Tax Justice Focus
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Engagement Guidance on Corporate Tax Responsibility Why and How to Engage with Your Investee Companies
ENGAGEMENT GUIDANCE ON CORPORATE TAX RESPONSIBILITY WHY AND HOW TO ENGAGE WITH YOUR INVESTEE COMPANIES An investor initiative in partnership with UNEP Finance Initiative and UN Global Compact THE SIX PRINCIPLES We will incorporate ESG issues into investment analysis and 1 decision-making processes. We will be active owners and incorporate ESG issues into our 2 ownership policies and practices. We will seek appropriate disclosure on ESG issues by 3 the entities in which we invest. We will promote acceptance and implementation of the Principles 4 within the investment industry. We will work together to enhance our effectiveness in 5 implementing the Principles. We will each report on our activities and progress towards 6 implementing the Principles. CREDITS & ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Authors: Athanasia Karananou and Anastasia Guha, PRI Editor: Mark Kolmar, PRI Design: Alessandro Boaretto, PRI The PRI is grateful to the investor taskforce on corporate tax responsibility for their contributions to the guidance: ■ Harriet Parker, Investment Analyst, Alliance Trust Investments ■ Steven Bryce, Investment Analyst, Arisaig Partners (Asia) Pte Ltd ■ Francois Meloche, Extra Financial Risks Manager, Bâtirente ■ Adam Kanzer, Managing Director, Domini Social Investments LLC ■ Pauline Lejay, SRI Officer, ERAFP ■ Meryam Omi, Head of Sustainability, Legal & General Investment Management ■ Robert Wilson, Research Analyst, MFS Investment Management ■ Michelle de Cordova, Director, Corporate Engagement & Public Policy, NEI Investments ■ Rosa van den Beemt, ESG Analyst, NEI Investments ■ Kate Elliot, Ethical Researcher, Rathbone Brothers Plc ■ Matthias Müller, Senior SI Analyst, RobecoSAM ■ Rosl Veltmeijer, Head of Research, Triodos Investment Management We would like to warmly thank Sol Picciotto, Emeritus Professor, Lancaster University and Coordinator, BEPS Monitoring Group, and Katherine Ng, PRI, for their contribution to the guidance. -
Narrative Report on Ireland
Financial Secrecy Index Ireland Narrative Report on Ireland Ireland is ranked at 47th position on the 2013 Financial Secrecy Index. This ranking is based on a combination of its Chart 1 - How Secretive? Moderately secrecy score and a scale weighting based on its share of the secretive 31-40 global market for offshore financial services. 41-50 Ireland has been assessed with 37 secrecy points out of a 51-60 potential 100, which places it into the moderately secretive 61-70 category at the bottom of the secrecy scale (see chart 1). 71-80 Ireland accounts for over 2 per cent of the global market for 81-90 offshore financial services, making it a small player compared with other secrecy jurisdictions (see chart 2). Exceptionally secretive 91-100 Part 1: Telling the story1 Chart 2 - How Big? Ireland as a financial centre: history and background Overview huge Ireland’s role as a secrecy jurisdiction or tax haven is based on two broad developments. The first, dating from 1956, is a regime of low tax rates and tax loopholes that have large encouraged transnational businesses to relocate – often small only on paper – to Ireland. The second is the role of the tiny Dublin-based International Financial Services Centre (IFSC), a Wild-West, deregulated financial zone set up in 1987 under the corrupt Irish politician Charles Haughey, which has striven particularly to host international ‘shadow banking’ activity2. Ireland’s secrecy score of 37 makes it one of the least secretive jurisdictions on our index: secrecy was never a central part of its ‘offshore’ offering. -
Directors Fortnight Cannes 2000 Winner Best Feature
DIRECTORS WINNER FORTNIGHT BEST FEATURE CANNES PAN-AFRICAN FILM 2000 FESTIVAL L.A. A FILM BY RAOUL PECK A ZEITGEIST FILMS RELEASE JACQUES BIDOU presents A FILM BY RAOUL PECK Patrice Lumumba Eriq Ebouaney Joseph Mobutu Alex Descas Maurice Mpolo Théophile Moussa Sowié Joseph Kasa Vubu Maka Kotto Godefroid Munungo Dieudonné Kabongo Moïse Tshombe Pascal Nzonzi Walter J. Ganshof Van der Meersch André Debaar Joseph Okito Cheik Doukouré Thomas Kanza Oumar Diop Makena Pauline Lumumba Mariam Kaba General Emile Janssens Rudi Delhem Director Raoul Peck Screenplay Raoul Peck Pascal Bonitzer Music Jean-Claude Petit Executive Producer Jacques Bidou Production Manager Patrick Meunier Marianne Dumoulin Director of Photography Bernard Lutic 1st Assistant Director Jacques Cluzard Casting Sylvie Brocheré Artistic Director Denis Renault Art DIrector André Fonsny Costumes Charlotte David Editor Jacques Comets Sound Mixer Jean-Pierre Laforce Filmed in Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Belgium A French/Belgian/Haitian/German co-production, 2000 In French with English subtitles 35mm • Color • Dolby Stereo SRD • 1:1.85 • 3144 meters Running time: 115 mins A ZEITGEIST FILMS RELEASE 247 CENTRE ST • 2ND FL • NEW YORK • NY 10013 www.zeitgeistfilm.com • [email protected] (212) 274-1989 • FAX (212) 274-1644 At the Berlin Conference of 1885, Europe divided up the African continent. The Congo became the personal property of King Leopold II of Belgium. On June 30, 1960, a young self-taught nationalist, Patrice Lumumba, became, at age 36, the first head of government of the new independent state. He would last two months in office. This is a true story. SYNOPSIS LUMUMBA is a gripping political thriller which tells the story of the legendary African leader Patrice Emery Lumumba. -
