Journal of Califomia and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 18, No. 1, pp. 131-154 (1996).

Analytical Perspectives on a Protohistoric Cache of Ceramic Jars from the Lower Colorado Desert

JAMES M. BAYMAN,' Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Hawaii, Honolulu, HI 96822. RICHARD H. HEVLY, Dept. of Biological Sciences, Northem Arizona Univ., Flagstaff, AZ 86011. BOMA JOHNSON, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma District Office, Yuma, AZ 85365. KARL J. REINHARD, Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Nebraska, Lincoln, NE 68588. RICHARD RYAN, 381 South Linx Creek Rd., Prescott, AZ 86303.

A cache of hermetically sealed ceramic jars found in the Lower Colorado Desert was examined using chronometric dating, pollen and macrofossil extraction, design analysis, and water retention experimentation. The cache apparently dates to the protohistoric fifteenth through seventeenth centu­ ries. Findings from these studies contribute to knowledge in four problem areas: (1) ceramic jar funaion and use-history; (2) storage technology and caching behavior; (3) ceramic dating arui chro­ nology; and (4) symbolic iconography. Biotic remains from inside the jars document their use for transporting a variety of riverine arui desert plants, before they were finally filled with flowers and seeds, and placed in a small cave in the Trigo Mountains. A stylized bird painted on one of the jars implies that iconography imbued the cache with ritual meaning.

AN 1984, the recovery of a cache of hermetical­ dence discussed below suggests that the use- ly sealed complete and restorable ceramic jars history of the vessels (both prior to and subse­ provided an exceptional opportunity to address quent to water storage) was quite complex, and issues related to ceramic jar function and use- that the vessels were used for a variety of eco­ history, storage technology and caching behav­ nomic, as well as noneconomic, purposes. This ior, ceramic dating and chronology, and symbol­ evidence is used to suggest that although all of ic iconography in the Lower Colorado Desert. the vessels were used for similar purposes (i.e., A total of five jars (three of which were sealed transporting plant products and/or carrying with organic resin) was recovered from a small water) during their active circulation, their cave in the Trigo Mountains, approximately contents varied when they were finally deposited three miles east of the current channel of the in the cave. These analyses expand our under­ Lower Colorado River (Fig. I). Through radio­ standing of protohistoric native peoples and their carbon dating, pollen and macrofossil extraction, lifeways in the Lower Colorado Desert. water retention experimentation, and painted de­ sign analysis, the use-life of a small assemblage LOCATION AND ENVIRONMENT of ceramic jars was explored. The jars were recovered from a small cave Although it was initially hypothesized that (Site No. R: 10:87 [BLM Yuma]) on the north­ the jars were used for long-term storage of west slope of the Trigo Mountains, a range of water, evidence suggests that the jars were used Cretaceous andesites and Mesozoic schists near by protohistoric peoples (fifteenth through seven­ Cibola, Arizona (Fig. 1). This portion of the teenth centuries) for a variety of purposes. Evi­ Lower Colorado Desert is extremely arid, re- 132 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

developed firom the broader Lower Colorado UTAH Patayan tradition, including Quechan, Halchi­ dhoma, and Mohave. According to their own oral history (e.g., Emerson 1971), the Quechan were located near the confluence of the Colorado and Gila rivers prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. At the same time, the Mohave lived at the interface of present-day Arizona, Nevada, and California (Fig. 1). Ethnographic accounts of Mohave In­ dians who inhabited this region indicate that vis­ its to the interior desert were brief and primarily conducted to gather plant foods and to hunt large game (e.g., Castetter and Bell 1951), as well as for trade and interaction with neighbors (Russell 1908), and the undertaking of military missions (e.g., Dobyns 1957; Kroeber 1974). That ethnographic (as well as prehistoric) visits to the desert were brief has been con­ firmed by the small and ephemeral remains iden­ tified by archaeological surveys conducted in Fig. 1. Map of Lower Colorado River Valley show­ areas away from the Lower Colorado River ing the location of Site No. R: 10:87. (e.g., Rogers 1939; Schroeder 1952; Schaefer and Elling 1987a, 1987b; Shelley and Altschul ceiving only 12.7 cm. average rainfall each year 1989). During the protohistoric and historical (Shreve and Wiggins 1977). Vegetation in the periods, the river valley was initially exploited area is typical of the Lower Sonoran life zone, by the Quechan and the Mohave. After A.D. including desert scrub, cacti, leguminous trees, 1500, the Halchidhoma moved into the Cibola and perennials. The climate has changed only Valley between the Quechan and Mohave (Do­ slightly since the Late Pleistocene, with prehis­ byns et. al. 1963:137). Three centuries later, in toric conditions similar to those found today 1825, the Quechan and the Mohave expelled the (Cole 1986). Halchidhoma from the valley. Whether the ceramic cache was deposited by CULTURAL BACKGROUND the Quechan, Mohave, or Halchidhoma is not Ceramics were first produced in the Lower immediately clear. Chronometric dating of the Colorado River Valley by prehistoric horticultur­ cache (see below) suggests that it was most alists known as the Hakataya (Schroeder 1957, likely deposited by Halchidhoma peoples, some­ 1958) or the Patayan (Rogers 1945; Colton time between A.D. 1500 and 1800. 1947; Harner 1958). Prehistoric archaeological remains (ceramic horizon) from this region date CACHE RECOVERY AND ANALYSIS consistently to the period between ca. A.D. 600 Condition of Recovered Jars and 1500, followed by the protohistoric/ethno- historic period (A.D. 1500 to 1900). During the When the cache was discovered, the five ethnohistoric period, numerous Yuman tribes ceramic jars (Figs. 2 and 3, Table 1) were in CACHE OF CERAMIC JARS FROM THE LOWER COLORADO DESERT 133

