Student Movement in Portugal Throughout the ’60S: Actors’ Representations of a Period of Social and Cultural Experimentation
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Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017). -
The Anti-Authoritarian Chَros
E. DIMITRIS KITIS The Anti-Authoritarian Chóros A Space for Youth Socialization and Radicalization in Greece (1974–2010) he Balkan historian Mark Mazower, highlighting that there is a conundrum posed by anarchist groups in Greece, observed: “We Thave, to my knowledge, no serious study of this subject, nor of the ways labels, such as ␣␣´ι (anarchists) and ␣␣´ (anti- authoritarians) have been deployed sometimes by people in their own name and others by their opponents.”1 The purpose of this article is to address this question and give a preliminary genealogy of the anarchist phenomenon in Greece since 1974. The history of Greece since World War II includes a civil war (1946–49), which unofficially started before the liberation of the country from the Axis powers, and a military dictatorship (1967–74). These watershed events occurred in the backdrop of a vicious rift between rightists and leftists that permeated the whole of Greek society for the rest of the Cold War. The article sets out to examine the origins (and the makings) of a particular type of disaffection that developed among youth during the period of the Metapolitefsi. The Metapolitefsi, which is the time frame for this article, was the historical period after the fall of the military dictatorship in Greece (1974) that was marked by liberalization or democratization and greater integration into Europe. It is important to note that the fall of the dictatorship was precipitated by the Polytechnic Journal for the Study of Radicalism, Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, pp. 1–36. ISSN 1930-1189 © 2015 Michigan State University. -
Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. -
The Danger of Deconsolidation Roberto Stefan Foa and Yascha Mounk Ronald F
July 2016, Volume 27, Number 3 $14.00 The Danger of Deconsolidation Roberto Stefan Foa and Yascha Mounk Ronald F. Inglehart The Struggle Over Term Limits in Africa Brett L. Carter Janette Yarwood Filip Reyntjens 25 Years After the USSR: What’s Gone Wrong? Henry E. Hale Suisheng Zhao on Xi Jinping’s Maoist Revival Bojan Bugari¡c & Tom Ginsburg on Postcommunist Courts Clive H. Church & Adrian Vatter on Switzerland Daniel O’Maley on the Internet of Things Delegative Democracy Revisited Santiago Anria Catherine Conaghan Frances Hagopian Lindsay Mayka Juan Pablo Luna Alberto Vergara and Aaron Watanabe Zhao.NEW saved by BK on 1/5/16; 6,145 words, including notes; TXT created from NEW by PJC, 3/18/16; MP edits to TXT by PJC, 4/5/16 (6,615 words). AAS saved by BK on 4/7/16; FIN created from AAS by PJC, 4/25/16 (6,608 words). PGS created by BK on 5/10/16. XI JINPING’S MAOIST REVIVAL Suisheng Zhao Suisheng Zhao is professor at the Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver. He is executive director of the univer- sity’s Center for China-U.S. Cooperation and editor of the Journal of Contemporary China. When Xi Jinping became paramount leader of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 2012, some Chinese intellectuals with liberal lean- ings allowed themselves to hope that he would promote the cause of political reform. The most optimistic among them even thought that he might seek to limit the monopoly on power long claimed by the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP). -
Portugal, Slovakia, and the Political Counter- Reformation of the Twentieth Century (1910- 1939)
23 ZuZana Poláčková – Pieter C. van Duin Portugal, Slovakia, and the political Counter- reformation of the twentieth century (1910- 1939) This essay tries to make a comparative analysis of the political dynamics of Portugal and Slovakia in the first half of the twentieth century (1910-1939) in terms of the significance of conservative political Catholicism. The two countries belonged to a group of nations in Europe in which there was a strong reaction to political liberalism, progressive republicanism, cultural secularism, and socialism. This an- tagonism can arguably be seen as a modern continuation of the historic conflict between the Protestant and humanist Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation. Its twentieth-century manifestation was of course somewhat different from the original sixteenth- and seventeenth-century conflict. After the eighteenth century the historic force of anti-Catholic Reformation was mainly expressed in the form of intellectual Enlightenment, anti-clericalism, and social and cultural progressivism. But it would seem that in many ways the dynamics and aggressive energy of this great cultural confrontation was continued during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, although in a modified ideological and political shape. The years between 1910 and 1940 were the period when the conflict between political progressivism and Catholic conservatism reached its culmination. In Portugal the forces of cultural secularism and liberal republicanism were defeated by the new authoritarian regime led by Salazar. In Slovakia the foundation and then the end of the First Czechoslovak Republic brought the rise and then the victory of the Catho- lic opposition movement, the Slovak People’s Party of Andrej Hlinka and Jozef Tiso. -
Free Software As Commons