Global Regulation of Tax Havens
JUNE 2015 MICHAEL TYRALA USA AND ITS CHANGING GLOBAL REGULATION ROLE IN THE OF TAX HAVENS REGULATION OF THE OFFSHORE ECONOMY CITY UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG PRESENTATION OUTLINE . A) Tax Havens and their systemic connection . B) Struggles over the enforcement of the US tax system . C) Concluding takeaways and implications A) 1. THE RISE OF TAX HAVENS . Some of the oldest legislative acts trace back to 1869 (Monaco), 1875 (New Jersey), 1898 (Delaware), 1926 (Liechtenstein), 1929 (Luxembourg), and 1934 (Switzerland) . Modern day proliferation is tied to three phenomena: 1) Globalization and the advances in transportation and communication technologies 2) Decolonization in the 1960s (new countries looking for niches in the global market) 3) A 1957 Bank of England ruling, which decreed “that transactions undertaken by UK banks on behalf of a lender and borrower who themselves were not located in the UK were not to be officially viewed as having taken place in the UK for regulatory purposes even though the transaction was only ever recorded as taking place in London” - such transactions thus became effectively unregulated or ‘offshore’. This was likely an unintended consequence of trying to cope with increasing financial complexity, but led to the undermining of the Bretton Woods system. A) 2. CLASS CAMPAIGN . 1947 – Mont Pelerin Society – Hayek & Friedman commence their battle of ideas ultimately leading to the rise of neoliberalism . Enormous sums of money marshaled for the neoliberal/libertarian cause, paid for by: . leading Fortune 500 companies (GM, Chrysler, Ford, Gulf Oil, Standard Oil, Sun Oil, US Steel, National Steel, Republic Steel, Montgomery Ward, Marshall Field, Sears, Monsanto, DuPont, General Electric, Merrill Lynch, Eli Lilly, BF Goodrich, ConEd, …) . -
8 May 2018 Tax Justice Network Response to the Questionnaire of The
8 May 2018 Tax Justice Network response to the questionnaire of the European Parliament Special Committee on Tax Crimes, Tax Evasion and Tax Avoidance ("TAX3"), in advance of the hearing on "The fight against harmful tax practices within the European Union and abroad", scheduled for 15 May 2018: Why the TJN FSI lists 41 jurisdictions and the EU lists 9 jurisdictions at the moment? What differences in methodology do you notice? Could you explain the criteria used for the construction of the Financial Secrecy Index (FSI)? How could FSI be used for the implementation of anti-tax avoidance and even anti-money laundering rules in the EU and in the rest of the world? * The Tax Justice Network welcomes the opportunity to provide evidence to the European Parliament Special Committee on Tax Crimes, Tax Evasion and Tax Avoidance ("TAX3"), and the energy which is now dedicated to addressing the major issues of international tax abuse which have been revealed by the Panama Papers, Paradise Papers, LuxLeaks and in a range of other investigative work and by our own research. For example, using a methodology developed by researchers at the International Monetary Fund, we estimate that global revenue losses to the profit shifting of multinational companies is in the order of $500 billion a year – and disproportionately felt by lower-income countries where those revenues are most badly needed. At the same time, EU member states are included among the biggest losers – and also among the most aggressive in seeking to disadvantage their neighbours. A similar pattern holds in respect of offshore tax evasion. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
1 the Tax Justice Network's Written Submission in Support of the Visit By
The Tax Justice Network’s written submission in support of the visit by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from 5 to 16 November 2018. About the Tax Justice Network The Tax Justice Network (TJN) is an independent international network dedicated to high-level research, analysis and advocacy in the area of international tax and financial regulation, including the role of tax havens. TJN maps, analyses and explains the harmful impacts of tax evasion, tax avoidance and tax competition; and supports the engagement of citizens, civil society organisations and policymakers with the aim of a more just tax system. Above all, we see our role as weather-changers: we pursue systemic changes that address the international inequality in the distribution of taxing rights between