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Home , Battle of Keelung (1895), Fort San Domingo, History of China, Koxinga, Mudan incident, Su Beng

TIME MAP : PEDAGOGY AND THE POWER OF AN ELECTRONIC CULTURAL ATLAS IN THE CONTEXTUALIZATION OF HISTORY

Dean Karalekas, Ph.D.

Taiwan Center for Security Studies -mail: [email protected] Keywords: Taiwan, , electronic mapping, history, ethnography

ABSTRACT INTRODUCTION This paper provides an overview of the The island we call Taiwan has a cultural heri- historical influences that are the subject of the tage going back thousands of years, and a his- time-mapping visualization of Taiwan, primarily tory of about four hundred. During this time, the from the perspective of how those influences af- various cultural and political influences that fected the island’s aboriginal inhabitants. This have gone into molding the Taiwan that exists narrative provides a basic background of Tai- today have been many and varied, and have led wan history to aid in an understanding of the to a complex and sometimes ambiguous impact mapping project itself, part of the Electronic on its development. The presentation of this his- Cultural Atlas Initiative based at the University tory and how it is taught in the classroom, espe- of California, Berkeley. It includes details re- cially at the level of secondary education, has lated to the source of historical/geographical long been a contentious issue, most recently in data and the digitization of that data for dy- mid-2015 during the so-called Textbook Con- namic representation in order to better contex- troversy, which saw thousands of students tualize this representation. This project is pri- march on, and briefly occupy, offices of the Re- marily centred on the cultural resources and public of (ROC) Ministry of Education. experience of Taiwan’s aboriginal groups, which Their demand: a reversal of the ministry’s deci- today face contentious issues including lan- sion to revise history textbooks that would pre- guage extinction, self-identification, access to sent a pro-China view of Taiwanese history cultural resources, the teaching of history in more in line with the of the political public education, and adapting to a multicul- party in power, the (KMT). tural identity, all of which are components of This controversy is hardly new: education, and cultural resource management (CRM), and all even maps, have long been used as a tool by the of which would be served well by the CRM ROC government to inculcate a national rheto- technology and programs of which this project ric and manufacture support for the KMT re- can be considered a pilot project. gime (Chang 2015:77). Textbooks were changed during the 2000–2008 administration led by the

JOURNAL OF INDO-PACIFIC 43(2019):1–23 pro-localization Democratic Progressive Party ples, as it is they who represent the common (DPP), this time to shift from a Sinocentric ap- thread, having witnessed and been changed by proach to the study of history, to one that was all of the various waves of immigration, settle- more Taiwan-centric. Case in point: the - ment, and colonization of Formosa since the centric view of history asserts that “Taiwan was beginning of recorded history on the island— administered by the Qing ,” the implica- indeed, pre-dating this point. For the mapping tion being that Taiwan is Chinese. Yet looking at project to have value as a supplement to materi- the maps that were produced at the time, it is als used in existing public education systems, clear that the Qing court exerted effective con- both domestically and internationally, this per- trol over less than half of the island, and that it spective is a unifying lens through which to of- was not until the Japanese colonial period that fer a more cohesive understanding of the forces any single power controlled the entire island. of history, and that can serve as a counterbal- While this may seem like splitting hairs, it has ance to the aforementioned Han-centric instruc- enormous implications for the very sensitive tional aids. political and societal struggle over whether Tai- The project described herein is an engaging wan is Taiwanese or Chinese. Maps, such as the and attractive geographical visualization of the time maps produced in the Electronic Atlas pro- transformation and growth of the various cul- ject described here, can present this information tural and political influences over the island of far more eloquently than other methods of in- Taiwan. First and foremost, it is designed to struction. The presentation in textbooks of his- demonstrate the feasibility of this technology torical events can vary widely depending on the both for pedagogical application, as well as for preconceptions and agenda of the authors. In a eventual expansion into a more comprehensive 2011 study, researchers used a multiple perspec- electronic-atlas project that would serve as a tive analysis to look at how the Wushe Incident dynamic, interactive and visual gateway to digi- (more detail below) was presented in 38 text- tized media on the nation’s artistic, cultural, and books. The researchers concluded that descrip- historical treasures. This project is part of the tions of the incident failed to convey the true Electronic Cultural Atlas Initiative (ECAI), extent of the event’s causes and repercussions. School of Information, Berkeley, University of Moreover, they found that the textbooks used a California. It is a digital humanities project Han-centric viewpoint that could to a nar- dedicated to adopting modern technological row understanding of the incident (Tseng and tools to aid in Cultural Resource Management Chang 2011). (CRM). The reveals a complex and OVERVIEW OF THE TAIWAN MAPPING multifaceted series of influences that are still PROJECT felt today and that compete for expression in the The perspective adopted by this map-driven identity of Taiwan’s inhabitants. Thus, the framing of historical political developments is teaching of Taiwan history would benefit from a the perspective of the island’s aboriginal peo- visual representation through modern computer

