A Thesis
entitled
The Impact of Women on the
Political Process in Latin America
By
Nathan Daniels
as partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the Bachelor of Science Degree
with Honors
in
Political Science
Advisor: ______
Dr. Jetsabe Cáceres
Honors College Director:______
Dr. Monica Condon
The University of Toledo
MAY 2013 Abstract
Research was done to determine what impacts women make on the political process. The research ranged from the types of policies they advocate, how they come into power, how their form their ideological views, and the impact of birth order, siblings, and familial relations. This study then analyzed four women to determine whether the findings of the research held true.
Overall, the finding showed that the women exhibited many of the characteristics shown in the research, though some characteristics were stronger indicators than others. No woman had every characteristic mentioned, which shows that the research only revealed generalizations. Additional research is warranted to determine whether these characteristics hold true for female leaders in other parts of the world.
ii Acknowledgements
This thesis is dedicated to my advisor, Dr. Jetsabe Cáceres, in appreciation for her support for my academic endeavors. She has been instrumental in developing my interest in politics and global affairs.
I also express my gratitude to Dr. Monica Condon and the Honors College at the University of Toledo for their support of my academic endeavors. They have helped me develop my writing skills as well as my analytical skills, which helped me formulate this thesis.
iii Table of Contents
Chapter One: Women and the Political Process………………………………………………………..……....…..1
Methodology………………………………………………………………………...……………………5
Chapter Two: Christina Fernández de Kirchner of Argentina……………………………………...……...………8
Compassion……………………………………………………………………………………………...12
Social Issues…………………………………..…………………………………………………………14
Ideology, Religion, and Social Status…………………………………………………..……………….15
Ascension to Power………………………………………………………………………..……………16
Birth Order, Siblings, and Familial Relations……………………………………………………..……17
Conclusions………………………………………………………….………………………………….18
Chapter Three: Dilma Rousseff of Brazil………………………………………………………………………...20
Compassion……………………………………………………………………………………………..26
Social Issues…………………………………………………………………………………………….27
Ideology, Religion, and Social Status…………………………………………………………………..29
Ascension to Power…………………………………………………………………………………….30
Birth Order, Siblings, and Familial Relations………………………………………………………….31
Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………………………….32
Chapter Four: Laura Chinchilla of Costa Rica…………………………………………………………………..34
Compassion…………………………………………………………………………………………….38
Social Issues……………………………………………………………………………………………38
Ideology, Religion, and Social Status………………………………………………………………….40
Ascension to Power………………………………………………………………………....……….…41
iv Birth Order, Siblings, and Social Status…………………………………………………….………….42
Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………………………….43
Chapter Five: Michelle Bachelet of Chile……………………………………………………………………….45
Compassion…………………………………………………………………………………………….53
Social Issues……………………………………………………………………………………………55
Ideology, Religion, and Social Statuts………………………………………………………………...55
Ascension to Power……………………………………………………………………………………56
Birth Order, Siblings, and Social Status………………………………………………………….……57
Conclusions……………………………………………………………………………………………59
Final Conclusions……………………………………………………………………………………………….60
Notes…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….73 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………….89
v vi Chapter One: Women and the Political Process
The number of women participating in politics worldwide has increased markedly over
the past few decades. As of June 2008, women accounted for 21.8 percent of legislatures in the
Americas1. According to the International Women’s Democracy Center, the percentage of
women participating in parliamentary politics increased four-fold from 1945-19952. Despite this
increase in participation, inequalities remain between men and women in terms of political
status, political access, and political influence3.
General differences exist between male and female politicians, though research is
relatively limited in this area because it is a relatively recent development. Women tend to be
seen as more caring and compassionate than men4. This can have an impact on what policy areas
are pursued and how legislators vote. Research shows that women are more likely to champion
social issues dealing with family matters, women’s issues, childcare issues, and issues that deal
with violence against women5. Some analyses refer to these as “gender-bases issues”. It is
believed that women have a deeper knowledge of these gender-based issues because they see
them from a different perspective and have had different experiences than men6. This is important because their perspectives allow them to make more informed decisions.
Other findings show that women are more likely to value citizen participation and consultation in the policy-making process7. This provides more evidence for the claim that
women are caring and compassionate. Generally, they genuinely care about their constituents
and want to do what they can to help them. Perhaps it is the “motherly instinct” in them that
inherently causes them to care for others. Women are also more likely to consult and consider a
1 more diverse range of opinions in areas of policy than men8. From this it can be inferred that
women would likely have a greater awareness of the range of consequences that a particular
action would lead to, particularly in the realm of social issues. A greater awareness allows
politicians to desire to be more informed in making their decisions.