Fig. 2. Schematic profile of jar cache in cave. varying states of preservation, and the ceramic Ceramic Chronology and Classification lids for two of the jars (3 and 5) had been punc­ tured or perforated. Jar 1 was fully intact, and Chronological placement of the three major its aperture was sealed with a perforated sherd periods for Lower Colorado pottery is based on disk and resin. Jar 2 was also intact, and its scant chronometric and stratigraphic data aperture was covered with resin and a sherd (Waters 1982; Bayman and Ryan 1988). Fortu­ disk. Jars 3 and 4 were partially covered by a nately, recent work by Schaefer (1994a, 1994b) large stone. Apparently, this stone had sheared and others has refined the degree of temporal from the cave ceiling, breaking Jars 3 and 4, control for this ceramic tradition. According to sometime after the deposition of the cache. Waters's (1982) earlier system. Period I is rela­ Fragments of Jar 3 were lying near a detached, tively dated to ca. A.D. 500 to 1000, Period II perforated sherd disk, and the jar was partially to ca. A.D. 1000 to 1500, and Period III to restored following its removal from the cave. post-A.D. 1500. The placement of Period I is Jar 4 was fully restored except for its nonperfo- based on Hohokam intrusives (e.g., Santa Cruz rated sherd-disk cover, which was found de­ Red-on-buff) at two stratigraphic localities and tached and encrusted with resin. Jar 4 also had radiocarbon dates from house fill and roasting a crack on its body which had been sealed with pit fill contexts, elements that are absent at resin. Jar 5 was found lying on its side, and it Period II and III sites (Waters 1982:283). also had a resin-sealed crack on its body. The Although the temporal break between Patayan II resin-sealed disk cover on Jar 5 was in place and and III was originally based on a date for the had been perforated. final recession of Lake Cahuilla in California 134 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 3. Reconstmcted ceramic jars (photograph by Peter Bloomer). Jar numbers in photograph correspond to descriptions in text. Scale is 25 cm.

(Waters 1982), Schaefer (1994a:72, 1994b:84- Patayan ceramic typology (Table 1, Fig. 4). 85) suggested that Patayan II lasted until a fifth Diagnostic traits of his typology include surface and final recession of the lake at approximately treatment, jar rim and form, and temper (Rogers A.D. 1650. 1945; Waters 1982:281). Period I ceramics have The ceramic jars were classified according to traits such as direct (nonrecurved) rims with morphological form and temporal period follow­ notching, burnished and red-slipped exteriors, ing Waters's (1982) revision of Rogers's (1945) punctate and incised decorations, lug and loop CACHE OF CERAMIC JARS FROM THE LOWER COLORADO DESERT 135

Table 1 DESCRIPTIVE DATA FOR CERAMIC JARS FROM THE TRIGO MOUNTAINS CACHE

•No. Ceramic Type Rim Type Maximum Height, Temper/I nclusions Diameter, Aperture (cm.) 1 Colorado Red-on-buff recurved 19 X 17x6 sand and tremolite 2 Colorado Buff recurved 20.5 X 19 X 5 temper appears to be the same as Jar 4 3 Colorado Buff recurved 19 X 18x5,5 sand 4 Colorado Buff recurved 33 X 30 X 6.5 sand, tremolite (white crystal), and metasediment or igneous spars 5 Colorado Buff direct 25 X 27 X 8 temper appears to be the same as Jar 4 handles, and a distinctive shoulder. Several of cation 1984) (Table 1). Typological classifi­ these traits are absent on Period II and III ce­ cation of Jars 1, 2, and 5 was more difficult ramics, which are noted for their recurved rims, since they are intact. However, a provisional stucco finish, and greater abundance of fine- assessment was possible by examining areas of lined geometric designs (Rogers 1945a: 188). On the vessels that are chipped, or have spall frac­ the basis of their recurved rims with flattened tures. Jar 1 appears to be Colorado Red-on- lips (with the exception of Jar 5) and relatively buff, and Jars 2 and 5 appear to be Colorado fine manufacture (well-smoothed surfaces), all Buff ware. five jars in the cache appear to fit within Period Radiocarbon Dating III of Rogers's typology. Changes in Period III ceramics are some­ Although this developmental classification what subtle and generally consist of refinements provides a general guide for temporally dating of Period II traits, except for the striking addi­ Lower Colorado Buff ware ceramic assemblages, tion of reinforced rim bands on some vessels, as additional chronometric dates are essential to well as a new form—a high-necked, small- refine the existing chronological framework. mouthed water jar. The five vessels in the Ci­ The organic resin used to seal the jars provided bola cache, however, do not have particularly a rare opportunity to obtain radiocarbon dates high necks or reinforced rim bands. At least for ceramic vessels. some Period III ceramics date to the Protohistor­ Samples of resin (in excess of 20 mg. each) ic Period, especially those with reinforced rim from Jars 1, 4, and 5 were submitted to the bands. Although specific types have been pro­ NSF-Arizona AMS Facility at the University of posed within these three major Colorado Buff Arizona for tandem accelerator radiocarbon ware periods, these types are often difficult to dating (Table 2). Prior to dating these three idenfify, and a lack of consensus exists among jars. Period III ceramics were only tentatively different ceramic analysts (e.g., Rogers 1945; dated. These dates are especially important, Schroeder 1952, 1958; Waters 1982). Neverthe­ since they provide a temporal anchor for order­ less, the kinds of temper and/or inclusions that ing the entire ceramic chronology (Bayman and are evident in the paste of the broken vessels Ryan 1988). Chronometric dates for Jar 1 (260 (Jars 3 and 4), as well as all of the ceramic disk ± 120 RCYBP [AA-1201]) and Jar 4 (280 ± 50 lids, indicate that they fit within the Colorado RCYBP [AA-1200]) fall between the fifteenth Buff ware type (M. Waters, personal communi­ and seventeenth centuries, the protohistoric hori- 136 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

DATE Quechan Halchidhoma Mohave CERAMIC PERIOD /N /N -p Patayan HISTORIC III

PROTO­ — -'- HISTORIC 1500 A.D.

9 Patayan II

PRE­ 1000 A.D. HISTORIC

Patayan Patayan 1

Fig. 4. Culture history periods and Lowland Patayan ceramic chronology. zon of the Patayan. A somewhat earlier date Moreover, whether the age of the pitch is was obtained from resin on Jar 5 (580 + 170 contemporaneous with the use of the jars caimot RCYBP [AA-1202]). be ascertained. It seems likely, however, that The early date for Jar 5 is not easily ex­ "fresh" resin from living sources (trees or lac plained, since it is within the range (at one Sig­ insects) would have been used, since it probably ma) for Period II (ca. A.D. 1000 to 1500), and would have been easier to fashion onto vessels the dates from the other two jars are more re­ than older, dry materials from dead sources. cent. If the date for Jar 5 is correct, it suggests Pollen and Macrofossil Analyses that this jar was deposited in the cave well be­ fore the remaining jars, or that it had much The pollen analyses for this cache of jars longer use-life (perhaps as an heirloom). This followed standard techniques developed in the apparent lack of concordance among the dates American Southwest (e.g., Hevly 1964, 1970, could also indicate that the cache was a com­ 1981; Schoenwetter 1964, 1967; Hevly et al. memorative location, and that individual jars 1965; Samuels 1965; Schoenwetter and Doer- were placed there on an episodic basis, rather schlag 1971; Hevly and Johnson 1974; Hevly et than all at one time. Alternatively, and more al. 1978; Scott 1979; Bohrer 1981; Fish 1985). likely, material inside the pitch (i.e., wood char­ Analyses for this study were chiefly focused on coal) is not actually contemporaneous with the comparing pollen proportions among samples active use-life of Jar 5. Wood charcoal was pre­ from the cave floor and the jars, and between 37 sent in the resins sealing the jars, and may have previously analyzed modern pollen samples from yielded a date preceding the actual manufacture open soils of the Sonoran Desert (Schoenwetter and use of this jar (see Schiffer 1986). and Doerschlag 1971). A count of 200 grains CACHE OF CERAMIC JARS FROM THE LOWER COLORADO DESERT 137