2 technology and multimedia applications. Hence purposes of the project, a decision was made to the Taiwan mapping project, the primary inspi- begin the animation in the year 1500: prior to ration for which was an excellent example of any foreign powers or influence having any po- employing TimeMap technology called Time- litical or social control over the island of For- Map : a joint production of the University mosa, in order to have a reasonable amount of of Sydney’s Archaeological Computing Labora- time to present the traditional territories of the tory and the National Institute of Korean His- various aboriginal groups. tory in Seoul, South Korea. It presents an excel- Of course, these delineations are not static, lent and engaging visual depiction of the history and have evolved over the past several thousand of the Korean Peninsula suitable for use in the years. Archaeological research on Taiwan has classroom. After some research, it was noted documented the establishment of hundreds of that no similar animation existed—free for use settlements between 4000 BCE and 100 CE, and available on the Internet—for teachers of including evidence for the expansion of coloni- Taiwan’s history, and so it was decided to em- zation from the coast to the hinterland, and dra- bark upon this project and rectify that omission. matic population growth over time (Bellwood The first step in the project consisted of mar- 2017; Carson 2017; Hung 2017). Nevertheless, shalling the required resources, primarily geo- this research has not endeavored to link the ar- graphic data on the historical periods of cultural chaeological remains to the aboriginal territorial and political control in Taiwan. A variety of demarcations that would be essential—even if sources proved useful, not least of which was approximate—in order to have a coherent per- the generous assistance provided by Mr. spective from which to tell the history of Tai- De-Wun of SMC Publishing in , Taiwan. wan. To that end, the closest illustration of this The project's final product is a video (Karalekas information was found in a map produced by 2018) that tracks change over time, represented Paul Li in 2001 giving historical linguistic in this paper through a succession of screen boundaries. This map provides an excellent shots (Figures 1–7) from the video. For fuller visualization of the various groups’ territorial information, please consult Karalekas (2018); boundaries as well as the migrations experi- for instance, this video has a scrolling legend enced by many (see Figure 1). showing the territorial boundaries of 18 Formo- Although not much is certain about the exact san aboriginal groups rather than the five in the nature of the political and economic relation- Figure 1 screenshot. ships on the island prior to the arrival of the first Westerners in or around 1590 (at which time the ABORIGINAL AND EARLY NON- island inherited from Portuguese sailors the ABORIGINAL COLONIZATION OF TAIWAN name it still carries today, Formosa), the first The island of Formosa was almost exclusively European visitors found the island populated by the domain of its aboriginal inhabitants before approximately 70,000 indigenous persons, about large-scale migration of from the 1,000 Han Chinese settlers and farmers, and mainland began in the 17th century. For the even a few Japanese traders and pirates. The

3 latter two groups were largely transient entre- ily of building and holding forts and making preneurs, with a few traders in , salt and expeditions inland and around the coast, rather other items. The aboriginal economy appeared than actively governing large territories. Mean- to be largely one of subsistence agriculture and while a supra-tribal alliance of aboriginal hunting, especially deer. groups including the Papora, Babuza, Pazeh, Although the European presence on the is- and Hoanya had formed the Kingdom of Mid- land could more accurately be described as in- dag (or Dadu, as it was known locally), govern- volving trading posts rather than colonial power, ing almost 30 villages in the western central it had a tremendous impact on the political and plains (see Figure 2). social structure of the island’s inhabitants. It The recorded history of Taiwan is generally was during this period that immigrants from the believed to have begun during this period of Chinese coast grew in number and displaced European presence. Indeed, many cultural, eco- many of the west-coast groups from their tradi- nomic and social changes were underway dur- tional land. This pattern of migration also led to ing this relatively brief but important period. the current demographic situation wherein the Prior to the Europeans’ arrival, Taiwan was aboriginal population makes up less than 2 per- widely considered terra incognita by Westerners cent of the island’s total population. Given the and the Chinese alike, but it had a thriving po- importance of creating a nation-building ethic litical, social, and trading life among the various that forms a natural extension of historical aboriginal groups that called the island home, forces, a brief examination of the history of the and one that traditionally has, in much academic aboriginal relationship to government is in or- work on the greater-China “Sinic zone,” re- der. ceived less than its fair share of attention thanks The Dutch established their presence on the to a tendency to regard China as a result of the island by building a fort in what is now unitary cultural and historical development of City. While the Dutch were developing parcels the Han people ( Cosmo and Wyatt 2005:3). of land in the southern part of the island, Span- The Dutch and later the Spanish would estab- ish forces were doing likewise in the north, the lish colonies on the island, bringing with them main purpose being to protect the Western ways and having an indelible impact on from encroachment by the Japanese and Dutch, the history of the island, though it is important as well as to protect Chinese junks bound for to point out that both powers established colo- from enemy attack. By and large, Fort nies in areas lacking in high-order aboriginal San Salvador in the Bay of , as well as political units such as the aforementioned King- in Danshui (Tamsui), failed dom of Middag (Andrade 2011:187) (see Figure in this mission, and Spanish officials began to 2). Not long after they had established a pres- see the colony as a waste of resources (Andrade ence, the Europeans turned the island into some- 2008). The maps that offer a geographical repre- thing of an early trading hub, with goods from sentation of this influence can be misleading, as transhipped to Europe (Brown 2004:37). In the Dutch and Spanish claims consisted primar- addition to setting up a taxation system, the