A recent study by David Niven (1998) revealed that many female officeholders believe
that party leaders discourage women from running for office9. Niven’s study reveals a gender
bias that occurs in the recruitment of candidates for office. Some countries have put gender
quotas in place with the intention of generating greater diversity in legislatures10. Leslie
Schwindt-Bayer (2010) has noted that gender quotas can sometimes lead to the marginalization
of female politicians11. Some men may feel that their female counterparts are infiltrating their
political territory and will stifle attempts by women to shape the political dialogue12. Women tend to rank these issues higher in terms of importance than men do13. Thus, women’s issues do
not receive the attention that they would receive if women have greater influence. Some women
may feel compelled to run for office in order to highlight these issues in hopes that they will
become a greater priority. They may be seen as “standing and acting for women14”. They may
also encourage other women to take action and to voice their opinions in areas of policy. In fact,
women are more likely than men to encourage those who aspire to run for office, with women
who identify themselves as feminists being the most active in doing so15 .
Women’s stances on issues are also based on ideology and class. There is a notion,
espoused by Derverger (1955), that women can wield considerable influence in certain policy
areas when they have a feminine ideology16. Their influence is particularly notable on “gender-
based” issues such as violence against women and gender equality. In terms of social class,
Kristyn Call (2009) noted a study by Norrander and Wilcox (2007) that determined that the
2 impact of income on women’s ideological views is relatively insignificant17. Call (2009) looks at
Chile specifically, noting that there is little disparity in income amongst women in Chile due to limited access to formal employment18. This lack of income disparity may be a contributing factor to the insignificance of income in determining ideology19. A woman’s attitude toward income equality is a significant determinant of her ideology20. In terms of religion, the study by
Norrander and Wilcox (2007) found that women who identify themselves as religious tend to hold traditional, conservative values21. Religion is a major part of life in Latin America, so it stands to reason that the religious community is an influential player in the political process.
It has been much harder for women to become political leaders than men. Farida Jalalzai
(2004) hypothesizes that women are more likely to ascend to power when their powers are either few in number or constrained. She justifies her claim that women tend to ascend to power in situations where their powers are either few or constrained by saying that the public still sees the office of the executive as a masculine position. This can be interpreted as proof that the general public is still uncertain about whether women would be able to handle the responsibilities of the executive, a “fear of the unknown”. A presidency that is structured to constrain the power of the executive would likely be more agreeable to the public because it does not place a large amount of power in the hands of a female executive.
Jalalzai (2004) also claims that women tend to enter into these positions during political transitions and times of instability, in states with weak political institutionalization, and in contexts with a high degree of patronization22. Many women have come to power through political transitions such as acting as the interim executive or through succession23. She argues that women may not seem as threatening if they are only temporary replacements24. Some states have low levels of institutionalization due to several assassinations and repeated coups, leading
3 to a lack of stability25. In this scenario, women can rise to power by being a member of the
dominant political group, by being a member of a well-connected family, or by having marital or
familial ties to the previous leader26. It can be inferred that the public places more trust in them
in these scenarios because of their proximity to leadership and because they are seen as political
outsiders. Their proximity to leadership allows them to have a greater chance of ascending to
power if the executive can no longer serve. Loyalty is a major factor here because loyalty to the
party and the leader can allow her to move into higher positions of power. They are seen as
political outsiders by much of the public, but they are also seen as untainted by corruption and as
less likely to abuse power27.
Blema Steinberg (2002) offers a very interesting take on the making of presidents. She
looks at birth order as a factor. Studies show that first born children tend to have the greatest
academic achievement among siblings28. They also tend to be more dominant and aggressive and
have greater expectations from their parents29. First-born children rank higher than other children
on two indices of narcissism30 . They tend to be interested in hard sciences and are therefore
overrepresented in the medicine, law, and political professions31. This study argues, in addition, that first-born children with many siblings learn to be more responsible because they must care for and teach their younger siblings. Many elected officials are first-born children.
Unfortunately, the data collected for this study looked almost exclusively at male politicians.
There is still the question of whether this trend holds true for female politicians as well. This is something that I will consider in my discussion.