Table 2 RADIOCARBON DATING OF RESINS FROM THE TRIGO MOUNTAINS JARS

Jar No. Lab No. Radiocarbon Age Calibrated Age" 1 AA-1201 260 ± 120 1 Sigma: A.D. 1480 to 1950 2 sigma: A.D. 1420 to 1950

4 AA-1200 280 ± 50 1 Sigma: A.D. 1520 to 1656 2 sigma: A.D. 1480 to 1799 5 AA-1202 580 ± 170 1 sigma: A.D. 1264 to 1450 2 sigma; A.D. 1043 to 1650

" The calibrated dates, based on the Stuiver and Becker (1986) curve, were refmed with an unpublished computer program at the NSF- Arizona AMS facility at the University of Arizona. These dates were reported in 1990 through personal communication from Rosemary Maddock, Administrative Assistant at the AMS facility. from sediment in the cave (96% wind-dispersed, distilled water to remove modern contaminants, and 4% insect-dispersed) is comparable to that then washed with the soapy, acidified solution to reported for enclosed rock recesses without remove ancient pollen and spores, which was animal or human middens, and provided a base­ then poured into a beaker. line for comparison with pollen recovered from Pollen extraction was also completed on a the jars. collection of rodent feces, insect feces, and The primary goals of the pollen and macro­ mummified insect pupae within Jar 5 (Table 3), fossil analyses were to: (1) determine the source since these remains might contain evidence of of the organic resin that sealed the jars; (2) iden­ the original jar contents, especially if stored tify pollen from botanical remains that were po­ plant remains were consumed and excreted by tentially carried or stored in the jars; and (3) ex­ these animals. Finally, procedures were under­ amine potential pre- and postdepositional biotic taken to extract any pollen or macroscopic bo­ activities that may have affected the organic con­ tanical or faunal remains from a cave floor con­ tent of the jars. trol sample (Table 4). The cave floor data pro­ Extraction Methods. A pollen wash solu­ vided baseline values against which the jar data tion comprised of soapy, acidified (10% HCI) could be compared. distilled water was poured into Jars 1 and 5 Results of Pollen and Macrofossil Analyses through their perforated sherd disk covers, of Jars 1 through 4. Pollen washes from the swirled within each jar to remove pollen, spores, jar interiors yielded 56 pollen types (Table 5), and microscopic particles adhering to the walls whereas the cave floor control sample and the of each jar, and then poured into 500 ml. glass pupal and fecal samples from Jar 5 collectively beakers. Since the aperture of Jar 2 was espe­ contained only 15 types. These disparities indi­ cially well-sealed, the pollen wash solution was cate that human behavior played an important injected through a small crack in the jar base role in the introduction of certain types of pollen with a hypodermic needle, and drained into a into Jars 1 through 4. This pollen was most glass beaker. The interior surfaces of each likely accumulated before the jars were placed In broken jar (i.e.. Jars 3 and 4) were rinsed with the cave. Many types of pollen from both the 138 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Table 3 MACROFOSSIL REMAINS RECOVERED FROM JAR 5

Botanical Remains Vertebrate Remains Invertebrate Remains Sphaeralcea seeds (n = 2) lizard skeletons (n = 2) lepidoptera pupae (n = 17) Eriogonum seeds (n = 2) rodent skeleton (n = 1) dipteran pupal case fragment Opuntia seed (n = 1) lizard feces (n = 25) formicid feces Asteraceae seed (n = 1) rodent feces (n = 30) mite exoskeleton fragments, eggs plant hash: anthers, stem/leaf cuticles, fibers, hairs, fungal hyphae, sporangia, and spores jars and the other samples (i.e., control, pupal, aggregates occurred in the cave floor sediment, and fecal) derive from plant taxa common to or in the fecal remains in Jar 5. Jars 1 through desert environments. 4 yielded 13% to 26% insect-transported pollen, More importanfly, there are marked con­ three to six times the amount found in the cave trasts between the pollen from the jars and pol­ floor control sample, but slighfly less tiian half len from other contexts (cave control sample, the amount found in Jar 5. resin, and sediment). For example, samples The insect-transported pollen, pollen aggre­ from Jars 1 through 4 included pollen from gates, and anther fragments are not likely to aquatic herbs and riparian trees that were lacking have been transported by wind or nonhuman ani­ in the other samples. Plants that produce such mals while they were cached. Rather, the in­ pollen still grow along the Colorado River, and sect-transported pollen, pollen aggregates, and might have been collected by protohistoric peo­ anther fragments most likely represent a residu­ ples using the jars. Even if the jars were not um of human use of the jars (i.e., storage of actually used to collect riparian plants, such seeds and flowers) prior to their deposition in a pollen could be introduced into them if they cache in the Trigo Mountain cave. were used in settlements near the river. The Results of Pollen and Macrofossil Analyses presence of Zea mays pollen in Jar 2 is also of Jar 5. Unlike samples from Jars 1 through intriguing: although corn pollen is often trans­ 4, Jar 5 contained macroscopic material, includ­ ported, it does not travel more than a few meters ing flower parts such as anthers, several seed from its plant (Jones and Newell 1946; Raynor types, and fragments of stem and leaf cuticle, fi­ et al. 1972). Presumably, these jars were used ber, and hairs (Table 3). These probably repre­ by people who subsisted on both cultivated and sent a residuum of the plants that were contained wild plants. in the jar at the time it was cached. These Moreover, every jar specimen contained sev­ plants were possibly reduced to residuum by lep- eral types of pollen aggregates (wind and animal idopteran larvae, mites, ants, and mice, as the dispersed) and anther fragments, indicating that remains of all of these animals were recovered flowers were once present in the vessels. Ag­ (see Table 3). Alternatively, the insects could gregates and anther fragments from these jars have been stored in this jar for use as food (see are derived from grass (Poaceae), sunflower Fenenga and Fisher 1978; Sutton 1988). (Asteraceae), creosote bush {Larrea spp.), Mal­ The presence of these remains, along with a vaceae, globe mallow (Sphaeralcea), and legume small amount of sediment in Jar 5 (which was (Fabaceae-Mimosoid) types. Notably, no pollen lying on its side in the cave), suggests that a CACHE OF CERAMIC JARS FROM THE LOWER COLORADO DESERT 139