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Dutch administration built schools that gave a in the island’s north likewise brought with them Romanized writing system to the coastal Siraya Catholic missionaries, mostly Dominicans, who language, with the Siraya Gospel of St. Matthew were quite successful in converting many of that being published in 1661, followed a year later region’s aboriginal inhabitants to Catholicism by the Siraya Catechism (Adelaar 2011:10). It (Rubinstein 1991:19). was the practice of Dutch missionaries to pro- vide religious instruction in native languages, CHINESE POLITICAL EXPANSION OVER thus creating the need for a writing system for TAIWAN the first time in Taiwan. The Sirayan, or The European missions were not to last long, Sinckan, writing system was also used in West- however. After expelling the Spanish in 1642 ern literary instruction, and became so popular (Copper 1999:25), the Dutch themselves were that records indicate it was still in use as late as driven off the island (Hsiao and Hsiao the early 19th century, over a century and a half 2002:164) after making an enemy of Ming dy- after the Dutch expulsion from Taiwan. nasty loyalist and pirate Chenggong. Dutch colonizers were also the first to initiate Zheng was a participant in the effort that be- a large-scale transmigration program of Han came known as the Revolt of the Three Feudato- Chinese settlers to the island to work in agricul- ries, which consisted of the economically pow- ture. The aboriginal populations did not take erful southern provinces of Yunnan, , well to farming in the Dutch model, thus creat- and , which were being run as fiefdoms ing the need to import workers (Ka 1995: 12), by surrendered generals. The and about 25,000 Han Chinese had come to the Qing, it must be remembered, was not ethnically island by the 1640s to cultivate rice and sugar, Han Chinese, but a Manchu dynasty—a moni- forming essentially a Chinese colony on Taiwan ker by which it was also widely known—and that, perhaps inevitably, began to brush up many saw rule by northern as an af- against aboriginal territories, the result being front to the greatness of China. The generals, clashes between the two ethnic groups (Andrade and Zheng, rose up under the banner of “oppos- 2005). In addition to these demographic and ing Qing and restoring Ming” (Liu and Shek economic adjustments, the Dutch East India 2004:347). Company also imported new belief systems. To finance his effort to re-instate the defeated Unlike agriculture, the aboriginal inhabitants Ming Dynasty, Zheng plied the trade routes to appear to have taken to Christianity when the and , which until then had first missionaries, members of the Dutch Re- effectively been Dutch monopolies. When the formed Church, successfully spread their evan- Dutch retaliated, Zheng imposed a trade em- gelical beliefs among the locals starting in the bargo on Taiwan, causing the island’s economy early —an endeavor that is described in to collapse, and opening the door for armed in- fascinating detail by Scottish Presbyterian mis- vasion (Andrade 2008). Zheng took the island sionary William Campbell (1903) using transla- by force in 1662, establishing the Kingdom of tions of contemporary accounts. The Spaniards Tungning and effectively putting an end to the

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European presence on Taiwan. Zheng, known in sion of lack of control gave Japan the pretext to the West as , instituted policies that had launch the punitive Taiwan Expedition in 1874, a great impact on the aboriginal inhabitants. He the success of which in turn highlighted the and his heirs brought over their armies, who Qing’s lack of control over Taiwan, and finally when they weren’t preparing for the restoration helped spur the government to attempt to con- of the Ming dynasty spent their time working quer the highland peoples beginning in the the land as farmers (see Figure 3). The number 1880s. of Han Chinese on the island is estimated to This incident highlights the two very differ- have grown to over 100,000 during this period ent views of sovereignty between the Qing court (Spence 1999:55). This activity pushed aborigi- and governments in Japan and the West. In the nal populations into the island’s interior, causing traditional Chinese view, it is not about the strict further difficulties and population pressure with legality of territorial control, so much as a sym- the tribes already living in these areas. Kox- bolic acceptance of China’s centrality to the re- inga’s plan to overthrow the never gion (Callahan 2004:58). By the time of the came to fruition, however, and in 1683, his , this worldview was already grandson lost Taiwan to Qing forces. For almost becoming anachronistic, and dangerously so, as the next two centuries, the transmigration of the incident reflects. Moreover, it led to a lack Han Chinese increased, with people fleeing of policy consistency, and misunderstandings. despite attempts to stem this On the one hand, while the government was di- flow. vesting itself of responsibility for the actions of The defeat of Koxinga’s legacy of control Taiwan’s aboriginal groups, claiming they were over the island meant that, for the first time in not bound by , it was, almost in the history, Taiwan was nominally a part of China. same breath, averring that their land was still In reality, the throne was unable to exert much part of Chinese territory, and warning its offi- control over this frontier territory, and indeed cials not to refer to aboriginal territory as being was not able to exercise effective sovereignty beyond Chinese imperial domain, mainly to over half of the island. Chinese leaders admitted serve as a disincentive to Western designs on as much when it suited them to do so, such as in possible (Chang 2003:43). response to Japanese demands for restitution For the better part of two centuries, the Qing after the Mudan Incident. In 1871, 54 sailors court considered Taiwan somewhat of an eco- from Ryukyu were massacred by members of nomic burden that was tolerated in order to keep the Paiwan aboriginal ethnic group after having it from falling into the hands of pirates and, been shipwrecked and wandering into Paiwan later, the Japanese, who had set their sights on territory (Wang 1990:45). Japan demanded that acquiring the island. Prior to 1887, the Chinese the aboriginal leaders be punished, but were told officials stationed on Taiwan were corrupt and by the Qing court that the incident had taken lazy, and their edicts were cruelly enforced, place in a part of Taiwan that was outside of its prompting social instability (Copper 1999:27). jurisdiction (Cauquelin 2004:14). This admis- During this time, there were many clashes be-