FREE SOFTWARE AS COMMONS BETWEEN INFORMATIONAL CAPITALISM AND A NEW MODE OF PRODUCTION By Emrah Irzık Submitted to Central European University Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Professor Jakob Rigi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2015 Statement I hereby state that the thesis contains no material accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. The thesis contains no materials previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgment is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Emrah Irzık Budapest, November 2015 CEU eTD Collection Abstract Free Software is a particular way of organizing the production and distribution of software that offers a solid alternative to the intellectual property regime by constituting an open commons: non-proprietary, created and held in common by all. Considering that in contemporary capitalism a significant amount of wealth is created through the application of intellectual effort to existing knowledge to produce new, higher compositions of knowledge that can be privately monetized as intellectual property, the challenge that Free Software might present to capitalism is bound to have important transformational potential. This potential needs to be studied both on an empirical level, in its partial and concrete manifestations in actual projects, and investigated more theoretically, to see if Free Software can be characterized as a nascent, new mode of production. This dissertation aims to contribute to the theorization of the relation between Free Software as a commons and the tenets of informational capitalism by means of an analytical study that is supported by an ethnography of a particular instance of Free Software as a project and a community. -
Neoliberalism and Depoliticisation in the Academy: Understanding the ‘New Student Rebellions’ Leon Sealey-Huggins and André Pusey
Graduate Journal of Social GJSS Science Neoliberalism and Depoliticisation in the Academy: Understanding the ‘New Student Rebellions’ Leon Sealey-Huggins and André Pusey Since 2009 there has been an upsurge in political activity in and around the UK, as well as in some European and American universities. These ‘new student rebellions’ have displayed levels of radicalism and po- litical activism seemingly unprecedented among recent generations of students. Broadly speaking, the intensification of this activity can be understood as being directly related to ongoing neoliberal reforms of education, a process intensified by the global financial crisis. In this article we seek to consider some of the detail of the emergence of these rebellions, and argue that they can be interpreted as part of resistance to the neoliberal tendencies in contemporary social life. As such, we argue that a depoliticised tendency accompanies the introduc- tion of, and resistance to, neoliberal mechanisms in Higher Education (HE). As activists in groups who have adopted more creative and ex- plicitly politically antagonistic forms of activism, we suggest that such forms might be more productive arenas for our energies if we want to challenge the neoliberal and depoliticised root causes of these con- flicts. Keywords: Post-politics, Neoliberalism, Higher Education, NUS, Student Protest, Creative Resistance. The image of the future is chang- duced precarity (Compagna 2013; ing for the current generation of Southwood 2011; Standing 2011). young people, haunted by the spec- Young people are not the only ones tre of the ‘graduate with no future’ facing increasingly precarious fu- (Mason 2011, 2012; Gillespie and tures; current government austerity Habermehl 2012). -
The Political Repression of Chinese Students After Tiananmen A
University of Nevada, Reno “To yield would mean our end”: The Political Repression of Chinese Students after Tiananmen A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by Katherine S. Robinson Dr. Hugh Shapiro/Thesis Advisor May, 2011 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL We recommend that the thesis prepared under our supervision by KATHERINE S. ROBINSON entitled “To Yield Would Mean Our End”: The Political Repression Of Chinese Students After Tiananmen be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Hugh Shapiro, Ph.D, Advisor Barbara Walker, Ph.D., Committee Member Jiangnan Zhu, Ph.D, Graduate School Representative Marsha H. Read, Ph. D., Associate Dean, Graduate School May, 2011 i ABSTRACT Following the military suppression of the Democracy Movement, the Chinese government enacted politically repressive policies against Chinese students both within China and overseas. After the suppression of the Democracy Movement, officials in the Chinese government made a correlation between the political control of students and the maintenance of political power by the Chinese Communist Party. The political repression of students in China resulted in new educational policies that changed the way that universities functioned and the way that students were allowed to interact. Political repression efforts directed at the large population of overseas Chinese students in the United States prompted governmental action to extend legal protection to these students. The long term implications of this repression are evident in the changed student culture among Chinese students and the extensive number of overseas students who did not return to China. -
Fado of Coimbra, Intangible Heritage with Touristic Value
Rosa dos Ventos ISSN: 2178-9061 [email protected] Universidade de Caxias do Sul Brasil Beyond Sight and Sound: Fado of Coimbra, Intangible Heritage with Touristic Value COSTA, JOANA; NOSSA, PAULO NUNO Beyond Sight and Sound: Fado of Coimbra, Intangible Heritage with Touristic Value Rosa dos Ventos, vol. 9, no. 4, 2017 Universidade de Caxias do Sul, Brasil Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=473552032004 DOI: https://doi.org/10.18226/21789061.v9i4p557 PDF generated from XML JATS4R by Redalyc Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative JOANA COSTA, et al. Beyond Sight and Sound: Fado of Coimbra, Intangible Heritage with Touristic Va... Artigos Beyond Sight and Sound: Fado of Coimbra, Intangible Heritage with Touristic Value Para além da Vista e do Som: Fado de Coimbra, Património Imaterial com Valor Turístico JOANA COSTA DOI: https://doi.org/10.18226/21789061.v9i4p557 Universidade de Coimbra, Portugal Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? [email protected] id=473552032004 PAULO NUNO NOSSA Universidade de Coimbra, Portugal [email protected] Received: 20 March 2017 Accepted: 20 July 2017 Abstract: On June 22nd, 2013, the University of Coimbra – Alta and Sofia was classified as a World Heritage Site. e World Heritage Committee added a sixth criterion to the Unesco list, distinguishing a particular cultural asset “directly or tangibly associated with a set of events, living traditions, ideas or beliefs, with aesthetic or literary works of outstanding universal significance”: Fado of Coimbra. Over time, this tradition has proven to be an aesthetic expression of lyricism and musicality and, together with a culture devoted to the dissemination of knowledge and the Portuguese language, it has made an inestimable contribution to the distinction awarded to the University of Coimbra. -
