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Ozaki Yukio I Inukai Tsuyoshi – Liderzy Ruchu Przeciwko Rządowi Katsury Tarō

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Ozaki Yukio I Inukai Tsuyoshi – Liderzy Ruchu Przeciwko Rządowi Katsury Tarō JANUSZ MYTKO Uniwersytet Warszawski OZAKI YUKIO I INUKAI TSUYOSHI – LIDERZY RUCHU PRZECIWKO RZĄDOWI KATSURY TARŌ ABSTRACT: A bureaucratic government announcing liberalization of its policies may usually expect some public favor. The outcry of anger that followed the formation of the third Katsura Tarō administration in 1912, however, proves this not always to be the case. Ozaki Yukio and Inukai Tsuyoshi, two ‘gods of constitutionalism,’ led the popular movement that resulted in Katsura’s resignation not long after he had declared to renounce the cooperation with his clique, and create his own platform. Focused on the relations between Katsura’s new political party and both of the movement leaders, this essay demonstrates the main factors that propelled the clash between the cabinet and the movement, and explains in detail the difference in the stances of Ozaki and Inukai during their anti-government campaign. These are crucial to understand that Katsura’s ideas, no matter how liberal, were not acceptable for the public opinion, and that from the very beginning his cabinet was destined to fail. KEYWORDS: Japanese politics, Taishō Democracy, Movement to Protect Constitutional Government, Rikken Dōshikai WPROWADZENIE Starcie premiera Katsury Tarō1 (1848–1913) z Ozakim Yukio (1859–1954) i Inuka- iem Tsuyoshim (1855–1932), stojącymi na czele Ruchu Ochrony Rządów Konstytucyj- nych (Kensei Yōgo Undō, zwany w skrócie Goken Undō), jest pierwszym przypadkiem w historii Japonii, w którym biurokratyczny rząd ustąpił pod presją ruchu społecznego (10 lutego 1913 r.). Towarzyszące temu wydarzenia, określane jako „kryzys polityczny Taishō” (Taishō seihen)2, były już tematem licznych publikacji3. Poniższy artykuł poru- sza jednak zagadnienie dotąd pomijane – wzajemne relacje między Katsurą, Ozakim i Inukaiem. Opisuje m.in. próby nakłonienia obu liderów ruchu do przyłączenia się do stronnictwa Katsury, a także genezę sporu, jaki rozgorzał między Ozakim i Inukaiem co 1 Japońskie terminy oraz nazwy własne występujące w artykule zapisano przy pomocy trans- krypcji Hepburna. Wyjątek stanowią spolszczone formy nazw miast: Tokio, Kioto, Osaka i Kobe, użyte w tekście artykułu (ale nie w bibliografii), a także wyrazy, które na stałe weszły do języka polskiego (samuraj, siogun). Japońskie nazwiska podano zgodnie z porządkiem przyjętym w Japonii, tj. przed imionami. 2 Sformułowanie „kryzys polityczny Taishō”, pochodzące od nazwy ery Taishō (1912–1926), używane jest przede wszystkim przez historyków z państw zachodnich. Japoński termin Taishō seihen może być tłumaczony jako „zmiana rządu okresu Taishō”. 