countries; the national inequalities – including gender inequalities – that arise from poor tax policies; and the national and international obstacles to progressive national tax policies and to effective financial regulation. Summary Since the late 1970s there has been a policy trend in the United Kingdom and elsewhere towards lower rates of both personal and corporate income tax. This has accelerated in many countries including the UK since the global financial crash of 2007/8, above all with respect to corporate tax. Our contribution to the forthcoming examination by the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty on the impact of austerity policies on poverty focuses on the context in which low taxation and the continued ‘tax gap’ in the United Kingdom plays a part in the rationale to limit public spending and to create additional hardship for the poor or for those for whom this fiscal approach generates a significant risk of falling into poverty. -
Loyalist Monitoring, and the Sorcery Masonic Lodge∗
Chapter 4 of Inside Autocracy Expanding the Governing Coalition: \Unite and Rule", Loyalist Monitoring, and the Sorcery Masonic Lodge∗ Brett L. Cartery November 4, 2012 Abstract Scholars have long believed autocrats \divide and rule" their elite; divided elites, the argu- ment goes, are unable to conspire against the autocrat. Yet historical evidence suggests some autocrats do precisely the opposite. This chapter's theoretical model argues an autocrat may create a compulsory elite social club if his inner circle is sufficiently large. Frequent interaction between the inner circle and less trustworthy elite enables the loyalists to learn about { and thus prevent { nascent conspiracies. By reducing the probability of coups d'´etat from less trustwor- thy elites, \unite and rule" monitoring enable the autocrat to expand his governing coalition. Sassou Nguesso's compulsory elite social club takes the form of a Freemasonry lodge, created just before he seized power in 1997. After providing statistical evidence that high level appoint- ment is the best predictor of lodge membership, the chapter employs a matching estimator to establish that lodge membership causes elites to engage in less anti-regime behavior. ∗This research was made possible by grants from the National Science Foundation, United States Institute of Peace, Social Science Research Council, Smith Richardson Foundation, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, and Institute for Quantitative Social Science. Thanks to Robert Bates, John Clark, Wonbin Kang, Steve Levitsky, James Robinson, and Yuri Zhukov for helpful comments and encouragement, as well as seminar participants at Harvard University and University of Wisconsin-Madison. My greatest debts are to several Congolese friends, who made this research possible and must remain anonymous. -
The West African Giveaway: Use & Abuse of Corporate Tax Incentives in ECOWAS
The West African Giveaway: Use & Abuse of Corporate Tax Incentives in ECOWAS July 2015 1 About ActionAid ActionAid International (AAI) is a non-partisan, non-religious development organization. ActionAid seeks to facilitate processes that eradicate poverty and ensure social justice through anti-poverty projects, local institutional capability building and public policy influencing. The organisation is primarily concerned with the promotion and defence of economic, social, cultural, civil and political human rights and supports projects and programmes that promote the interests of poor and marginalized people. ActionAid International Postnet Suite 248 Private bag X31 Saxonwold 2132 Johannesburg, South Africa www.actionaid.org About TJN-A Tax Justice Network-Africa (TJN-A) is a Pan-African initiative established in 2007 and a member of the Global Alliance for Tax Justice. It is a network of 29 members in 16 African countries. Through its Nairobi Secretariat, TJN-A collaborates closely with these member organizations in tax justice activities at the national and regional level. TJN-A seeks to promote socially just and progressive taxation systems in Africa, advocating for pro-poor tax policies and the strengthening of tax systems to promote domestic resource mobilization. Tax Justice Network-Africa. Chania 2rd Floor, George Padmore Ridge George Padmore Road off Marcus Garvey, PO Box 25112, Nairobi 00100, Kenya Telephone: +254 20 247 3373 [email protected] www.taxjusticeafrica.net Acknowledgements: This publication was produced jointly by ActionAid International and Tax Justice Network-Africa. We extend our appreciation to the following individuals for their contributions towards the production of this report: Chukumwa Agu, David Onyinyechi Agu, Kate Carroll, Mark Curtis, Martin Hojsik, Nora Honkaniemi, Luckystar Miyandazi, Nduka Okolo-Obasi, Ruwadzano Matsika, Alvin Mosioma, Saviour Mwambwa and Soren Ambrose. -
Kitona Operations: Rwanda's Gamble to Capture Kinshasa and The