6 tween the indigenous population and Han - developed on the island. Powerful Han land- nese settlers, as well as popular attempts at in- lords used tenancy contracts extensively, how- surrection against the corrupt mainland officials. ever enforcement was spotty as the government There were so many of the latter that a popular had a minimal ability to maintain order, let saying at the time declared that “every three alone enforce tort. years there is an uprising, every five years a re- Still, Qing leaders were eager to turn abo- bellion” (Roy 2002:21). Fearing the expense of riginal farmers into tax-paying subjects. Han dealing with these conflicts, and to make sure Chinese and so-called “cooked,” or civilized, migrants would return to their ancestral graves, aborigines were forbidden from venturing into the Qing court attempted to ship as many Han the wilderness and sparking a conflict with the Chinese inhabitants as it could back to the “raw,” or uncivilized, aborigines. Efforts were mainland, and instituted a prohibition on travel made to teach the cooked aborigines the superi- to the island by anyone but male workers (Davi- ority of the Han , primarily de- son and Reed 1998). This ban was repeatedly termining such superiority in terms of morality, repealed and re-instituted until it was finally such as the Confucian civic culture (Shepherd abandoned in 1788, but despite efforts to stem 1993:372). To prevent intermingling with the migration, the Han Chinese population in- raw aborigines and stem further illegal land creased at approximately 2 percent per annum claims, a border of trenches and earth mounds during the first hundred years of Qing rule—an was built. increase that reflects a high degree of cross- When the aforementioned Mudan Incident of strait immigration and a failure of the Qing’s 1871 occurred, it was widely interpreted as a quarantine policies (Shepherd 1993:162). Illegal case of Japan testing the waters prior to possible immigration and natural population growth colonization. At this point, Japan was in the meant that the Han Chinese inhabitants required throes of the rapid—indeed, liminal—period of more land, and new settlements reached north- modernization that accompanied the Meiji Res- ward and eastward (See Figure 4). toration, and it was keen to follow the Western In response to this pressure, the island’s abo- example and become a colonial power in its rigines were forced to lease land to the Han own right (Wilson 1983:408). Taiwan’s geo- Chinese, or become assimilated into the grow- strategic position would have facilitated Japa- ing Han population. The only other option was nese access to points farther southward and to move further into the island’s mountainous westward. In view of this obvious interest on the interior, much of which was already home to part of the Japanese, China began to re-evaluate aboriginal ethnic groups with their own lan- Taiwan’s importance to the country’s maritime guages and customs. Intermarriages were in- defence. It also began to re-evaluate the policy creasingly common during this era, given the of cordoning off the raw aborigines in favour of absence of Han Chinese women on the island assimilating them, through the “opening the due to the immigration ban (Hsiao et al. mountains and pacifying the aborigines” poli- 2002:169). Eventually a tenant farming system cies of the late nineteenth century, essentially as