Table 4 POLLEN COUNTS AND PERCENTAGES FROM FLOOR AND JAR 5

PoUen Type Cave Floor Jar Wash Jar Dirt Rodent Formicid Lepidopteran (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) Feces Feces Pupae (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) Pinus (large) 1/0.5 2/0.9 1/0.5 - - - Pinus (small) 14/7.0 7/3.2 4/2.0 - 1/0.6 1/0.6 Juniperus 4/2.0 - 1/0.5 1/0.6 - - Quercus 3/1.5 - - - - - Celtis - 2/0.9 - - - - Ephedra 3/1.5 2/0.9 - ~ ~ - Poaceae 42/21.0 23/10.8" 35/17.8" 5/3.2 4/2.5 6/4.0 Cheno-Am 66/33.0 16/7.5'' 17/8.6" 4/2.0 11/7.1 10/6.3 Plantago - - - 1/0.6 - - Asteraceae Artemisia - 6/3.8 3/1.5 - - ~ Asteraceae (low spine) 60/30.0 64/30.0 47/23.5" 63/40.0 56/36.4 95/59.4 Asteraceae (high spine)' 6/3.0 50/23.0" 70/35.5 20/13.0 58/37.6 13/8,7 Asteraceae Liguliflorae" - - - - 1/0.6 - Sphaeralcea' 1/0.5 7/3.3 12/6.1 61/39.0 12/7.8 10/6.3 Cactaceae' - 5/2.3 1/0.5 - 1/0.6 - Polemoniacea^ - - 1/0.5 2/1.5 10/6.4 1/0.6 Boerhaaviif 1/0.5 9/4.4 - - - 19/11.9 Prosopis' - 4/2.0 - - - 4/2.5 Cericidiunf - 2/1.0 4/2.0 - - 1/0.6 Brassicaceae* - 1/0.5 - - - - Fabacead" - 1/0.5 - - - - Euphorbiaceae* - 1/0.5 - - - - Larrect - 1/0.5 - - - - Rhamnaceae* - 9/4.2 1/0.5 - - - Fouquieruf - 2/0.9 - - - - Solanaceae" - 3/1.4 - - - - Eriogonum' - 1/0.5 - - - - Rumex 1/0.5 - - - - - Total PoUen 202 218 197 157 154 160 Wind-transported % 96.0 57.2 57.9 43.9 46.1 70.0 Insect-transported % 4.0 42.8 42.1 56.1 53.9 30.0

• Insect-transported pollen. All such taxa flower during the spring season, but some continue to flower through summer. " Pollen aggregates. 140 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Table 5 POLLEN COUNTS AND PERCENTAGES FROM JARS 1 THROUGH 5

PoUen Type Control Jarl Jar 2 Jar 3 Jar 4 Jar 5a' JarSb' (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) (Connt/%)

Pinus (large) 1/0.5 5/1.7 - 1/0.4 12/3.5 3/0.6 ~

Pinus (small) 14/7.0 15/6.2 8/3.0 1/0.4 8/2.3 11/2.4 2/0.4

Juniperus 4/2.0 1/0.3 3/1.1 2/0.8 14/4.1 1/0.2 1/0.2

Ephedra 3/1.5 6/2.0 5/1.9 5/2.0 5/1.5 2/0.4 - Quercus 3/1.5 2/0.7 - 1/0.4 1/0.3 - - Simmondsia - - 1/0.4 1/0.4 - - - Salix" - - - 1/0.4 2/0.6 - - Juglan^ - - - - 1/0.3 - - Alnus' - - - - 1/0.3 - - Celtis - - 3/1.1 1/0.4 3/0.9 - 1/0.7 Fraxinus' - - - - 1/0.4 - - Vitis'' - - - 1/0.4 - - - Cyperaceae' - - - 1/0.4 - - - Typha' - - - - 4/1.2 - - Juncuf - - - - 2/0.6 - -

Poaceae (small) 42/21.0 14/4.9"' 22/8.3" 30/12.3" 66/19.1" 56/12.1" 7/1.5

Poaceae (large) - - 2/0.8 2/0,8 1/0,3 2/0.4 - Zea (large) - - 3/1.1 - - - - Plantago ~ - 1/0.4 3/1,2 - - 1/0.2 Cheno-Ams 66/33.0 91/31.6 137/51.5 25/10.2 60/17,4 33/7.1" 25/5.4 Asteraceae Artemisia - 3/1.0 5/1.9 7/2.8 3/0,9 22/4.8 -

Asteraceae (low spine) 60/30.0 73/25.3" 42/15.8" 110/45.1" 116/33,6" 105/22.r 214/45.8

Asteraceae (high spine)' 6/3.0 42/14.6'' 16/6.0" 28/11,5'' 22/6,3" 160/34.6" 91/19.5 Asteraceae Liguliflorae" ------1/0.7 Yucca^ - 1/0.3 - - - - - Eriogonum^ - - - - 1/0,3 - -. Berberis'' - 3/0.9 2/0,8 - - - - Boerhaavitf - 1/0.3 - - - 9/1.9 19/4.1 Rumex" 1/0.5 - - 2/0,8 - 2/0.4 - Cleome" - - - 7/2,8 - - - Mimosa'' - 4/1.4 2/0.8 - - - - Cercidium*' - 3/0.9 - - - 3/0.6 1/0.2 Prosopis'' - 1/0.3 - - - - 4/0.8

(Table continued on next page.) CACHE OF CERAMIC JARS FROM THE LOWER COLORADO DESERT 141