3 Przede wszystkim: Yamamoto Shirō, Taishō seihen no kisoteki kenkyū, Ochanomizu Shobō, Tōkyō 1970, oraz Banno Junji, Taishō seihen, Minerva Shobō, Kyōto 1994, a z nowszych pozycji, m.in.: Sakurai Ryōju, Taishō seiji shi no shuppatsu, Yamakawa Shuppansha, Tōkyō 1997; Stewart Lone, Army, Empire and Politics in Meiji Japan, Macmillan, Basingstoke 2000, a także Kobayashi Michihiko, Katsura Tarō, Minerva Shobō, Kyōto 2006. PRZEGLĄD ORIENTALISTYCZNY NR 1 – 2, 2017 100 JANUSZ MYTKO NR 1 – 2 do sposobu ochrony rządów konstytucyjnych. Daje przy okazji odpowiedź na pytanie, dlaczego Katsura został odsunięty od władzy przez ruch społeczny w momencie, kiedy usiłował porzucić biurokratyczne metody rządów na rzecz parlamentarnych. tło historyCzne Kiedy w styczniu 1913 r., miesiąc po objęciu funkcji premiera po raz trzeci, Katsura Tarō ogłaszał, że nowa administracja będzie opierała się na jego własnej partii politycznej Rikken Dōshikai (Konstytucyjne Stowarzyszenie Sojuszników, w skrócie Dōshikai), wiele osób nie kryło zdumienia. Katsura był przecież jednym z najważniejszych polityków rządzącej krajem biurokratycznej oligarchii4. Służąc w wojsku dorobił się stopnia gene- rała, jako przedstawiciel rządzącej warstwy – tytułu książęcego, ale znany jest przede wszystkim jako najdłużej sprawujący urząd japoński premier, kierujący krajem w latach 1901–06, 1908–11, oraz 1912–13. Z nim u władzy Japonia zawarła przymierze z Wielką Brytanią (1902), wygrała wojnę z Rosją (1904–05), a także zaanektowała Koreę (1910). Te wydarzenia wyniosły ją do rangi wschodnioazjatyckiego supermocarstwa. Katsura pochodził z byłej domeny feudalnej (han) Chōshū, której przedstawiciele, wraz z Satsumą, stali się wiodącą siłą polityczną5 podczas ponad 40 lat panowania cesarza Meiji (1868–1912). Okres ten był czasem intensywnej modernizacji niemal wszystkich dziedzin zacofanego jeszcze cztery dekady wcześniej kraju. Kliki hanowe zdobyły znaczne wpływy nie tylko w administracji państwowej, ale i w siłach militarnych, przy czym Chōshū było szczególnie silne w wojskach lądowych, a Satsuma w marynarce wojennej. 4 W 1868 r. zakończyły się w Japonii trwające niemal siedem wieków rządy wojskowych, przywrócono, przynajmniej formalnie, władzę cesarską (ōsei fukko), a wraz z nadejściem nowego okresu Meiji (1868–1912) rozpoczęto wprowadzanie szeregu reform mających zastąpić panujący w kraju system feudalny nowoczesnymi strukturami państwowymi, uzdrowić gospodarkę i zmoder- nizować siły zbrojne. Za procesem tym, znanym jako Restauracja Meiji (Meiji Ishin) stała grupa samurajów sprzeciwiających się rządom wojskowych władców – siogunów, która przejęła faktyczną władzę w Japonii (tzw. oligarchia Meiji). Formalnie Japonia od 1889 r. była monarchią konstytucyjną. Konstytucja Wielkiego Cesarstwa Japonii (Dai Nihon Teikoku Kenpō) podkreślała zwierzchnią rolę cesarza w państwie, przyznając mu najwyższą i suwerenną władzę cywilną oraz wojskową. W praktyce monarcha sprawował ją przy pomocy doradców, co oznaczało, że kierowanie państwem pozostało w rękach przedstawicieli oligarchii. Jednocześnie konstytucja ustanawiała dwuizbowy parlament, z wyższą Izbą Arystokracji (Kizokuin), składającą się z członków rodziny cesarskiej, arystokracji, a także mianowanych przez cesarza osób szczególnie zasłużonych dla kraju, oraz niższą Izbą Reprezentantów (Shūgiin), wybieraną w wyborach powszechnych. Władza legislacyjna cesarza była ograniczona koniecznością uzyskania zgody parlamentu, co stanowiło pewną furtkę dla partii politycznych do udziału w rządach. Szcze- góły dotyczące japońskiego systemu politycznego okresu Meiji przedstawione zostały m.in. w: Ewa Pałasz-Rutkowska, Cesarz Meiji (1852–1912), Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa 2012, s. 79–117, 175–215. 