Steinberg also believes that the sex of siblings plays a role in development. The absence of an older brother leads to greater parental involvement, including a closer father-daughter relationship32. Families with both a son and a daughter tend to treat the two differently, leading
4 to the intensification of masculine and feminine roles33. However, further studies have refuted
this claim, saying that the inclusion of brothers may lead to the intensification of masculine roles
among women34. In general, it appears that first-born daughters receive more attention and are
treated as an “honorary son”. They are less likely to be discouraged from pursuing careers that
are traditionally held by men35.
Just as male politicians tend to identify more with their mothers, female politicians tend to identify with their fathers36. They felt that their fathers expected much of them and encouraged
them to move beyond their gender role limitations37. These women also felt the maturity that
their parents demanded allowed them to become more assertive and independent38. Even though women tend to feel closer to their fathers, their choice of profession may be influenced by their mothers39. This would explain why many women have now chosen professional careers as
opposed to homemaking. This is another factor that this study will consider.
As mentioned above, research in the area of female politicians and policy-making is
relatively scarce. Some general differences can be noted and it is possible that women can have a
major impact on the types of issues that are discussed and the way those issues are handled. They
bring a distinct and unique perspective that male politicians cannot bring because they have had
different experiences. Through the following analysis, I will argue that (1) The way in which
women are socialized has an impact, (2) Their class and ideology play an important role in
determining their stances on issues, (3) They tend to attain power differently than men do, (4)
Their familial structure can have a major impact on how they behave in general and may have an
influence on their quest for power. While some trends can be seen, it is important to note that
they do not hold true in every scenario.
5 Methodology
While female presidents exist throughout the world, Latin America serves as a particularly interesting region because it has seen a major increase in female presidents over the last decade. Furthermore, the region has a long history of female presidents, dating back to the
1970s. It is interesting to note that the first ever female president in the world was Argentinean.
This study will utilize the theories explained above to determine whether they hold true in the cases of four female presidents from Latin America. While female presidents exist throughout the world, I chose Latin America because it has seen a major increase in female presidents over the last decade. It will be easier to analyze these leaders and the impact of their actions since they all ruled within the same timeframe, relatively speaking. Christina Fernández de Kirchner of Argentina, Dilma Rousseff of Brazil, Laura Chinchilla of Costa Rica, and
Michelle Bachelet of Chile. It will be easier to analyze these leaders and the impacts of their actions since they all ruled within the same time frame, relatively speaking. All of them served within the past decade.
The data employed by this study is a collection of different sources: experts within the field of political science and gender science; different newspapers and news websites. Archival research was collected from various Latin American media entities and Western media entities.
This allows the reader to see both the positive and negative perspectives on the issues being discussed because some sources have a bias for or against the leaders discussed. With a consideration of the potential biases, this information will be analyzed to determine whether these women are consistent with the theories stated above. Each case study will begin with a biography of the leader from birth through her presidency. The study will then be broken into
6 sub-sections that will analyze the impacts of her decisions and whether the decisions are consistent with the theories above. The conclusion will offer some thoughts as to the impact these women have on politics in Latin America.
7 Chapter Two: Christina Fernández de Kirchner of Argentina
The first case study to be analyzed is Argentinian President Christina Fernández de
Kirchner. She was born on February 19, 1953 in La Plata, Argentina40. She studied politics and
law at the National University of La Plata during the 1970s41. It was there that she became
involved in the Peronist Youth Movement42. The Peronist Youth Movement believed in
antagonistic class struggles as well as the transition from capitalism to socialism43. They also
believed in the emancipation of the popular masses and held a Justicialist ideology44. Justicialism
is a fascist ideology that emerged during Juan Perón’s rule that involved government control and
economic control to achieve social justice and welfare45. Justicialism is essentially a form of
socialism that Juan Perón put in place during his rule.
During her college years she met her husband, Néstor Kirchner46. They were married on
March 9, 197547. Persecution of political activists under the military junta forced them to step away from their activism during the late 1970s48. It was during this time that her two children
were born: Máximo, in 1977, and Florencia, in 198049. The Kirchners then opened up a law firm
in the province of Santa Cruz, allowing them to stay active in community affairs50.
Fernández entered the political world when she was elected to the Santa Cruz Provincial
Legislature in 1989. She was re-elected in 199351. She was elected to represent Santa Cruz in the
Argentine Senate in 1995 and to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies (Argentina’s version of the
U.S. House of Representatives) in 199752. She was once again elected to the Argentine Senate in
200153.