Table 5 (Continued) POLLEN COUNTS AND PERCENTAGES FROM JARS 1 THROUGH 5

PoUen Type Control Jarl Jar 2 Jar 3 Jar 4 Jar 5a' Jar 5b" (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) (Count/%) Larrec^ - 1/0.3 4/1,5 - 2/0.9 1/0,3 - Rhus'' - - - 1/0,4 - - - Sphaeralcea" 1/0.5 - - 3/1,2 - 19/4,1 83/17.8 Oenothera'' - 1/0.3 - - 1/0.3 - - Opuntia'' - 2/0.7 - 1/0,4 5/1.5 4/0,9 1/0.2 Ceroid Cactus" - - - 3/1,2 2/0.6 2/0,4 - FouquieriJ' - - - - - 2/0.4 - Janusia^ - - 2/0,8 - - - - Brassicaeceae" - - - 1/0,4 3/0,9 1/0,2 - Polemoniac'' - 1/0.3 1/0,4 - 1/0,3 1/0,2 13/2.8 L.amiaceae" 1/0.5 - 1/0,4 1/0,4 1/0,3 9/1,9 3/0.6 Rosaceae" - - - 1/0,4 - - - Fabaceae' - 1/0,3 2/0,8 - 2/0,6 1/0.2 - Euphorbiaceae" - 1/0,3 4/1,5 - 2/0,6 1/0.2 - Rhamnaceae" - - - 4/1,6 - 10/2.2 - Apiaceae" - - - - 3/0.9 - - Boraginaceae" - 16/6,6 - - - - - Solanaceae" - - - - - 3/0.6 ~ Total PoUen 202 288 266 244 345 463 467 Wind-transported % 96.0 72,9 87,2 78,7 87,0 50.8 53.7 Insect-transported % 4.0 27,1 12,8 21.3 13,0 49.2 46,3

• The Jar 5a sample represents pooled data from the inlerior wash and sediment samples. Jar sample 5b represents pooled data from the fecal and lepidopteran pupae samples, " Insect-transported pollen. All such taxa flower during the spring season. ' Aquatic herbs or riparian tree pollen. " Pollen aggregates. lizard and a mouse had entered the jar through In contrast to the cave floor sample, there is a its perforated disk seal, consuming some of the notably low proportion of wind-pollinated taxa contents of the jar (e.g., seeds). Additional (45% to 70%) in the jar, as well as a proportion degradation of these biotic remains by fungi may of insect-transported taxa (36% to 56%) that have also occurred, since microscopic remains exceeds the mean of modern soils by two to five of fungal hyphae, sporangia, and spores were standard deviations. In fact, insect-dispersed present. Thus, the integrity of the biotic assem­ pollen in Jar 5 is several orders of magnitude blage of Jar 5 is compromised. greater than in the cave floor sediment, or from Nevertheless, some insights regarding the within Jars 1 through 4 (Tables 4 and 5). A contents of Jar 5 merit provisional consideration. high proportion of insect-transported pollen is 142 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY typical of both human and packrat middens, and branches of the creosote bush {Larrea tridentata) of disturbed habitation and agricultural plots in (see Sutton 1990). the Southwest (Fish 1985). The lack of any Because the resin used to seal the jars failed midden in the cave is therefore significant. to dissolve after four weeks in alcohol, it is Even though some of the insect-transported unlikely that it was derived from a gymnosperm pollen in Jar 5 might have been introduced by (e.g., conifer) if the resin was, in fact, derived nonhuman agents (e.g., rodents, lizards), it is from a plant. That the resin quickly dissolved in notable that pollen aggregates found in the sedi­ potassium hydroxide indicates it was more likely ment and interior wash samples were lacking in derived from an angiosperm, if it was from a fecal remains. In short, the relatively high pro­ plant. Although pollen was exceptionally rare in portion of such pollen indicates some contribu­ two small samples of resin that were examined tion to the contents of the cache by people. One (0.1 gram each), microscopic examination dis­ likely function of this jar was for plant transpor­ closed that the resin was impregnated with wood tation and storage, and the macroscopic plant re­ fragments, charcoal, plant cuticles from a mains are likely to be the source of these high woody-stenuned species of plant (perhaps mes- proportions of insect-dispersed pollen. quite or creosote bush), and pollen.^ Native The storage of insects is also plausible since American use of resins for sealing storage the remains of lepidopteran larvae, mites, and vessels is well-documented ethnographically in ants were also recovered from within Jar 5 (see southwestem Arizona (Castetter and Underbill Table 3). Archaeological and edinographic re­ 1935). search has documented that insects were a val­ Water Retention Experiment ued food source among native people in Califor­ nia, the Great Basin, and the Southwest (Fenen­ We originally hypothesized that the Trigo ga and Fisher 1978; Sutton 1988). Moreover, Mountain cache was for water storage, perhaps insects (and insect by-products) were also used by riverine-based parties of plant collectors or for ornamental, medicinal, and ritual purposes, hunters traveling through the desert, or for as well as for their economic value (Fenenga and watering cultivated plants. The Mohave some­ Fisher 1978:84). times carried water in jars to irrigate their fields Resin Analysis. Preliminary analyses were when soil moisture was inadequate (Castetter undertaken to try to determine the constituents of and Bell 1951:240). In fact, pollen from ripa­ the resin used to seal the jars,^ since such in­ rian trees and aquatic herbs was indeed recov­ formation would provide additional insight on ered from the jars (although no algal remains storage technology and caching behavior in the were present). However, a water retention ex­ Lower Colorado Desert. Products used by Na­ periment provided strong evidence that the jars tive Americans for making mastics/sealants in­ were not highly effective containers for long- clude pitch (sap) from various pines {Pinus term water storage. spp.), junipers {Juniperus spp.), and brittlebush After thoroughly saturating the ceramic fabric {Enceliafarinosa), as well as the glue from sim­ of Jar 1 (the most intact vessel) with distilled mering the horns, hide scrapings, and tendons of water, its water retention capability was com­ bighorn sheep {Ovis canadensis) and other ani­ pared to that of a glass beaker. Both the glass mals (Sutton 1990:262; Fox et al. 1995:365). beaker and Jar 1 were filled with 100 mL. of Mastic was also obtained from the creosote lac water. After 24 hours. Jar 1 retained only 26 scale insect {Tachardiella larrae) found on the mL. of water, leaking most of it through the jar CACHE OF CERAMIC JARS FROM THE LOWER COLORADO DESERT 143 wall fabric where it evaporated, whereas the the use of the jar for various purposes before glass beaker retained most of its water. Spier being filled with flowering plants, sealed with (1933:105-106) noted that water carrying and resin and sherd disks, and placed in a cache. storing jars were porous, and that seepage and For example, fruits of Opuntia and ceroid evaporation kept water cool for drinking. cacti, wolfberry (Lydwm-Solanaceae), and gray- No additional experiments were undertaken thorn {Condalia-^nmnaceae) were gathered in with the other jars, so it is unknown how their southern Arizona and used to prepare beverages water retention capability would perform against (Castetter and Underbill 1935). The presence of Jar 1. A similar water retention experiment on sugars in these fruits would ensure that some aTumco Buff jar by Shelley and Altschul (1989) pollen from these plants would adhere to the indicated that the jar was quite suitable for long- interior walls of ceramic jars, and thus may term water storage. It is important to note, account for the recovery of such pollen in the however, that the ceramic disk cover on Jar 2 Trigo Mountain cache. was well sealed, suggesting that this vessel was, Some traces of pollen reflect the use of the in fact, used to cache some type of substance. jars in an agricultural context (note the occur­ Thus, it is possible that some Lower Colorado rence of Zea mays in Jar 2 and in the resin sam­ Buff ware jars were appropriate for long-term ples.' Zea mays pollen was also present in the water storage, whereas other jars were only ef­ two Trigo Mountain jars reported by Shelley and fective for short-term transportation of water, Altschul (1989:101). The other variefies of pol­ for plant watering, or for drinking. len suggest that the jars were used to transport plant products from multiple ecological zones, INTERPRETATION OF THE CACHE perhaps during plant-gathering expeditions. Jar Function and Use-History Environmental settings from which the vari­ ous types of pollen originated include pond or Analyses of biotic remains (particularly stream edges (note the presence of Cyperaceae, pollen, pollen aggregates, and anther fragments) Fraxinus, Salix [willow], Juncus, and Vitaceae suggest that the Trigo Mountain jars were used in Jar 3) and woodlands (note the presence of to transport and/or store a variety of fresh flow­ Quercus [oak], Juglans, and Alnus in Jar 4). ering plant materials, or juicy processed plant The presence of pollen derived from Ephedra material containing pollen (Bohrer 1981). This (Mormon tea), Prosopis, Cercidium, Larrea does not preclude the possibility that one or (creosote), Sphaeralcea, Cactaceae, and Mimosa- more of the jars was taken on visits to water Acacia indicate that the jars were extensively sources, such as springs or rivers. Jars 2, 3, used in the desert. The recovery of pine pollen and 5 each contained pollen from spring-flower­ is also intriguing: desert groups such as the ing plants that grow in aquatic settings. Cocopa and Yuma in California and Arizona ob­ Many of the recovered pollen types (n = 56) tained pinon nuts through trade or direct ac­ are derived from plants whose flowers, fruits, quisition (Castetter and Bell 1951:197-198). and seeds were used by native peoples in the Aggregates and anther fragments from grass Sonoran Desert for food, beverages, and medi­ (Poaceae), sunflower (Asteraceae), creosote bush cine (Table 6). No fewer than 32 pollen types {Larrea), and legume (Fabaceae-Mimosoid) offer were found in Jar 3 (Table 5). Of these 32 further evidence that the ceramic jars were used pollen types, some were found only in trace to transport or store a variety of plant products. amounts (less than 3%) while others were rela­ Although the exact cultural mechanisms re­ tively abundant. The trace pollen could reflect sponsible for the entry of such diverse plant re- 144 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