5 Japoński termin han oznaczał domenę feudalną, na której czele stał władca ziemski (daimyō), bezpośredni wasal sioguna. Za przywróceniem władzy cesarskiej i Restauracją Meiji stali głównie samurajowie z czterech domen zachodniej i południowej Japonii: Chōshū, Satsumy, Tosy i Bizen, przy czym dwie pierwsze zaczęły stopniowo rozszerzać swoje wpływy i właśnie stamtąd rekrutowała się większość członków oligarchii. Hany zostały zlikwidowane w 1871 r., ale związki pomiędzy członkami byłych domen pozostawały silne, stąd często używano wobec nich terminu „kliki hanowe“ (hanbatsu). Związki te miały swoje odbicie w relacjach wewnątrz administracji publicznej wysokiego szczebla, gdzie tworzyły się kliki urzędnicze (kanryōbatsu), czy w siłach zbrojnych (kliki wojskowe, gunbatsu). NR 1 – 2 OZAKI YUKIO I INUKAI TSUYOSHI... 101 Liderem Chōshū był marszałek książę Yamagata Aritomo (1838–1922), twórca pod- walin nowoczesnej japońskiej armii, były dwukrotny premier (1889–1891, 1898–1900). Wielu widziało jego następcę w Katsurze, który wyrobił sobie na tyle silną pozycję w politycznych sferach kraju, że po śmierci cesarza Meiji w lipcu 1912 r. przyjęto go w poczet genrō (czcigodnych mężów stanu)6. Wśród wszystkich zaskoczonych decyzją Katsury o utworzeniu nowej partii, zwłasz- cza zdumiony musiał być dotychczasowy premier Saionji Kinmochi. Wywodzący się z arystokracji dworskiej markiz Saionji był prezydentem najsilniejszej japońskiej partii pierwszych czterech dekad XX w. – Rikken Seiyūkai (Konstytucyjne Stowarzyszenie Politycznej Przyjaźni, z reguły skracane do Seiyūkai). Wkrótce po powstaniu w roku 1900, Seiyūkai urosło w siłę jako ważny element politycznej układanki, a Saionji był premierem w latach 1906–08, oraz 1911–127, w obu wypadkach przejmując urząd z rąk Katsury. Partia współpracowała z Katsurą również w czasie jego drugiej administracji, co pozwoliło jej wywrzeć istotny wpływ na politykę Japonii w okresie rządów trzech kolejnych gabinetów. Członkami Seiyūkai byli, m.in., dotychczasowy minister sprawiedli- wości Matsuda Masahisa (1850–1918), oraz dotychczasowy minister spraw wewnętrznych Hara Takashi (1845–1914), który w 1918 r. został pierwszym japońskim premierem wywodzącym się z ludu. Seiyūkai oczekiwało, że i tym razem Katsura, potrzebujący wsparcia dla swojego rządu w parlamencie, wyjdzie z propozycją współpracy. Hara zakładał, że kiedy nowo mianowany premier spróbuje podjąć rozmowy, należy zająć w nich twarde i nieprzejed- nane stanowisko jako odpowiedź na budzące społeczne oburzenie okoliczności ustąpie- nia gabinetu Saionjiego8. To umocniłoby pozycję jego partii w negocjacjach9. Katsura zdecydował się jednak postąpić zupełnie inaczej. Nie był ruchem Katsury zaskoczony Yamagata, który był skonfliktowany z nowym premierem już od jakiegoś czasu. Katsura wypadł z łask Yamagaty, gdy ten usłyszał, że Katsura planuje utworzyć własną partię polityczną, w opozycji zarówno do Seiyūkai, jak i otoczenia Yamagaty. Nestor Chōshū nie był zachwycony tym, że kolejny genrō chce dzielić się władzą z partiami politycznymi. Przecież samo Seiyūkai również zostało założone przez pochodzącego z Chōshū Itō Hirobumiego10. Chęć bliższego poznania zachodnich systemów parlamentarnych była
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