8 Néstor Kirchner, her husband, ran for president in 2003 against three other Justicialist
candidates, one of which was the incumbent President, Carlos Saúl Menem54. Néstor Kirchner
won the presidency and was inaugurated on May 25, 2003, making Fernández the First Lady
while she remained in the Senate55. This gave her the unique opportunity to promote her
husband’s agenda in the Senate56. She was known for her combative speaking style, which was
similar to Isabel Perón’s57. In 2005 she was elected to represent the Buenos Aires province in the
Senate58.
Néstor Kirchner decided not to run again in 2007 and instead supported his wife’s
candidacy for presidency59. She campaigned with the promise to expand the economic and social
programs that her husband began60. She won the election, beating her opponent, Elisa Carrió, by
22 points61. Fernández became the first elected female president of Argentina. Isabel Perón
became president after her husband, Juan Perón, died in office62.
Allegations surfaced shortly after she became president that Venezuelan agents pressured
Guido Alejandro Antonini Wilson to lie in a U.S. court about the origin of nearly $800,000 that
Wilson was caught with in a suitcase at the Buenos Aires airport63. U.S. officials claimed that the
money was intended to help the Kirchner campaign64. Argentina reacted angrily toward the U.S. following these allegations and restricted the access of the U.S. ambassador to foreign ministry officials only65. This incident soured U.S.-Argentinian relations early on in her presidency. One of her harshest critics within Argentina was her former opponent, Elisa Carrió, who said, “The
United States is not responsible for the crimes of corruption committed by the governments of
Venezuela and Argentina”66.
In March 2008, Fernández introduced an export tax increase on soybeans that would be
raised from 35 percent to 44 percent, which angered many farmers67. Their anger turned into
9 protests that included road blockades and the withholding of produce and cattle from markets68.
Pro-government protesters clashed numerous times with the protesting farmers69. The police were accused of turning a blind eye when the protests turned violent. One of the critics again was
Elisa Carrió70. Following the protests, Fernández’s popularity ratings fell to 23 percent71. The tax was put to a vote in the legislature; it narrowly passed the Chamber of Deputies but lost in the
Senate, where the vote was 37-3672. The deciding vote was cast by Argentinian Vice President
Julian Cobos73.
In an effort to protect retirees from the global financial crisis, Fernández introduced a measure that would nationalize ten bank-owned pension funds74. Together, these firms held nearly $30 billion and included the retirement savings of about 53 percent of workers75. This increase in state control was criticized by opponents as nationalization of funds that could be used to pay down the national debt76. The measure passed both the Chamber of Deputies and the
Senate77.
Fernández has had a contentious relationship with the media, particularly Grupo Clarín, which tends to be critical of her78. She was criticized by her opponents for enacting a law that would make it easier to collect DNA samples of children that were suspected of having been kidnapped during the military dictatorship during the late 1970s79. The law was controversial because Fernández’s supporters had accused Ernestina Herrera Noble, the owner of Grupo
Clarín, of adopting two children whose mother had been murdered during the dictatorship80.
Fernández’s opponents, and Elisa Carrió specifically, criticized the law as “pure fascism” and an attempt to silence her opponents81. DNA tests later proved that the two children in question were not the ones that had disappeared during the dictatorship82.
10 In November 2009 an investigation was launched to determine how the Kirchner fortune
had grown so drastically. The fortune had grown 158 percent since 2008 and 572 percent since
200383. A report issued by Argentina’s Anti-Corruption Office said that the numbers did add
up84. The investigation was suspended on December 30, 200985.
In 2010 she requested that $6.7 billion be transferred from the Central Bank to a
bicentennial fund to be used to pay down the nation’s debt86. This was controversial on many
accounts. First, the fund would be administrated by her. Her opponents worried that she would
use the funds to fund her political campaigns87. Second, the law stated that the legislature is in
charge of such a measure. It was not passed by the legislature88. It was for this reason that the
Central Bank President, Martín Redrado, refused to move forward with the request89.
Fernández’s advisers countered that she did have the power to enact the measure because the
legislature was out of session and the banks were out of control90. She later fired Redrado for his
refusal91.