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I .3 a S 5 3 146 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY mains in the jars are unknown (but may include America. This record implies that food caching exchange and/or plant collecting), there is evi­ was a technological strategy for guarding against dence that the jars were used to carry plants ob­ seasonal or interaimual productive shortfalls, and tained from both riverine and desert settings. as a backup supply of food in the event of raid­ ing, warfare, theft, or as supplies for travelers. Storage Technology and Caching Behavior Along the Colorado River, food and seed were The ethnographic and archaeological record stored in ceramic caches inside caves for protec­ of the Lower Colorado Desert and environs tion against seasonal flooding (Castetter and Bell (e.g., the Great Basin) indicate that storage in 1951:245). ceramic vessels was practiced for economic as Even small caches can be used to store rela­ well as ritual purposes. Although economic tively substantial amounts of food. Shelley and storage is more easily detected using archaeolog­ Altschul (1989:101-102) used volume estimates ical methods. Spier (1933:106) and Forde (1931: to infer that a 10.5-liter Tumco Buff ware jar in 166) reported that scalps obtained during war­ the Trigo Mountains could have stored a supply fare in the Lower Colorado Desert were cached of corn meal (5,460 g.) worth about 19,000 cal­ in specially made ceramic jars, and covered with ories. This corn would have been sufficient to plates. Since the scalps contained great power feed an adult for 9.69 days, or a one-year-old for evil, they were carefully hidden away (Forde child for 24.23 days (Shelley and Altshul 1989: 1931:166). 101-102). There is even more evidence for food stor­ Function of the Trigo Mountain Cache age. Food storage technology in the Great Basin and American Southwest included stone-lined Despite the archaeological and ethnographic pits (Wilke and McDonald 1989), unlined pits evidence, determining the function of the Trigo within and outside of structures, aboveground Mountain cache remains problematic. Binford granaries, and sealed ceramic jars. A key goal (1980) proposed that collectors and foragers of this traditional storage was to minimize food practiced contrasting organizational strategies. loss due to moisture, fungi, insects, or rodents Since collectors are residentially stable, they (Wilke and McDonald 1989: 50). Euler and deploy task-specific groups (e.g., hunters, plant Jones (1956) argued that covering ceramic jars gatherers) to collect and return with resources with sherd disks and resin was an effective for consumption at their residential base. By method of hermetic sealing. By achieving air­ contrast, foragers are mobile, and "map on" (or tight closure, prepared foodstuffs are better pre­ move) to resource-rich areas. Rather than in­ served. The Trigo Mountain caches are exam­ habit a primary base camp, mobile communities ples of this kind of storage technology. occupy a series of camps—each with its own set Caching of food (or water), raw materials, of resources. Clearly, each organizational strat­ and tools away from habitation settlements by egy entails a different set of storage behaviors. mobile gathering and hunting societies and sed­ Binford's (1980) framework has utility for entary horticultural societies has been archae­ interpreting the Trigo Mountain cache. Histori­ ologically and ethnographically documented cal horticultural groups practiced floodwater throughout the Greater Southwest (e.g., Camp­ farming on the margins of rivers and supple­ bell 1931; Treganza 1947; King 1976; Janetski mented their diet with foods that were gathered 1979; Swenson 1984; Wilke and McDonald and hunted in the desert mountain ranges (Cas­ 1989; Wolley and Osborn 1989; Geib 1990) and tetter and Bell 1951). The current location of the Plains (e.g., Kornfeld et. al. 1990) of North the cave where the cache was found is approxi- CACHE OF CERAMIC JARS FROM THE LOWER COLORADO DESERT 147

