Multiple-Use Indigenous Forestry on West Coast of South Island A.J

Multiple-use indigenous forestry on West Coast of South Island A.J. Tilling ABSTRACT Multiple-use forestry has been "officially" regarded as the ted to take certain products and for grazing. However, protec- essence of New Zealand State forestry for nearly half a century. tive laws were gradually relaxed as the population increased, However, the underlying reason for adopting the multiple-use more land was cultivated and the wool trade pros- concept as a central pillar of State forest management was never pered (Osmaston 1968). As in other parts of Europe, forests clearly spelt out. Misconceptions crept in, especially the idea were razed, principally by fire. By the fourteenth century that timber production was an essential component of forestry much of the present landscape of Western Europe was re- and that national parks were gazetted for a single use. This cognizable (Houston 1963). The farmlands thus created were bias is still prevalent today and is a contributory reason for the mainly in lowland areas. confrontation between two groups (for convenience labelled This is not to deny early attempts to develop forest man- "foresters" and "conservationists") over the use of "lowland" agement, such as those of the French dating from the 9th podocarp forests on the West Coast. Many foresters (and others century, which became more sophisticated in the 14th and too) now lament the "locking-up" of many of these resources 16th centuries and especially so with the controls of Colbert in national parks and reserves, without ackowledging that these in the mid 17th century, some of which still survive today. functional arrangements express particular, legitimate societal German foresters were active too. In the 18th century they values and where, nevertheless, multiple-use managementprin- developed more advanced sustained-yield techniques, based ciples have and will continue to have a role. These perceptions amongst other things on volume yields and successive felling raise questions about the definition of "multiple-use" and its for the natural regeneration of uniform, even-aged stands application; indeed even of 'yorestry" itself, and the term "pro- (Osmaston 1968). The concern may not have been only to duction" and the often quoted remedy for conflict situations, balance harvest with growth and to regulate the use and enjoy- "balanced use". As the setting of priorities is necessary when ment of forest products. It has been hypothesized that sustain- making a decision on the allocation of resources to meet dif- ed-yield might have developed as an instrument for ordering ferent needs and values, there is ample scope for argument and social and economic conditions and been initiated to produce conflict. These can be expected to continue on the West Coast. multiple benefits too (Lee 1983). One other important point The resolution of differences though is inherently a socio-poli- needs to be borne in mind: right up until the nineteenth cen- tical process, involving value judgements and is not merely a tury, industrial activity remained decentralized and small in technocraticlprofessional task. This should not absolve policy scale and overland transport and access to resources remained makers and resource managers commissioning and undertaking difficult, and so a high degree of local self-sufficiency was the necessary research and presenting realisticoptions for necessary. debate. The Industrial Revolution brought an intensification and acceleration of development. Industry became agglomerated Forests play a central role in the earth's bio-physical processes, and supported by large urban centres where mass markets which sustain all life on this planet. They provide habitat for evolved. Raw materials were obtained from distant lands, wildlife in their own right and have a water and soil conserva- where resources such as those derived from forests, were tion function too. For aeons they have provided products seemingly inexhaustible. Not surprisingly, the forestry con- useful to man. They were a source of food, fuel and medicinal cepts of the 17th, early 18th century Europeans were "over- products, as well as timber, but because they were abundant looked" (Forestry and Timber Bureau 1975). and apparently indestructible there was a slow appreciation This neglect initially occurred in New Zealand too. Later of the need to conserve them. By the time of the Romans multiple use and sustained yield, nurtured by a necessity to large areas of the Mediterranean region had been deforested. conserve resources , became interlinked and the catch-cry of Pockets of deciduous forest were also cleared during this New Zealand forestry. This is understandable as the rapid period in Central Europe, as brown forest soils were better destruction of forests was reducing options on their use and suited to arable farming than the podsols of coniferous forests. productivity. However, a number of events and changes in Nevertheless, large individual