In February 2010 a British oil company began drilling for oil 60 miles off the Falkland
Islands92. The oil reserve could supposedly yield millions of barrels of oil93. Both Argentina and
Great Britain claim the Falkland Islands as their own. Argentina strongly opposed the drilling by
the British and received unanimous support from other Latin American presidents at a summit in
Cancún94. Argentina decided to respond by negotiating with the U.N. instead of military action95.
Fernández enacted a law in July 2010 that legalized same-sex marriage96. As she signed
the bill into law, she said, “Today, we live in a more equal society than last week97.” She also noted that times were changing and pointed to a divorce law that had been enacted years earlier.
She emphasized the need for equality and addressed those who were not in favor of the law: “In time they will be, and we will be waiting for all of them”98.
11 Tragedy struck on October 27, 2010 when her husband, the former president, died of a
heart attack99. Néstor Kirchner will obviously be remembered as the predecessor to his wife to
the presidency, although he represented Buenos Aires in the legislature at the time of his
death100. His coffin was on display at the Casa Rosada (the Argentinian version of the White
House) and thousands waited in line to show their respects and offer support to his wife101.
Fernández ran again in October 2011. She won with 54 percent of the vote, beating her nearest opponent, Socialist candidate Hermes Binner, by 37 points102. The last person to win by
such a margin was Juan Perón103. Some thought that she would have a tough time winning
because of how controversial she had been in her first term104. It might also have been due to the
similarities between her and Isabel Perón.
In December 2011, she proposed a controversial anti-terrorism and financial crimes law.
The law raised the penalties for financial crimes such as money laundering and bribery105. It also
raised the penalties for those attempting to “terrorize the population”106. The definition of what
constituted terrorism was left rather vague, leaving people wondering where they stood in
reference to the law107. The worry was that judges may have ulterior motives in their rulings and
would rule against political opponents108. One of the issues raised was the right to protest. A
vague law would allow protests to easily be construed as terrorism and could lead to human
rights abuses directed at political opponents109.
Compassion
As mentioned above, women are understood to be more caring and compassionate than
men110. Fernández has shown compassion through her social views. Her enactment of same-sex
marriage and her subsequent statements on the need for equality can be construed as
12 compassionate. Additionally, she transferred nearly $2 million in cash transfers to poor families with school children in one year’s time111. This has helped to bolster her popularity among poor and lower-middle class families112.
Despite these shows of compassion, she has also demonstrated ruthless and aggressive behavior. Her attack on the media and Ernestina Herrera Noble, in particular, is a testament to how brutal she can be toward her opponents. Fernández’s combative style in the legislature prior to her ascension to the presidency resembled Isabel Perón’s. Perón was notorious for her ruthless style of dealing with her opponents. Fernández’s anti-terrorism law and the potential human rights abuses that could be directed at her opponents show a side of her that is far from compassionate.
It is important to analyze her instances of compassion relative to her predecessors to determine whether she is indeed more compassionate. Her predecessor and husband, Néstor
Kirchner, fought to revoke a pair of amnesty laws that prevented the prosecution of military officers accused of human rights abuses from the 1976-1983 dictatorship113. The fight to repeal such a law was a show of compassion and offered at least some closure to the victims of the dictatorship, many of whom still had missing family members. Additionally, Kirchner compensated children who were victimized by the dictatorship up to $75,000 each and asked them to forgive the state114. Argentina was devastated by an economic crisis in 2002115. The crisis proved so difficult to maneuver that Argentina had five presidents within the span of two weeks116. These presidents were forced to deal with the economic crisis and were unable to focus on issues dealing with compassion. Carlos Menem, who served as president during the 1990s, also focused on economic issues throughout his presidency117. Notably, Menem showed a
13 distinct lack of compassion when he pardoned military officers accused of human rights abuses,
a move which he was heavily criticized for118.
Fernández has shown herself to be more compassionate than her male predecessors. It should be noted that many of her predecessors were forced to deal with economic issues and thus were unable to focus on issues of compassion as she was able to. Despite her aggressive and ruthless style, she has been able to direct her focus on issues aside from economic crises. The legalization of same-sex marriage, fight for equality, and her proposals to aid the poor were all examples of compassion that stand above her predecessors.
Social Issues
Fernández has certainly focused on social issues during her presidency. As mentioned
above, she legalized same-sex marriage. She allocated a greater amount of funding to poor
families with school age children. These are not strictly “gender-based issues”, but they are more
likely to be championed by women. Her perspective on these issues is different from her male
counterparts. As a woman, she has had different experiences which have shaped her views in a
way that allows her to see things from a different perspective.