mately three miles east of the Lower Colorado were well-sealed, they contained no macroscopic River. Even if the course of the river has plant material. changed from protohistoric times, it is likely that Iconography and Design Symbolism the cache was still some distance from riverine habitation settlements, where agricultural was The elaborate design on one of the jars practiced. Despite this distance, the presence of suggests the cache could have had a ritual func­ corn (Z^(2 mays) pollen in these jars suggests that tion, even though some pollen found inside the the cache was systemically linked to a horticul­ jars indicates that they were once used for eco­ tural settlement near the river. nomic purposes. The role of ritual or iconogra­ It is highly plausible that the Trigo Mountain phy in mitigating potential food shortages and cache was used to store food to buffer groups other life crises has not generally been examined against shortages caused by resource shortfalls. by archaeologists working in the Lower Colo­ Food shortages were also caused by endemic rado Desert. Ceramic design iconography pro­ warfare, which was common during the six­ vides a potential avenue for exploring this issue. teenth and seventeenth centuries (Spier 1933). For example, a red design painted on the base The importance of caching emergency food and of Jar 1 contains a series of connected, four- water reserves may have increased in the Proto­ prong "rake" or "comb" elements (Fig. 5). historic Period, at a time of potential population This composite rake motif is commonly found in growth in the Colorado River Valley following petroglyphs and pictographs throughout the the desiccation of Lake Cahuilla west of the Greater Southwest, as well as elsewhere in river sometime in the 1500s (Waters 1982:56-62) North America. Exacfly what the rake motif or later 1600s (Schaefer 1994a). represents remains to be conclusively demon­ As Schaefer (1994:74a) pointed out, howev­ strated, but it has often been interpreted as er, a diversity of adaptive strategies and flexible symbolic of a bird's wings or of flight (Eliade settlement patterns enabled people to occupy the 1964; Bean and Vane 1978; Hedges 1985; Smith Lake Cahuilla area well after its desiccation. 1985). The painted parallel lines on the re­ Moreover, Dobyns (1981, 1983) and Ramenof­ mainder of the vessel form concentric circles sky (1987), as well as others, noted that the six­ that are relatively symmetrical. Although no teenth century was a watershed of European dis­ particular meaning can be readily inferred from ease contact. Catastrophic population losses this motif, such geometric designs are typical in during the seventeenth century (or earlier; see the Lower Colorado Desert. Preston 1996) imply that protohistoric population Dreaming was an important feature of His­ along the Lower Colorado River was actually toric Period religious life among Lower Colo­ lower than in prehistory. Nevertheless, storage rado River societies (e.g., Halchidhoma, Mari­ of food in ceramic jars, and caching of such ves­ copa) (Spier 1933; Kroeber 1963). The spirits sels, could have taken place regardless of wheth­ encountered in dreams were primarily birds, and er population was increasing in the Protohistoric these spirits conferred special powers, such as Period. the ability to cure sickness or heal wounds The evidence that water was stored in some (Spier 1933:249-251). Moreover, birds play an of the vessels (e.g.. Jars 2 and 4) is equivocal. important role in the Mohave creation oral tradi­ The water retention experiment on Jar 1 indi­ tion (Kroeber 1963:50-68). Perhaps the appa­ cated that it was not effective for long-term rent stylized bird on Jar 1 embued the cache water storage. However, although Jars 2 and 4 with ritual meaning, if ceramic iconography in 148 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Head, eyes A

Wing Wing

Body and breast feathers

Tail Foot feathers

Fig. 5. Colorado Red-on-buff design on Jar 1, showing inferred stylized bird motif. the Lower Colorado Desert is comparable to na­ in many parts of the Americas, this deity as­ tive rock art in some areas of California. Kroe­ cended back into the heavens, leaving a promise ber (1925:938) pointed out that Yokuts and Chu­ to return in the future (Pigeon 1974; Sejourne mash rock art coincide with an area where hallu­ 1976). The eagle in North America, the quetzal cinogenic plants were used in shamanistic rituals bird in Mesoamerica, and the great condor of (Hedges 1992:81). Perhaps painted ceramics in South America serve as tangible symbols of the the Lower Colorado River Valley carried many descent and ascension of this divine being. The of the same messages as ritual rock art. return of this deity out of the sky is viewed as a Another theme associated with the flight of great bird coming from the heavens to the earth large birds is a pan-Native American tale about (Nicholson 1967; Brundage 1974). Eagle dances a great deity, who descended from the heavens held among some tribes (e.g., Hopi, Zuni) are to guide human endeavors (Honore 1961; Han­ contemporary examples of the reverence toward sen 1963; Waters 1972). After teaching peoples this being (Nequatewa 1936; Waters 1970). CACHE OF CERAMIC JARS FROM THE LOWER COLORADO DESERT 149