7 a means of finally extending Qing control over ceded in perpetuity to Japan as a spoil of war the interior of the island (Shepherd 1993:360). (see Figure 5). In many ways, the First Sino- This period coincided with greater interest in Japanese War was a quest for ideological domi- Taiwan on the part of European (Als- nance in (Huffman 1997:202). Japan’s ford 2015a), following the opening of the ports victory in this conflict surprised many observers in 1860, and the arrival of the Presbyterians in and vindicated that country’s colonial ambi- 1865 (Alsford 2013). tions. The interest Japan had in acquiring Tai- This added interest in Taiwan from Europe wan was for its strategic and economic signifi- and Japan is what ultimately led to the island’s cance, and this became a reality with the Treaty administration being raised from a single pre- of Shimonoseki. The new colonial rulers fecture to two in 1875 (Gordon quickly set about exploiting their newly ac- 2009). A similar test of the Qing government’s quired territory for the benefit of the Japanese dedication to Taiwan took place a decade later, (Tsai 2009:113). Japanese was imposed this time with a French blockade of Keelung as the official language in Taiwan, and the colo- Harbor (Li 1956:120), after which the island nial government embarked on a remarkably ef- was finally declared a province in 1887 and at- ficient modernization and industrialization cam- tempts were made to modernize (Brown paign, building a self-sufficient economy on the 2004:52), including carrying out a land survey, island, constructing railroads and expanding and launching infrastructure projects like the Taiwan’s larger cities, all paid for with the insti- island’s first railroad: 60 kilometres of track tution of a land tax system (Ka 1995:58). It was connecting Keelung with , completed in during this time, in 1897 to be exact, that the 1893. It was this era of late-Qing investment in first structured ethnographic studies of the is- the island that historians argue marks the begin- land’s aboriginal populations were launched, ning of Taiwan’s entry into the modern age conducted by Japanese anthropologist Tori’i (Alsford 2015b:69–70). Ryuzo (Blundell 2009:4). It should be noted that, despite 200 years of Ryuzo’s friend and fellow anthropologist Ino nominal Qing sovereignty over the island and its Kanori argued that such studies would yield in- late designation as a full province, by the time formation that would make the aborigines easier of the outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War, to control, and so the pair set out to conduct less than 45 percent of Taiwan was under effec- what would become the first formal investiga- tive Chinese administration. The remainder, tion into the racial status of the island’s aborigi- though remote, mountainous and underpopu- nes (Barclay 2001:117). The colonial govern- lated, remained under the control of the aborigi- ment led by General Kodama Gentaro nal people who lived there ( 2001:224). was supportive of this research, which yielded the classification for the first time of nine of the THE JAPANESE INTERVENTION island’s distinct aboriginal ethnic groups: Amis, The island’s status as a province of China lasted Atayal, Bunun, Paiwan, Saisiyat, Tsou, Puyuma less than ten years, until 1895 when it was (now Pinuyumayan), Yami and the Rukai peo-

8 ple (Huang 2001: 247). was so great, for example, that Orchid Island, It should be noted that these names were con- home of the Yami people, was sealed off until ferred upon them by Japanese ethnographers the 1930s and restricted for the exclusive use of and in many cases are not accurate representa- anthropologists and other scientists. The first tions of how the peoples refer to themselves. Japanese census of Taiwan conducted in 1905 The Yami people, for example, now often go by recorded 784 aboriginal villages, 46,432 Pingpu Tao, which in their language means “people,” aborigines, and 36,363 mountain-dwelling abo- just as the meaning of Atayal is “brave man” or rigines (Shepherd 1993:161). “genuine person” in that language. The Amis Part of Japan’s plan to make Taiwan its colo- people, furthermore, actually call themselves nial model whose example could be followed by Pangcah, meaning “” or “people of our subsequent acquisitions involved efforts to exert kind.” “Amis” really means “north.” The total control over the entire island and all of its Pingpu group actually represents several groups inhabitants. To that end, in 1906 Governor- of plains aborigines that, over the decades since General Sakuma Samata launched a five-year pioneer settlements began growing on Taiwan’s aboriginal pacification plan. The following year, West Coast, have been largely assimilated into the Beishi aborigines and those of the Hsinchu Han Chinese culture, losing many of their lan- area become pacified, and the brutal techniques guages and traditions. This complicated heri- used to subdue further groups included such tage, not unlike that of Canada’s Métis, to shows of force as bombardment by warships. In some differing opinions on self-identification; 1910 the Regulations for the Supervision of the while some claim at least a partial aborigine Aborigines was promulgated, and that year, the identity, others identify as Chinese for fear of government began to actively assimilate the is- being called “savages” (Brown 2004:128). This land’s aboriginal peoples. Vast expanses of the phenomenon whereby self-identification varies mountains remained unconquered, however, and widely across and within communities has re- so Samata promulgated a second “Five-Year ceived significant research, but the reasons for it plan to pacify the savages” (Simon 2015:85). remain debated. What is certain, however, is In 1914, after 90 days of battle in which sev- that such shifting sense of selfhood among eral villages were razed and countless warriors Pingpu and other communities speaks to a wider killed, the Truku were the last of Taiwan’s abo- fluctuation in the evolution of society insofar as riginal peoples to submit to Japanese control. how its minorities, especially aboriginal popula- This is not to say that uprisings came to an end: tions, are viewed by the majority. As pointed out indeed, just a year later, the Tapani Incident by Hsieh (2006:109), “we are the most re- would have an enormous effect on the Japanese searched people in the world, especially by non- approach to administering the colonial holding. indigenous researchers” is a refrain that ethno- The rebel leader, Yu Qingfang, raised an army graphic researchers are all too likely to encoun- of Han Chinese and aboriginal fighters by using ter during such studies. Support in the Japanese a syncretization of folk religion, millenarianism, colonial government for ethnological research vegetarianism, and banner worship to convince