Some women aspire to run for office to encourage other women to run or to highlight
issues that are important to them. Fernández ran so that she could continue her husband’s
policies119. She will undoubtedly be an inspiration to some women who aspire to politics in
South America since she was the first elected female president of Argentina. She has mentioned
that she was inspired by another woman: Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton120. Analysts believe
that Clinton’s candidacy reinforced the idea that old traditions are beginning to break down,
leading to more women in politics121.
14 The election of Fernández brought about a change in Argentina’s social policies. Part of the reason for this is due to the different experiences and perspectives she had as a woman.
Another reason is because she was able to focus on issues other than economic turmoil. Turmoil did exist, but not to the extent that it did in the 1990s and early 2000s. She has served as a champion of social issues, especially when compared to her predecessors.
Ideology, Religion, and Social Status
Fernández has wielded influence in the areas of gender equality and gender-based issues.
This is consistent with the idea noted by Derverger (1955) that women are able to have an influence in these areas. She has advocated for gender equality and legalized same-sex marriage.
Furthermore, her advocacy in these areas is atypical in Argentinian politics, which has been dominated by the economic crisis for the past 15 years.
Her views on income equality have influenced her policies as president. She tends to favor state-led solutions as opposed to market-led solutions. Her attempt to nationalize banks in order to protect the retirement savings of the elderly is a prime example of this, as is her transfer of money to a bicentennial fund to pay down the debt. She was involved with the Peronist Youth
Movement while in college, which favored a transition from capitalism to socialism. She belongs to the Justicialist Party, which leans socialist. During her campaign, some of her strongest supporters were members of a youth organization called “La Cámpora”, which also leans socialist122. The redistribution of funds to poor families with school children was also influenced by her socialist leanings.
Fernández’s religious views have not had a major influence on her policies. The study by
Norrander and Wilcox (2007) found that women who identify with religion tend to have more
15 traditional, conservative values. Her policies have been socially liberal and she has often been at
odds with leaders of the Roman Catholic Church. Both she and her husband have been criticized,
particularly by recently-elected Pope Francis I, for teaching sex education in schools and offering
free contraception123. Her case has stood in contrast with the findings of the study by Norrander
and Wilcox (2007).
Fernández was born into a working class family124. Her father, Eduardo Fernández, was a
bus driver and an anti-Peronist125. Her mother, Ofelia Wilhelm, was a Peronist and a trade union leader126. Her case is consistent with the hypothesis by Narrander and Wilcox (2007) that views
on income equality influence ideological views. Her views on income equality were influenced
by her upbringing in a working class family. This explains her compassion for the poor and her
distrust of corporations. Her involvement with the Peronist Youth Movement suggests that her
mother had a stronger influence on her than her father did. This point will be discussed later on.
It is interesting to note that she fought with the unions numerous times during her presidency,
despite her support for the working class. The most prominent instance was when she raised
taxes on agricultural exports, prompting massive protests by the farmers’ unions. Despite that,
most of her supporters belonged to the working class and poor.
Ascension to Power
Farida Jalalzai (2004) believes that women come to power when their powers are few and
constrained, believing that the public generally sees the executive as a masculine position.
Fernández was the first elected female president of Argentina. Isabel Perón was the first female
president of the country, but she ascended to the presidency following the death of her husband.
It could also be argued that Perón’s combative and violent tendencies were masculine tendencies.
The Argentinian constitution created an executive that is relatively similar to the United States.
16 The executive is to be one person, with a vice president127. The executive has the authority to enforce the laws provided in the constitution, is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, and is the chief diplomat for Argentina128. The executive is relatively restricted, which is more agreeable to the public, according to Jalalzai.
Jalalzai (2004) claims that women tend to enter into politics during times of transition, with weak political institutionalization, and with a high degree of patronization. She came to power during the return of the left in Latin America that began with Hugo Chávez in Venezuela,
Lula Inácio Da Silva in Brazil, then Néstor Kirchner in Argentina. The return of the left continued and Fernández has rode that wave. In addition, she is still part of a major economic recovery in Argentina following the Argentinian economic crisis in 2002, which her husband is lauded for significantly turning around129. There is a degree of patronization since her husband was her predecessor. The resources that he had as president undoubtedly gave her an advantage in the campaign.
