hoover Institution Archives. All rights reserved. Preliminary Inventory to the 75053 1 Roger A. Freeman Papers, 1950-1990 Preliminary Inventory to the Roger A. Freeman Papers, 1950-1990 Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California Contact Information Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 Phone: (650) 723-3563 Fax: (650) 725-3445 Email: [email protected] © 1999 Hoover Institution Archives. All rights reserved. Descriptive Summary Title: Roger A. Freeman Papers, Date (inclusive): 1950-1990 Collection number: 75053 Creator: Freeman, Roger A., 1904- Collection Size: 489 manuscript boxes, 4 oversize boxes, 1 card file box(21 linear feet) Repository: Hoover Institution Archives Stanford, California 94305-6010 Abstract: Correspondence, memoranda, reports, studies, speeches and writings, printed matter, and slides, relating to governmental problems in the state of Washington, 1950-1955, fiscal problems of Bolivia, 1957, international economic development, taxation (federal, state, and local), intergovernmental relations in the United States, public and private education from lower schools to university in the United States and the Soviet Union, and the growth of American government. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Language: English. Access Collection is stored off-site. It may be possible to have a limited number of boxes brought to the archives reading room for examination. A minimum of two days notice is required. Please contact the Hoover Institution Archives for further information.
    [Show full text]
  • The President's Conservatives: Richard Nixon and the American Conservative Movement
    ALL THE PRESIDENT'S CONSERVATIVES: RICHARD NIXON AND THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT. David Sarias Rodriguez Department of History University of Sheffield Submitted for the degree of PhD October 2010 ABSTRACT This doctoral dissertation exammes the relationship between the American conservative movement and Richard Nixon between the late 1940s and the Watergate scandal, with a particular emphasis on the latter's presidency. It complements the sizeable bodies ofliterature about both Nixon himself and American conservatism, shedding new light on the former's role in the collapse of the post-1945 liberal consensus. This thesis emphasises the part played by Nixon in the slow march of American conservatism from the political margins in the immediate post-war years to the centre of national politics by the late 1960s. The American conservative movement is treated as a diverse epistemic community made up of six distinct sub-groupings - National Review conservatives, Southern conservatives, classical liberals, neoconservatives, American Enterprise Institute conservatives and the 'Young Turks' of the New Right - which, although philosophically and behaviourally autonomous, remained intimately associated under the overall leadership of the intellectuals who operated from the National Review. Although for nearly three decades Richard Nixon and American conservatives endured each other in a mutually frustrating and yet seemingly unbreakable relationship, Nixon never became a fully-fledged member of the movement. Yet, from the days of Alger Hiss to those of the' Silent Majority', he remained the political actor best able to articulate and manipulate the conservative canon into a populist, electorally successful message. During his presidency, the administration's behaviour played a crucial role - even if not always deliberately - in the momentous transformation of the conservative movement into a more diverse, better-organised, modernised and more efficient political force.
    [Show full text]
  • Georgian Terrace Hotel) October 4-5, 2013
    Fall Meeting of the Philadelphia Society Atlanta, Georgia (Georgian Terrace Hotel) October 4-5, 2013 Michael M. Jordan, Chair and Professor of English, Hillsdale College EDUCATION AND THE PERMANENT THINGS Thesis: If we are going to transmit the permanent things, we will have to put back into education the moral and metaphysical vision that is foundational to Western education and Western civilization. I hope to illustrate this thesis by discussing Russell Kirk’s vision of conservatism and the permanent things, by describing the Christian vision that was historically embedded in education, law, and culture in the West, and by showing that what has replaced the Christian vision in education is woefully inadequate because it has lost sight of the permanent things. Let me begin with an anecdote, one that relates to my thesis. In the early 1980s I had the good fortune to study with Russell Kirk for two years. He supervised my master’s thesis on “Original Sin in Nathaniel Hawthorne’s Short Stories and Sketches.” Dr. Kirk himself believed in original sin, and after he got to know me, he said I was pretty good evidence of its truth. He occasionally said my intimate knowledge of sin, original and actual, qualified me to write on the subject. Sometimes I’m surprised Annette and Russell took in and befriended a congenital redneck hillbilly like me. But they did, and I thank them for that. Over 2 the years they welcomed countless people to Piety Hill: saints and sinners, political refugees and hobos, wayward students and unwed mothers. They opened their home because their hearts were open to the God of Love.