9 his followers that they were immune to modern not uncommon, as this contributed to the as- weaponry as they stormed Japanese sta- similation effort. Indeed, in certain cases abo- tions in the mountainous southern areas. The riginal leaders arranged for their daughters to uprising lasted two months before it was put marry Japanese police officers, in order to ce- down. After the Tapani Incident, the Japanese ment a form of political alliance with the gov- administrators realized that if they were going to erning authority (Barclay 2005). rule over the island effectively, they had better Despite these efforts at assimilation, the pro- develop a deeper understanding of the local ject was a difficult one. At least 100 incidents of people’s customs and belief systems (Katz armed revolt against the Japanese occupiers 2005:110). took place during the first two decades of the The task of assimilating the island’s inhabi- occupation. The last, and biggest, was the tants and giving them a Japanese identity was Wushe Uprising of 1930, in which the Atayal accomplished in part by building schools and people of attacked and killed 135 providing a Japanese education, even in the Japanese, as well as injuring 215 at the Wushe most remote mountain villages. By 1940, the Primary School (Qiao 2001:9). Subsequent at- vast majority of aboriginal children were en- tacks on police stations and other offices were rolled in schools, learning about Japanese lan- launched, to seize weapons and ammunition in guage and customs in addition to mathematics preparation for further resistance. The rebels and the trades. Meanwhile, as Japanese identi- held Wushe for three days. The reaction of the ties took root, many traditional practices were Japanese colonial government was swift and dying out, including tattooing and deadly: 1,163 policemen, 800 soldiers, and (Huang 2001:224). More to the point: these 1,381 mercenaries used their greater numbers, practices were being actively suppressed, or out- superior firepower and tear gas to overwhelm right forbidden, by the colonial government, to the rebels, even enlisting the aid of rival Atayal the degree that some members of the Atayal sub-groups. Eventually the counterinsurgency group were even forced to have their facial tat- operation escalated to the use of poison gas toos removed in a process that was painful and dropped in canisters from airplanes. The upris- often disfiguring. The Office of the Governor- ing lasted 50 days and ended in the deaths of General executed its political orders through an more than 900 Atayal and the surrender of about administrative system administered by Japanese 500, at a cost of 49 Japanese soldiers and 22 bureaucrats, with Taiwanese employed only at aboriginal mercenaries (Qiao 2001:10). Re- the lower levels of the . Through an venge killings followed when rival Atayal who extensive and penetrating network of police sta- had fought for the Japanese murdered an esti- tions and schools, police officers and teachers mated 200, despite the fact that they were sup- were the front-line workers and, to subjects in posed to have been in the protective custody of remote mountain villages, the face of the colo- the Japanese. The uprising was a surprise to of- nial government. It is perhaps not surprising that ficials as the natives in the area were thought to intermarriage of Japanese and aborigines was have been successful examples of the govern-

10 ment’s assimilationist policy at work. As a re- the promises made in the 1943 Cairo Declara- sult, the Japanese government’s conception of tion (Brown 2004:9). The itself and of its relationship with those it ruled between Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalists and over was shaken to its core, and led to a more ’s Communists was still going on, hard-edged policy of acculturation—by means however, and by 1949, Chiang Kai-shek and his of “imper-ialization”—as a means of consolidat- Nationalist, or Kuomintang, government had ing colonial power (Ching 2001:136). been forced to retreat to Taiwan, making it, the Whereas mountain-dwelling groups were Pescadores, and a few surrounding islands the largely ignored by previous governments, the only remaining territory controlled by the Re- Japanese attempts at social engineering had an public of China. Many of the Japanese methods enormous impact on local life. Previously, im- of administration over indigenous peoples con- proving one’s status used to rely on demonstrat- tinued on unchanged by the KMT. To the is- ing proficiency in activities such as headhunt- land’s aborigines, the successive periods of ing, but by the 1940s it had become a matter of colonization that began with the Dutch and education, and people who worked within the Spanish and was followed up by the Zheng clan, Japanese-imposed social structure were often the Qing dynasty and then the Japanese, carried elevated to the level of village chiefs, further on, this time with the Chinese Nationalists at the consolidating the Japanese agenda. This went helm. hand-in-hand with a Japanese policy, continued Chiang, an ardent anti-communist, feared later by the KMT, designed to further remove that the relatively inaccessible mountain regions aborigines from their traditional lifestyles and might become a haven for communist sympa- domesticate them by supplanting their custom thizers, and so considerable attention was paid of swidden horticulture and inculcating a more to the area. As the KMT gradually consolidated sedentary, farming-based lifestyle on reservation its control over the island, it began to impose its land. will more directly in the remote areas, and Despite the brutal pacification campaigns of mountainous land in the central part of the is- just a generation earlier, many aborigines volun- land was taken over by the government, which teered to fight for the Japanese army in the Sec- banned non-state ownership. The new govern- ond World War (Huang 2001: 224). Even today, ment, adept at the use of propaganda, recast his- many older aboriginal people in remote villages torical events such as the Wushe Incident as ex- speak Japanese rather than , in addi- amples of brave anti-Japanese—and therefore, tion to their tribal tongue. by extension, pro-Chinese—insurgencies and declared the aboriginal inhabitants to be “moun- RULE UNDER THE KUOMINTANG (KMT) tain compatriots”. KMT re-education centres The island was bombarded heavily by American replaced the Japanese schools that were built in air power during World War II, at the conclusion the mountain villages, and a series of studies of which it fell into the hands of the Chinese was taught that focused on the language, history Nationalists (see Figure 6) in accordance with and culture of China. Whereas the Japanese had