Birth Order, Siblings, and Familial Relations
In terms of birth order, she is the eldest of two daughters130. The eldest sibling tends to be more dominant and aggressive. This is certainly consistent with how she treats her foes and how she legislated. First-born children also rank higher in terms of narcissism. She likely has a high degree of narcissism, as evinced by her inability to accept criticism of her actions. They tend to be interested in hard sciences and are overrepresented in medicine, law, and political professions.
She went to law school and entered politics. Much of this research was done on men, but it holds true in Kirchner’s case.
17 The absence of an older brother leads to greater parental involvement and a close father-
daughter relationship. This is not consistent in her case. Her father was an anti-Peronist, and she
opposed him politically131. Her relationship with her father was distant, and she did not speak
much of him132. Her opponents accused her of being ashamed of her father because of this133.
The first-born are usually given greater attention and are treated as an “honorary son”. They are also less likely to be discouraged from pursuing roles typically held by men. This holds true in her case. Fernández did not identify with her father, as most women do. She identifies with her mother, who likely influenced her Peronist views. The maturity that was demanded of her likely led to her becoming both aggressive and independent. Her involvement in the Peronist movement (which was influenced by her mother) led to her involvement in politics and to her eventual ascension to the presidency.
Conclusions
Christina Fernández de Kirchner has been more compassionate than her male
predecessors, despite her sometimes aggressive behavior. She has also been a champion for
social issues relative to her predecessors. She has been able to wield influence in areas of gender
equality and same-sex marriage. Her perspective as a woman has enabled her to have that
influence, though it is important to consider the fact that the economic crisis of 2002 turned the
focus away from such issues. Her upbringing shaped her views on income equality and her
policies as president are consistent with her socialist views. Her religion has not influenced her
policies, as the study by Norrander and Wilcox (2007) suggests. She has been in conflict with the
Roman Catholic Church on several social issues. She came to power during the return of the left
in Latin America as well as a transition to a more economically stable Argentina. Her succession
to the presidency following her husband suggests that there was some patronization. In terms of
18 birth order, her case is consistent with each of the traits of a first-born child. This research was done on men, but it holds true for her case. She did not have a close relationship with her father, as Steinberg’s (2002) study suggests. Her mother had a greater influence on her. Fernández’s case is consistent with much of the research on female presidents, though she diverges from the studies that consider the influence of her religion as well as the influence of her father in her development.
The next chapter will focus on Dilma Rousseff of Brazil, who ascended to the presidency of Brazil in 2011. Her involvement in policies can be traced back several decades, beginning with her involvement in an armed resistance movement against the military dictatorship in the late 1960s.
19 Chapter Three: Dilma Rousseff of Brazil
Dilma Vana Rousseff was born on December 14, 1947 in Belo Horizonte, Brazil134. She
received her primary education at the Nossa Senhora de Sion School, which was run by nuns that
taught in French135. Her secondary education was at the State Central High School, which was a
hub of student activism against the military dictatorship136. She was influenced by a teacher who taught her Marxism137.
In 1967 she joined a radical faction of the Brazilian Socialist Party called the Worker’s
Party, or POLOP138. POLOP later splintered into two separate groups, the National Liberation
Command (COLINA) and the Popular Revolutionary Vanguard (VPR)139. She joined COLINA,
which favored armed struggle against the dictatorship140. It was there that she met Claudio
Galeno Linhares, whom she married in 1968141.
COLINA was responsible for bank robberies, car thefts, and even a few bombings142.
One of the more notable incidents occurred in January 1969, when two policemen were killed
while raiding the home of a member of COLINA143. Rousseff and Galeno fled to Rio de Janeiro;
Galeno later fled to Porto Alegre while Rousseff remained in Rio144. It was there that she met
Carlos Araujo, a lawyer and leftist militant that she quickly fell in love with145. She split with
Galeno and the two remained friends146.
COLINA’s resources became very limited during the early months of 1969147 . Many of
the group’s members were also arrested148. In order to survive, the group was forced to merge
with the VPR. The result was the formation of the Armed Revolutionary Guard- Palmares
(VAR- Palmares), which was named after a historic rebel slave settlement149.
20 Rousseff moved around several times in order to evade capture before she finally settled
in São Paulo150. She was arrested in 1970 after she entered a bar where a comrade was being
arrested in a police sting operation151. She was tortured for 22 days by means such as electric
shock and with a device called a pau de arara, which is designed to cause severe joint and
muscle pain152. She was sentenced to six years in prison and 18 years without political rights153.