    [Show full text]
  • James I. Wallner
    JAMES I. WALLNER Home Address: Office Address: 101 W. Augusta Pl. 1212 New York Ave. NW Greenville, South Carolina 29605 Suite 900 202-536-7663 Washington, D.C. 20005 [email protected] [email protected] ACADEMIC APPOINTMENTS Professorial Lecturer, Department of Government, American University, 2018-Present. Adjunct Professor, Department of Politics, Catholic University of America, 2012-2020. Lecturer, Department of Politics, Catholic University of America, 2010-2012. PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE Governance Project Senior Fellow, R Street Institute, 2017-Present. Editor-in-Chief, Legislative Procedure, 2018-Present. Host, Politics In Question, 2019-Present. Group Vice President for Research, Heritage Foundation, 2016-2017. Executive Director, Senate Steering Committee, 2012-2016. Legislative Director, Senator Pat Toomey, 2011-2012. Legislative Director, Senator Jeff Sessions, 2008-2011. Legislative Assistant, Senator Jeff Sessions, 2007-2008. Legislative Assistant, Congressman Terry Everett, 2005-2007. FELLOWSHIPS & OTHER EXPERIENCE FELLOWSHIPS: Member, Task Force on the Judicial Nomination and Confirmation Process, The Constitution Project and the Project on Government Oversight, 2019-present. 1 Kluge Fellow, John W. Kluge Center, Library of Congress, 2019-2020 (conducted research for forthcoming manuscript, American Socrates: James Madison and the Virtue of Political Conflict). Fellow, Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies, American University, 2018-Present. Senior Visiting Fellow, Center for the Study of Statesmanship, Catholic University of America, 2019-2020. Julia Araiza and James Rosenthal Fellow, Claremont Institute, 2017. OTHER EXPERIENCE: Contributor, Law and Liberty, 2017-Present. Contributor, Washington Examiner, 2017-Present. Contributor, Daily Caller, 2020-Present. EDUCATION Ph.D. Politics, Catholic University of America, awarded with Distinction, 2012. M.A. Politics, Catholic University of America, awarded with Distinction, 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • Gerald Russell 2013 Luncheon Chair
    Gerald Russello Philadelphia Society Atlanta, Georgia October 5, 2013 __________________________________________________________________ I am greatly honored to speak before the society this weekend on such an important topic and among such distinguished company, including many old friends, and I want to thank Bill Campbell and the Society’s trustees for the invitation. In particular, it was a great pleasure to hear yesterday and meet in person for the first time, Brad Birzer, who has contributed enormously to our understanding of Russell Kirk and his importance. I would commend to you all his forthcoming book on Kirk, a wonderful taste of which we had last night. I am grateful for the Society's decision to devote this conference to Russell Kirk and his work, especially his book The Conservative Mind. I too drafted a letter to Kirk after reading The Conservative Mind in my freshmen year of college; more brazenly than Brad, I actually sent it, and Dr. Kirk was kind enough to respond. I first met Dr. Kirk in 1991 at the Heritage Foundation, where he signed my copy of his book on John Randolph of Roanoke. Through the good graces of the Heritage Foundation I was able to spend some time in 1995 at Piety Hill researching his work, and I currently have the privilege of editing his journal, The University Bookman and working closely with Annette Kirk, who has done more than anyone else in keeping Kirk’s work alive; Kirk has been one of my formative intellectual influences, not only through his own work but through an introduction to the wider Western tradition that I know many of you also have experienced because of him.
