A Thesis Entitled the Impact of Women on the Political Process In
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A Thesis entitled The Impact of Women on the Political Process in Latin America By Nathan Daniels as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Bachelor of Science Degree with Honors in Political Science Advisor: _____________________ Dr. Jetsabe Cáceres Honors College Director:_____________________ Dr. Monica Condon The University of Toledo MAY 2013 Abstract Research was done to determine what impacts women make on the political process. The research ranged from the types of policies they advocate, how they come into power, how their form their ideological views, and the impact of birth order, siblings, and familial relations. This study then analyzed four women to determine whether the findings of the research held true. Overall, the finding showed that the women exhibited many of the characteristics shown in the research, though some characteristics were stronger indicators than others. No woman had every characteristic mentioned, which shows that the research only revealed generalizations. Additional research is warranted to determine whether these characteristics hold true for female leaders in other parts of the world. ii Acknowledgements This thesis is dedicated to my advisor, Dr. Jetsabe Cáceres, in appreciation for her support for my academic endeavors. She has been instrumental in developing my interest in politics and global affairs. I also express my gratitude to Dr. Monica Condon and the Honors College at the University of Toledo for their support of my academic endeavors. They have helped me develop my writing skills as well as my analytical skills, which helped me formulate this thesis. iii Table of Contents Chapter One: Women and the Political Process………………………………………………………..……....…..1 Methodology………………………………………………………………………...……………………5 Chapter Two: Christina Fernández de Kirchner of Argentina……………………………………...……...………8 Compassion……………………………………………………………………………………………...12 Social Issues…………………………………..…………………………………………………………14 Ideology, Religion, and Social Status…………………………………………………..……………….15 Ascension to Power………………………………………………………………………..……………16 Birth Order, Siblings, and Familial Relations……………………………………………………..……17 Conclusions………………………………………………………….………………………………….18 Chapter Three: Dilma Rousseff of Brazil………………………………………………………………………...20 Compassion……………………………………………………………………………………………..26 Social Issues…………………………………………………………………………………………….27 Ideology, Religion, and Social Status…………………………………………………………………..29 Ascension to Power…………………………………………………………………………………….30 Birth Order, Siblings, and Familial Relations………………………………………………………….31 Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………………………….32 Chapter Four: Laura Chinchilla of Costa Rica…………………………………………………………………..34 Compassion…………………………………………………………………………………………….38 Social Issues……………………………………………………………………………………………38 Ideology, Religion, and Social Status………………………………………………………………….40 Ascension to Power………………………………………………………………………....……….…41 iv Birth Order, Siblings, and Social Status…………………………………………………….………….42 Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………………………….43 Chapter Five: Michelle Bachelet of Chile……………………………………………………………………….45 Compassion…………………………………………………………………………………………….53 Social Issues……………………………………………………………………………………………55 Ideology, Religion, and Social Statuts………………………………………………………………...55 Ascension to Power……………………………………………………………………………………56 Birth Order, Siblings, and Social Status………………………………………………………….……57 Conclusions……………………………………………………………………………………………59 Final Conclusions……………………………………………………………………………………………….60 Notes…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….73 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………….89 v vi Chapter One: Women and the Political Process The number of women participating in politics worldwide has increased markedly over the past few decades. As of June 2008, women accounted for 21.8 percent of legislatures in the Americas1. According to the International Women’s Democracy Center, the percentage of women participating in parliamentary politics increased four-fold from 1945-19952. Despite this increase in participation, inequalities remain between men and women in terms of political status, political access, and political influence3. General differences exist between male and female politicians, though research is relatively limited in this area because it is a relatively recent development. Women tend to be seen as more caring and compassionate than men4. This can have an impact on what policy areas are pursued and how legislators vote. Research shows that women are more likely to champion social issues dealing with family matters, women’s issues, childcare issues, and issues that deal with violence against women5. Some analyses refer to these as “gender-bases issues”. It is believed that women have a deeper knowledge of these gender-based issues because they see them from a different perspective and have had different experiences than men6. This is important because their perspectives allow them to make more informed decisions. Other findings show that women are more likely to value citizen participation and consultation in the policy-making process7. This provides more evidence for the claim that women are caring and compassionate. Generally, they genuinely care about their constituents and want to do what they can to help them. Perhaps it is the “motherly instinct” in them that inherently causes them to care for others. Women are also more likely to consult and consider a 1 more diverse range of opinions in areas of policy than men8. From this it can be inferred that women would likely have a greater awareness of the range of consequences that a particular action would lead to, particularly in the realm of social issues. A greater awareness allows politicians to desire to be more informed in making their decisions. A recent study by David Niven (1998) revealed that many female officeholders believe that party leaders discourage women from running for office9. Niven’s study reveals a gender bias that occurs in the recruitment of candidates for office. Some countries have put gender quotas in place with the intention of generating greater diversity in legislatures10. Leslie Schwindt-Bayer (2010) has noted that gender quotas can sometimes lead to the marginalization of female politicians11. Some men may feel that their female counterparts are infiltrating their political territory and will stifle attempts by women to shape the political dialogue12. Women tend to rank these issues higher in terms of importance than men do13. Thus, women’s issues do not receive the attention that they would receive if women have greater influence. Some women may feel compelled to run for office in order to highlight these issues in hopes that they will become a greater priority. They may be seen as “standing and acting for women14”. They may also encourage other women to take action and to voice their opinions in areas of policy. In fact, women are more likely than men to encourage those who aspire to run for office, with women who identify themselves as feminists being the most active in doing so15 . Women’s stances on issues are also based on ideology and class. There is a notion, espoused by Derverger (1955), that women can wield considerable influence in certain policy areas when they have a feminine ideology16. Their influence is particularly notable on “gender- based” issues such as violence against women and gender equality. In terms of social class, Kristyn Call (2009) noted a study by Norrander and Wilcox (2007) that determined that the 2 impact of income on women’s ideological views is relatively insignificant17. Call (2009) looks at Chile specifically, noting that there is little disparity in income amongst women in Chile due to limited access to formal employment18. This lack of income disparity may be a contributing factor to the insignificance of income in determining ideology19. A woman’s attitude toward income equality is a significant determinant of her ideology20. In terms of religion, the study by Norrander and Wilcox (2007) found that women who identify themselves as religious tend to hold traditional, conservative values21. Religion is a major part of life in Latin America, so it stands to reason that the religious community is an influential player in the political process. It has been much harder for women to become political leaders than men. Farida Jalalzai (2004) hypothesizes that women are more likely to ascend to power when their powers are either few in number or constrained. She justifies her claim that women tend to ascend to power in situations where their powers are either few or constrained by saying that the public still sees the office of the executive as a masculine position. This can be interpreted as proof that the general public is still uncertain about whether women would be able to handle the responsibilities of the executive, a “fear of the unknown”. A presidency that is structured to constrain the power of the executive would likely be more agreeable to the public because it does not place a large amount of power in the hands of a female executive. Jalalzai (2004) also claims that women tend to enter into these positions during political transitions and times of instability, in states with weak political institutionalization, and in contexts with a high degree of patronization22. Many women have come to power through political transitions such as acting as the interim executive or through succession23. She argues that women may not seem as threatening if they are only temporary replacements24. Some states have low levels of