11 forced aborigines to adopt Japanese names, they small size of these land parcels, the absence of were, in the 1950s and 1960s, forced to take farmers’ cooperatives, and the fact that aborigi- Mandarin names. nal groups lacked a long history of concepts A series of policies were implemented to such as land ownership led to a situation where “modernize” the “backward” lifestyles of in- they were often cheated out of their reservation digenous people, or to “make the mountains like land, and the total land area they actually con- the plains” (clearly a reference to the plains abo- trolled gradually diminished. It was the market- rigines, or Pingpu, who had been completely led agricultural production that decimated the assimilated by this point). These included teach- subsistence economies in aboriginal villages and ing Mandarin as the official language, and ef- had a negative impact on the social and political forts were made to instill Han Chinese culture fabric of society. and traditions in the lives of the island’s abo- The KMT government instituted policies that riginal inhabitants with the aim of eventually suppressed any attempts to create a movement eliminating any remnants of their own cultures for aboriginal nation building, and created in and replacing it with the Han Chinese culture. aboriginal communities a deeply held fear of This policy to “plainize” the mountain people even discussing such issues ( lasted until the 1980s and resulted in the eradi- 2001). It did this the way it consolidated its con- cation of languages and customs and the crea- trol over the island’s entire population during tion of an even stronger stigmatization attached the martial law era. This was known as the to aboriginal identity than what had existed un- period, when activists, intellectu- der previous regimes. als and anyone who could be considered a threat There were regulations instituted during this to the KMT regime ran the risk of being sum- period to govern the private sale of agricultural marily arrested and accused of sedition (Kang goods grown on state-owned land, but in actual- 1979:17). An estimated 140,000 Taiwanese ity land and produce was being sold illegally as were arrested, killed, or “disappeared” for real enterprises from other parts of the island wanted or perceived opposition to the KMT, and a access to the fertile mountain areas. Because the mood of anxiety suffused society, as anyone land cultivated by aborigines was state-owned, could be picked up by the authorities at any time they did not have title to it, and were therefore and accused of being a communist spy. Taiwan’s unable to borrow on it, effectively keep- population was essentially held in check by the ing them out of the economic system. By the pervasive sense of fear that this created. Abo- mid-1960s, the KMT acknowledged the failure riginal leaders were no exception, such as of its policy and began opening the land in these Uyongu Yatauyungana, who was executed by areas to private companies and individuals. Dur- the KMT regime in 1954. Yatauyungana was a ing this period and well into the 1980s, the gov- Tsou warrior who had participated in the infa- ernment also tried to fight encroachment by di- mous uprising on 28th February 1947 that had viding and registering parcels of land and turn- led to the imposition of martial law and the sub- ing over control of it to aboriginal families. The sequent White Terror. As the White Terror swept

12 though the island eliminating potentially opposi- overt and visible ways: a “new aboriginal sub- tional elites, a leadership vacuum was created jectivity” that began in the early 1990s, wherein that the government’s centralized rule filled the display of aboriginal culture and identity with a dependent aboriginal elite (Munsterhjelm served as a means of subverting the Han-centric 2014:22). The KMT chose certain trusted abo- moral and cultural order imposed on their peo- rigines to serve the state, such as by administer- ple for generations and freeing themselves from ing indigenous areas. This increased the per- this psychological domination (Rudolph sonal power enjoyed by these individuals, and 2008:75). ensured loyalty to the government. Another tac- Formed in the mid-1980s, the Alliance of tic was for the KMT to create political factions Taiwan Aborigines was the first activist group in within otherwise unified ethnic groups by luring the country specifically concerned with issues community leaders into joining the party, and of indigenous rights. It lobbied for land rights, then campaigning for party candidates. territorial autonomy, and economic integrity. During this period, very few aborigines were Churches, too, provided logistical and financial afforded the luxury of concerning themselves support to the movement, and by the 1990s, with issues of human rights or autonomy, be- these efforts began to bear fruit. The Constitu- cause economic restraints imposed by the KMT tion was amended in 1994 to include, among administration ensured that most indigenous other changes, a new designation for aboriginal people did not agitate on post-materialist issues: peoples from “mountain compatriots” (some- most were far more concerned with feeding times translated as “mountain siblings”) to their families than with high-minded notions of “original inhabitants” to better reflect their posi- nation-building. This situation taught aboriginal tion as the first peoples to inhabit the island leaders that it was far more effective to lobby (Hsieh 1994:404). From the late 1980s to the the government for small concessions, often early 1990s a number of land recovery move- monetary, than to concern themselves with na- ments were initiated, mostly by aboriginal elites tion building. For decades, Taiwanese aborigi- based in the metropolitan centres, to retrieve nes who wanted to succeed in society had to lands that were designated by executive decree hide their heredity. It was not until the mid- governing reservation land but had been appro- 1990s that the government began to take steps priated through eminent domain to create na- to pull back from assimilationist policies and tional parks, or purchased under-the-table by begin to expand aboriginal rights and raise Han Chinese businessmen and conglomerates. awareness of the island’s aboriginal peoples (see The executive order pertaining to this land ten- Figure 7). Much of this effort was part of a ure system stipulated that only aboriginals were wider drive to move the island’s political center allowed to hold title to certain land parcels in away from the Sino-centrism exhibited by the the mountain areas, and these movements lob- Chiang regime and toward a more localized bied for the return of these lands to their original identity for Taiwan. At the same time, aboriginal indigenous owners (Chen 2002:6). groups began to assert their identity in more Meanwhile, in the education system, men-