These great birds are symbolic of earthly man's Buff ware. These jars contained pollen from assurance that a greater power and life exist in riverine and desert settings, and were apparently the heavens above, and that through these sym­ used for transporting, and perhaps even storing, bols, humans are able to communicate with these flowering plants prior to their terminal deposi­ eternal powers. tion in a cache in the Trigo Mountains. Some­ If the rake design elements on Jar 1 are time later, the contents of at least two of the jars examined from this iconographical perspective, (3 and 5) were retrieved by puncturing the an image of a stylized bird is disclosed (Fig. 5). sealed ceramic lids. It is not known why some As such, it is plausible that the cache was em­ of the jars were opened; however, the act of bued with a ritually meaningful function. More­ puncturing the seals and leaving the jars behind over, evidence for storage of flowers in some of could reflect a ritual function. Conversely, it the jars corroborates this interpretation of a may reflect the relatively low economic value of nonutilitarian purpose for the jars upon their ceramic vessels, since they were not retrieved placement in the cache. While a variety of alter­ for subsequent reuse. native hypotheses (e.g., stylistic signalling) It is clear that Protohistoric Period ceramic could be entertained for interpreting decorated jars were necessary for adapting to the harsh Lower Colorado River ceramics, such discussion conditions of the Lower Colorado River Valley is beyond the scope of this study. and its adjoining deserts. Although it remains to be conclusively demonstrated whether the Trigo SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Mountains cache also reflected ritual behavior, Storage of plant remains in sealed jars was such analyses merit further exploration, given apparenfly a common practice in the Lower the ethnographic insights on this issue. Despite Colorado River Valley and neighboring areas the fact that noneconomic activity is difficult to during prehistoric and protohistoric times, given document archaeologically, ceramic design ico­ the number of caches that are documented in nography is a promising and largely untapped southern California (e.g., Campbell 1931; Wilke avenue for considering this dimension of native et al. 1977; Swenson 1984; Sutton et al. 1987) survival in the Lower Colorado Desert. Analy­ and western Arizona (e.g., Euler and Jones sis of the Trigo Mountains cache contributes 1956; Shelley and Altschul 1989). This storage new perspectives on this and related topics. technique was quite effective for preventing food loss due to moisture, fungi, insects, and rodents, NOTES or even theft. The caching of reserves of food 1. Authors' names are alphabetized to reflect the in desert caves away from horticultural villages collaborative nature of the research. along the river provided "insurance" against 2. Additional characterization analyses of resins from these vessels will be undertaken by Mark Q. seasonal or interannual productive shortfalls, or Sutton and his associates using gas chromatography loss through raiding, theft, and warfare. This (GC) and combined gas chromatography/mass spec­ stored food could also be consumed by hunting trometry (GC/MS). Previous analyses of these sub­ or trading parties en route to neighboring desert stances from archaeological and ethnographic artifacts in the Great Basin have proven to be a valuable tech­ areas that were located away from the Colorado nique for discriminating among different kinds of River. insect-derived and plant-derived resins (Sutton 1990; Analysis of the cache in this study has Fox et al. 1995; Stacey et al. 1996). 3. Pollen recovered from two samples of pitch offered insights into the use-history of a small (0.1 g. each) included: six Poaceae, four Zea mays, assemblage of ceramic jars, and has also provid­ two Pinaceae, one Malvaceae (globe mallow), and ed chronometric dates for Period III Colorado one Asteraceae (sunflower ragweed type). 150 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Campbell, Elizabeth W. Crozer 1931 An Archaeological Survey of the Twenty- We owe a special thanks to Gregory Glacken and Nine Palms Region. Los Angeles: South­ the G. E. Smart family for reporting the Trigo west Museum Papers No. 7. Mountains cache to Richard Ryan, and to Boma Castetter, Edward F. Johnson of the Bureau of Land Management (BLM). 1935 Ethnobiological Studies in the American The BLM (Yuma District) released funding for radio­ Southwest I, Uncultivated Native Plants carbon dating. These dates were provided by the Used as Sources of Food. The University NSF-Arizona AMS Facility, University of Arizona. of New Mexico Bulletin (Biological Se­ Thanks are due to Robert Euler and the late Albert ries) 4(3). Schroeder for exanoining the cache at the 1984 Pecos Conference (Flagstaff, Arizona), and offering their Castetter, Edward P., and Wilhs H. Bell insights on Lower Colorado Buff ware ceramics. 1951 Yuman Indian Agriculture: Primitive Sub­ Michael Waters conducted a formal classification of sistence on the Lower Colorado and Gila the jars, for which we are grateful. Figures 1, 2, 4, Rivers. Albuquerque: University of New and 5 were drafted by Ronald Beckwith and Jo Lyim Mexico Press. Gunness. We also appreciate comments on initial Castetter, Edward P., and Ruth M. Underbill drafts of this paper by Carl Halbirt and Miriam 1935 The Ethnobiology of the Papago Indians. Stark. Finally, thoughtful suggestions on ways to im­ Ethnobiological Studies in the American prove this paper, as well as additional bibliographic Southwest II, Ethnobiological Studies of sources, were offered during the review process by the Papago Indians. University of New Jerry Schaefer, Mark Q. Sutton, Jill Gardner, and an Mexico Bulletin (Biological Series) 4(3). anonymous reviewer for the Joumal. Despite the above assistance, the final responsibility for any Cole, Kenneth L. errors or shortcomings is ultimately ours. 1986 The Lower Colorado River Valley: A Pleistocene Desert. Quaternary Research REFERENCES 25(3):392-400. Colton, Harold S. Barrows, David Prescott 1947 The Patayan Problem in the Colorado Riv­ 1900 The Ethno-botany of the Coahuilla Indians er Valley. Southwestera Journal of An­ of Southem Califomia. Chicago: Univer­ thropology 1(1): 114-121. sity of Chicago Press. Coville, Frederick V. Bayman, James, and Richard Ryan 1892 The Panamint Indians of California. 1988 Lower Colorado Buffware and the Proto­ American Anthropologist 5(4):5I-353. historic Period in Southem Arizona. Pot­ tery Southwest 15(1): 1-4. Curtin, Leonora S. M. 1949 By the Prophet of the Earth—Ethnobotany Bean, Lowell J., and Sylvia B. Vane of the Pima. Santa Fe: San Vicente Foim- 1978 Shamanism: /^ Introduction. In: Art of dation. the Huichol Indians, Kathleen Berrin, ed., pp. 118-128. New York: Harry N. Ab- Dobyns, Henry F. rams. Inc. 1957 Thematic Changes in Yuman Warfare. In: Cultural Stability and Cultural Change, Binford, Lewis R. Proceedings of the 1957 Anntial Spring 1980 Willow Smoke and Dogs' Tails: Hunter- Meeting of the American Ethnological So­ Gatherer Settlement Systems and Archaeo­ ciety, Veme F. Ray, ed., pp. 46-71. logical Site Formation. American Antiq­ Seattle: American Ethnological Society. uity 45(l):4-20. 1981 From Fire to Flood: Historic Human De­ Bohrer, Vorsila L. struction of Sonoran Desert Oases. Bal­ 1981 Methods of Recognizing Cultural Activity lena Press Anthropological Papers No. 20. from Pollen in Archaeological Sites. The Kiva 46(3): 135-142. 1983 Their Number Became Thiimed. Knox­ Bnindage, Burr Cartwright ville: University of Tennessee Press. 1974 The Phoenix of the Western Worid: Quet- Dobyns, Henry F., Paul H. Ezell, and Greta S. Ezell zalcoatl and the Sky Religion. Norman: 1963 Death of a Society: The Halchidhoma. University of Oklahoma Press. Ethnohistory 10(2): 105-161. CACHE OF CERAMIC JARS FROM THE LOWER COLORADO DESERT 151

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