    [Show full text]
  • PHILADELPHIA WOMEN and the PUBLIC SPHERE, 1760S-1840S
    “THE YOUNG WOMEN HERE ENJOY A LIBERTY”: PHILADELPHIA WOMEN AND THE PUBLIC SPHERE, 1760s-1840s By KATHARINE DIANE LEE A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in History Written under the direction of Nancy Hewitt and Paul G. E. Clemens And approved by _______________________________________ _______________________________________ _______________________________________ _______________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey May 2016 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION “The Young women here enjoy a liberty”: Philadelphia Women and the Public Sphere, 1760s-1840s by KATHARINE DIANE LEE Dissertation Director: Nancy Hewitt This dissertation examines women’s access to and participation in the community life of Philadelphia in the decades surrounding the American Revolution. It argues against the application of separate spheres to late-colonial and early national Philadelphia and proposes that women were heavily integrated into nearly all aspects of the city’s public life. Women from diverse backgrounds were actively involved in commerce, politics, protest, intellectual and legal debates, social institutions, wartime developments, educational advancements, and benevolent causes. They saw themselves and were viewed by their peers as valuable members of a vibrant and complex city life. If we put aside assumptions about women’s limited relationship to the public sphere, we find a society in which women took advantage of a multitude of opportunities for participation and self-expression. This project also examines the disparity between the image of the ideal housewife and the lived experience of the majority of female Philadelphians. Idealized descriptions of Revolutionary women present a far more sheltered range of options than those taken advantage of by most actual women.
    [Show full text]
  • Social ^Disorder and the Philadelphia Slite "Before Jackson
    Social ^Disorder and the Philadelphia Slite "Before Jackson UR understanding of the 1820s suffers from our intellectual domination by the events of the 1830s. One area in which O perspective on these years is blurred is the study of elites. Because Andrew Jackson triumphed over a symbol of patrician rule in the election of 1828 and because an aroused electorate aided his victory, historians have assumed his prestigious predecessors were under attack. The mercantile-Federalist elite, in this view, marked time until their heads were slipped into a Democratic noose. Some became reformers, seeking to regain their status and authority by advocating programs for social control. But their efforts were doomed. However successful temperance, antislavery, or public schools may have been, the urban gentry would never again com- mand the respect and deference enjoyed in the eighteenth century.1 Describing this decline, historians have argued in contradictory terms. Some have suggested that the elite became social reformers because their Federalism was no longer attractive to the American voter. Rebuffed by politicians and unwilling to make the compro- mises necessary to achieve shared power, the elite rejected public life altogether. Active members devoted themselves to private philanthropies and local leadership. They established institutions to care for the poor, the sick, and the deranged; they fostered societies to exalt the revolutionary past and to promote the economic future. Untidy political affairs they abandoned to the unprincipled prac- titioners of faction.2 1 Examples of this argument appear in Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson (Boston, 1945), 269-270; Carl Bode, The American Lyceum: Town Meeting of the Mind (New York, 1956), 67; Clifford S.
    [Show full text]
  • Grant Recipient List
    GRANT RECIPIENT LIST As a donor-advised fund with a mission to serve as philanthropic advisors who educate, empower, and inspire donors to advance our common principles through high-impact giving and the protection of donor intent, the Bradley Impact Fund is aligned with, and inspired by, The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation’s mission to restore, strengthen, and protect the principles and institutions of American exceptionalism. This Grant Recipient List includes more than 350 nonprofit organizations that have received grants from The Bradley Foundation since 2018. The Bradley Impact Fund encourages our donor community to closely examine the positive impact of these organizations when considering their philanthropic activities. 2 CHILDREN’S OF WISCONSIN Milwaukee, WI To support a mental health fellowship program CITY ON A HILL Milwaukee, WI To support general operations COLLEGIATE CULTURAL FOUNDATION Media, PA To support general operations CIVIL SOCIETY COMMUNITY WAREHOUSE Milwaukee, WI ABOVE THE CLOUDS To support general operations Milwaukee, WI To support general operations CONVERGENCE RESOURCE CENTER Milwaukee, WI ACTON INSTITUTE FOR THE STUDY OF To support general operations RELIGION AND LIBERTY Grand Rapids, WI COUNCIL FOR NATIONAL POLICY To support general operations Washington, DC To support the Conservative Action Project and Key ACTS HOUSING Influencers Program Milwaukee, WI To support general operations DISCOVERY INSTITUTE Seattle, WA ALMA CENTER To support the Center on Wealth and Poverty Milwaukee, WI To support general operations
    [Show full text]