Courtesy of Author Courtesy of Author of Courtesy Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers during 1998 Congo war and insurgency Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers guard refugees streaming toward collection point near Rwerere during Rwanda insurgency, 1998 The Kitona Operation RWANDA’S GAMBLE TO CAPTURE KINSHASA AND THE MIsrEADING OF An “ALLY” By JAMES STEJSKAL One who is not acquainted with the designs of his neighbors should not enter into alliances with them. —SUN TZU James Stejskal is a Consultant on International Political and Security Affairs and a Military Historian. He was present at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali, Rwanda, from 1997 to 2000, and witnessed the events of the Second Congo War. He is a retired Foreign Service Officer (Political Officer) and retired from the U.S. Army as a Special Forces Warrant Officer in 1996. He is currently working as a Consulting Historian for the Namib Battlefield Heritage Project. ndupress.ndu.edu issue 68, 1 st quarter 2013 / JFQ 99 RECALL | The Kitona Operation n early August 1998, a white Boeing remain hurdles that must be confronted by Uganda, DRC in 1998 remained a safe haven 727 commercial airliner touched down U.S. planners and decisionmakers when for rebels who represented a threat to their unannounced and without warning considering military operations in today’s respective nations. Angola had shared this at the Kitona military airbase in Africa. Rwanda’s foray into DRC in 1998 also concern in 1996, and its dominant security I illustrates the consequences of a failure to imperative remained an ongoing civil war the southwestern Bas Congo region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). -
New Nations in Africa
3 New Nations in Africa MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION After World War II, Today, many of those • Negritude • Ahmed Ben African leaders threw off independent countries are movement Bella colonial rule and created engaged in building political •Kwame •Mobutu independent countries. and economic stability. Nkrumah Sese Seko • Jomo Kenyatta SETTING THE STAGE Throughout the first half of the 20th century, Africa resembled little more than a European outpost. As you recall, the nations of Europe had marched in during the late 1800s and colonized much of the conti- nent. Like the diverse groups living in Asia, however, the many different peoples of Africa were unwilling to return to colonial domination after World War II. And so, in the decades following the great global conflict, they, too, won their inde- pendence from foreign rule and went to work building new nations. TAKING NOTES Achieving Independence Clarifying Use a chart to list an idea, an event, or a The African push for independence actually began in the decades before World War leader important to that II. French-speaking Africans and West Indians began to express their growing sense country’s history. of black consciousness and pride in traditional Africa. They formed the Negritude movement, a movement to celebrate African culture, heritage, and values. When World War II erupted, African soldiers fought alongside Europeans to Ghana “defend freedom.” This experience made them unwilling to accept colonial dom- Kenya ination when they returned home. The war had changed the thinking of Zaire Europeans too. Many began to question the cost, as well as the morality, of main- taining colonies abroad. -
"Where Elephants Fight the Grass Is Trampled"
Jason Stearns. Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa. New York: PublicAffairs, 2012. 417 pp. $16.99, paper, ISBN 978-1-61039-107-8. Reviewed by Matthew G. Stanard Published on H-Empire (June, 2012) Commissioned by Charles V. Reed (Elizabeth City State University) For many who grew up during the Cold War, the African National Congress on a path toward the competition between capitalism and commu‐ one-party dominance. Japanese economic growth nism seemed to determine the unfolding of histo‐ was followed by a crash and the so-called lost ry. Then 1989 happened, and communism col‐ decade. India and Pakistan both tested nuclear lapsed spectacularly. Francis Fukuyama famously weapons. Multiple terrorist strikes in and outside proclaimed the end of history, that is, the end of the United States presaged the 2001 attacks. ideological competition and the triumph of West‐ Considering all this, it is unsurprising that ern liberal democracy.[1] Of course history did anyone who lived through the 1990s had trouble not end, ideological battles continued, and the keeping track of the multitude of developments decade that followed witnessed a dizzying array also unfolding in Rwanda and Zaire (later rebap‐ of complex developments. Saddam Hussein’s Iraq tized the Democratic Republic of the Congo). A invaded Kuwait and was expelled. Mengistu Haile century earlier, during the 1890s, news about Mariam’s regime collapsed in Ethiopia and Eritrea atrocities in the Congo were hard to come by and gained its independence, which led to an extraor‐ it took dedicated efforts by individuals like E.