Bibliography
International Review of Social History 45 (2000), pp. 131–161 2000 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis BIBLIOGRAPHY General Issues SOCIAL THEORY AND SOCIAL SCIENCE ABELLA´N,JOSE´ LUIS. El exilio filoso´fico en Ame´rica. Los transterrados de 1939. Fondo de Cultura Econo´mica de Espan˜a, Madrid [etc.] 1998. 461 pp. Ptas. 3.000 (Paper: Pts. 2.400). During the Second Republic, Spanish philosophy reached a higher level than at any point since the Golden Age. This was attributable to a development that began with the gener- ation of 1898, first through Miguel de Unamuno, later through Ortega y Gasset. Spanish philosophy was influenced by Husserl, Scheler, Heidegger and Dilthey. In 1939 many phil- osophers fled Spain after the fall of the Republic and settled in Latin America. This book features a detailed description of the emergence of Spanish philosophy in exile. Each chap- ter addresses a specific movement, including socialism and Marxism. ACHTERHUIS,HANS. De erfenis van de utopie. Ambo, Amsterdam 1998. 444 pp. D.fl. 49.50. In this philosophical and historical exploration of the evolution of utopian ideas, rang- ing from its early modern roots in More’s Utopia to contemporary feminist science fiction, Professor Achterhuis distinguishes between utopias with social origins and those arising through technology. Unequivocally rejecting the social utopias, he argues that our contemporary technological culture may be viewed largely as a materialized utopia, without the negative consequences that were often foreseen. Finally, the author explores the lessons to be derived and the aspects worth preserving from the utopian heritage. BRUDNEY,DANIEL. Marx’s Attempt to Leave Philosophy. -
How Anti-Vietnam War Student Activists Overcame Internal and External Divisions to End the War in Vietnam Jeffrey L
Volume 17 Article 9 May 2018 A Divided Generation: How Anti-Vietnam War Student Activists Overcame Internal and External Divisions to End the War in Vietnam Jeffrey L. Lauck Gettysburg College Class of 2018 Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/ghj Part of the Political History Commons, Social History Commons, and the United States History Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Lauck, Jeffrey L. (2018) "A Divided Generation: How Anti-Vietnam War Student Activists Overcame Internal and External Divisions to End the War in Vietnam," The Gettysburg Historical Journal: Vol. 17 , Article 9. Available at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/ghj/vol17/iss1/9 This open access article is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Divided Generation: How Anti-Vietnam War Student Activists Overcame Internal and External Divisions to End the War in Vietnam Abstract Far too often, student protest movements and organizations of the 1960s and 1970s are treated as monolithic in their ideologies, goals, and membership. This paper dives into the many divides within groups like Students for a Democratic Society and Young Americans for Freedom during their heyday in the Vietnam War Era. Based on original primary source research on the “Radical Pamphlets Collection” in Musselman Library Special Collections, Gettysburg College, this study shows how these various student activist groups both overcame these differences and were torn apart by them. The ap per concludes with a discussion about what made the Vietnam War Era the prime time for student activism and what factors have prevented mass student protest since then. -
The Right Kind of Anarchy
The Right Kind of Anarchy Harry Kaloen, Jr. rise to address you on this high and important family will corrupt you, your friends will corrupt you." ceremonial occasion filled with a sense of gloom, I cite this not only in sentimental acknowledgment I of being defeated, as it were, before I start by two of a memory that came back to me as I began to reflect circumstances: the first is the literary genre of the con on today's occasion. There is in it also a bridge to my vocation address, and the second is that unavoidable current topic. One cannot, I think, imagine a college topic, contemporary student protest and unrest. I am president today making so personal a moral statement convinced that no one can give a successful talk in this to students; and therein may be one source of the cur art form-prose drafted by a committee and engraved rent difficulties. on stone. I am convinced too that no one can at this Moreover, there is the shift in the image of the uni point say anything fresh or insightful about the phe versity. Implicit in Mr. Hutchins' remarks is the idea nomenon of student protest. of the university as an island of truth, a sanctuary of I overstate my thesis. It's not quite true that it is al rationality in a materialistic and corrupting world. If together impossible to give a successful convocation today we imagine the roles reversed so that it is the address. The more precise statement is that they are ra students who are making the convocation address to tioned by some divine plan so that there may be one the university as they leave it: good one every century.