trees and dense groves of fine technology from the beginning of the Industrial Revolution trees were held in awe and in spiritual and religious reverence, till today affected the interpretation and implementation of probably leading to the first ideas of preservation. By the the multiple-use and sustained-yield concepts. These historical Early to High Middle Ages forests were formally recognized factors are briefly examined as they suggest a partial explan- for their hunting, fishing and forest products in France and ation for the rift between "conservation" and "development", as royal and other parks for the management of game for the the allocation of significant areas of "lowland" forests to reser- nobility in England (Osmaston 1968). ves, particularly on the West Coast and the ultimate demise In England most were Crown or Royal forest. Some were of the Forest Service. alienated for the king's subjects and common rights were gran- New Zealand Context Approximately 1000 years ago 78% or 20.95 million ha of The author, A.J. Tilling, graduated in plannzng in Australia and has New Zealand was covered by forest (Froude et a1 1985). About worked as a planner in Sydney, Auckland and Christchurch. He is 6.95 million ha was destroyed by Maori inhabitants over a currently a PhD student at the School of Forestry, University of Cant- period of nearly 900 years before European settlement in 1840 erbury. (Wendelken and Hannan, 1974). Forests were cleared princi- N.Z. FORESTRY FEBRUARY I988 13 pally by the use of fire and it is suggested by McGlone (1983) that those that were conserved were retained mainly because there was no 'superior economic use' to which they could be put. This may be an extreme explanation for the retention of forests, as the Maori had no great need to destroy them all. Furthermore they had a spiritual reverence for forests and derived many material products from them including medicinal remedies, food, fibre for baskets, twine and rope and wood for carving, building and other uses such as canoes. Pakeha influence was dccisive, accentuating and speeding up the destruction of the forests. Finding an estimated 14 million ha of forest in New Zealand in 1840 (52% of the land area) (Wendelken and Hannan 1974), European settlers and Maori alike actively cleared the land. Almost all of these cleared forests comprised lowland podocarp/hardwoods (including beech) (Froude et a1 1985), [see Definition, appen- ded]. Whilst it might be lamented that over 90% of cleared indigenous forest was burnt and less than 10% used for timber production (NZFS 1959), it should be remembered that agri- culture was the dominant preoccupation, not forestry. In Europe, there had been an intensification of change over Low-impact logging using a portable chainsaw mill. Photo: Ian Platt. many centuries, though as noted above much of the present landscape was recognizable by the 14th century. In contrast, slow to mature (up to 300 years). The properties of exotic most of the destruction of New Zealand's indigenous forests species were already appreciated as they had been grown is recent. Between 1840 arld 1983 approximately 7.8 million during the early period of European settlement. Hence attell- ha was cleared, representing 53% of the total forest cleared tion was directed to these faster-growing, easier-managed since the arrival of humans in New Zealand about 1000 years plantation species from the 1920s onwards. In 1959 these spe- ago. Even by 1874 (the first Forest Act) there was growing cies overtook indigenous species as the main source of the concern for the conservation of native forests (Wendelken nation's timber. By following this practice, it was argued that and Hannan 1074). However this was overshadowed by con- thousands of hectares of indigenous forest were saved (NZFS tinued pressures, legislative measures and incentives to settle 1956). (i.e. clear) the land and incidentally to supply the building industry with low-priced timber. The result is that only about Multiple Use and the Timber Ethic 6 million ha (23%) of the country now remains in native forest. The concern to keep native timber supply options open whilst Most of the present indigenous forest cover is protection the exotic estate matured led to an unfortunate distortion of forest, as defined by Kirkland and Trotman (1974). This has the concept of multiple-use forestry in New Zealand. Forestry long been recognized as having an important soil and water was seen not as the mere sum or attainment of multiple values. conservation function. Significant areas of these forests were It was something infinitely more. .. "deriving its greatness not set aside under the provisions of the Land Act 1877 (Froude solely from the complex inter-relationship of its constituent et nl 1985) and protected by the Forest Service. Hence recent parts, but from its basic contribution to the solution of the conflict has revolved around the clearance of the remaining Dominion's general land-use problem.

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