13 tions of aborigines in texts and curricula were aims to help correct that condition. more frequent and less derisive after martial law While this bird’s-eye view of Taiwan history, was repealed, and government funds were being designed to provide context to the Taiwan Map- made available for the establishment of muse- ping Project, only scratches the surface, there is ums and cultural activities to stimulate interest a wealth of sources available to students and in the island’s indigenous heritage (Hughes teachers interested in a more in-depth examina- 1997:99). The overall localization movement tion of this fascinating topic, and they are en- was spearheaded by then-President Lee Teng- couraged to delve deeper into the various peri- hui, who was arguably attempting to move the ods that interest them the most. Indispensible nation’s politics into a realm where independ- Chinese-language sources include Wu Mi-cha’s ence—as opposed to the previous KMT dream (吳密察) The General History of Taiwan: Sto- of retaking the mainland—was the endgame. In ries of the Heroic Pioneers (Wu 2005), Four a famous example of embracing aboriginal heri- Hundred Years of Transformation in Taiwan ed- tage, Lee himself underwent a blood test that ited by Xu Xueji (許雪姬) (Xu 2005), and Lin indicated he had aboriginal genes, in addition to Yu -ju’s (林玉茹) The Trading Activities and his Hakka and Fukienese heritage. Networking of the Local Merchants in Hsinchu During the Qing Dynasty (Lin 2000). Also in- DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS cluded should be Su Beng’s (史明) seminal Even this summary overview of Taiwan’s his- 1962 work Taiwan’s 400-Year History (Shih tory paints a complex web of interactions 1980), a comprehensive volume that was once among regional and global powers and a variety banned in Taiwan by the KMT regime. For a of influences that is far from linear. Neverthe- deeper understanding of the Dutch and Spanish less, the complexity and vitality of Taiwan’s his- colonial eras in Taiwan, students would be well tory are such that the subject lends itself well to advised to reference the works of Ts’ Yung-ho visual depiction, especially for the purposes of (曹永和), who used his exceptional language pedagogical application. The current project is a abilities to provide Chinese translations of small step in a wider endeavor that would aid European sources; particularly his work on early not only in demystifying and visually represent- Taiwan history (Ts’ao 2000), and for those with ing the island’s diverse cultural resources, but a particular interest in cartography, his Taiwan also serving as an invaluable tool in their proper on Ancient European Maps (Ts’ao 1979). In management. Far from being inaccessible, an English, an excellent source remains William unvarnished presentation of Taiwanese history Campbell’s (1903) Formosa under the Dutch: is something that ought to be made more avail- described from contemporary records, with ex- able not only to those students around the world planatory notes and a bibliography of the is- who are interested in Taiwan, but to those stu- land. dents in Taiwan who themselves are too often The very teaching of history itself can be a given an ideologically skewed version of their controversial issue, and it is often difficult for own history. This project, in its own small way, people of differing viewpoints to even agree on

14 the facts. One great tool in this struggle for ac- quered peoples of the border areas, which curacy has always been the map—a map does helped in effecting their colonization (Hostetler not lie: it presents knowledge that is known at 2000:623). the point at which it is made, save those maps Although maps are not immune to being used produced for purely propagandistic purposes or for political purposes, there is no better way for those, like the ones produced in China in the quickly understanding modern Taiwan and immediate post-war years, which lack carto- where it fits in the larger Asian context. What graphic standards (Chang 2015:67). Maps have influences from different times have remained? also been widely employed as a technology of How do we access those resources and provide the power of the state, to lay claim to hinterland public access to them? How can they be incor- areas and, more subtly, to highlight differences porated into the public education curriculum? between colonizer and colonized. This latter These and other questions are difficult to ex- technique was widely employed by the Qing plore, but this exploration is made easier thanks dynasty, which adopted modern, Western carto- to the computer-aided Cultural Resource Man- graphic techniques such as ethnographic illus- agement technology that provides a dynamic trations on map margins to highlight exotic dif- visualization of time and place. ferences between the Han majority and the con-

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Figure 1. Taiwan Time Map including aboriginal Formosan linguistic boundaries.

Figure 2. Taiwan Time Map including Dutch, Spanish and Middag territories.

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Figure 3. Taiwan Time Map including the territory of the Kingdom of Tungning and the Middag Kingdom to its north.

Figure 4. Taiwan Time Map including extent of effective control by the Qing Dynasty over Taiwan circa 1847.

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Figure 5. Taiwan Time Map including Qing Chinese territories ceded to Japan in 1895.

Figure 6. Taiwan Time Map including early Kuomintang rule.

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Figure 7. Taiwan Time Map including later Kuomintang rule.

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