That sentence was later reduced to three years in prison, and she was released in 1973154.
Upon her release she moved to Porto Alegre where Carlos Araujo was imprisoned155.
Araujo was released from prison in 1974156. Rousseff gave birth to her first child, Paula
Rousseff, in 1976157. She resumed her studies at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul
where she studied economics158. She became an intern at the Foundation of Economics and
Statistics (FEE), a state government agency, in 1975159. She later lost the job when her
employers learned of her participation in past guerilla activities160.
In the late 1970s she and Araujo participated in an amnesty movement that focused on those who had been deprived of their political rights161. She and Araujo helped found the
Democratic Labor Party (PDT) in Rio Grande do Sul162. The PDT won elections, and Rousseff
held a number of adviser and bureaucratic positions at the local and state levels163. In 1986, Porto
Alegre Mayor Alceu Collares appointed her to be Municipal Secretary of the Treasury164. She was active in the 1989 presidential campaign. She campaigned for the PDT candidate Leonel
Brizola in the first round and Worker’s Party candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in the second round165.
In the early 1990s she became the president of the Foundation of Economics and
Statistics166. Alceu Collares was elected governor of Rio Grande do Sul and Rousseff was
appointed State Secretary of Mines, Energy, and Communications167. She left that position a year
21 later168. She also separated from Araujo after she learned that he had impregnated another woman169.
Rousseff enrolled in a PhD program, despite not having finished her Master’s degree170.
She failed to complete the program because in 1998 she was appointed to her former position as
State Secretary of Mines, Energy, and Communications, this time under Governor Olívio
Dutra171. Dutra was a member of the Worker’s Party while Rousseff was still affiliated with the
Democratic Labor Party172. Rousseff became a member of the Worker’s Party in 2001173.
Rousseff made a name for herself nationally in her position as Secretary of Mines,
Energy, and Communications. She worked well with the private sector to expand the state’s power grid and worked to diminish blackouts that had been plaguing the country174. Other achievements included the deployment of 984 kilometers of transmission lines and the construction of hydroelectric and thermoelectric plants175. She left the government in 2002 to work on the presidential campaign of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the head of the Worker’s
Party176.
Lula was successfully elected and Rousseff was appointed to be Minister of Mines and
Energy177. Decades of underinvestment in energy combined with a drought that adversely affected hydroelectric plants led to widespread rationing of electricity throughout Brazil in
2003178. She led a re-design of the electricity sector between 2003 and 2005179. She also created a program, called Lights for All, which brought electricity to 11 million people in rural areas and on the outskirts of urban areas180. She was also on the Board of Directors of Petrobras, a multinational energy corporation, where she introduced biodiesel into the energy matrix181. She frequently clashed with Environment Secretary Marina Silva, who opposed Rousseff’s plans to
22 increase Brazil’s electric capacity because of the potential adverse effects they would have on the
environment182.
A scandal in 2005 led to the resignation of Lula’s Chief of Staff and Rousseff was
appointed to replace him183. As Chief of Staff it was her job to oversee the operations of various
government agencies184. She helped coordinate the Growth Acceleration Program (PAC), which
was a set of policies that emphasized the importance of investment in infrastructure185. She also
oversaw the My House, My Life program, which was the biggest housing project in Brazilian history186. Other achievements included oversight of the regulatory framework for the
exploration of pre-salt oil reserves187. In April 2009, she revealed that she had been diagnosed
with lymphoma188. She underwent chemotherapy for several months. Doctors announced that she
was in remission in August 2009189.
Rousseff left the Lula administration in April 2010 so she could run for the Workers
Party nomination for president190. She campaigned with the intention of continuing Lula’s social
welfare and free market policies191. She won in the second round of voting, which took place on
October 31, 2010, with 55.6 percent of the vote192. Her opponent, Jose Serrá, a centrist, was the
nearest with 44 percent of the vote193. She was the first woman to be elected president of
Brazil194. Her inauguration took place on January 1, 2011195.
Rousseff’s administration focused on the construction of more hydroelectric dams, which
provide energy for as much as 80 percent of Brazil196. One of the noteworthy dams is the Belo
Monte Dam, which would provide energy for nearly 10 percent of Brazil197. The construction of
the dam brought controversy because the construction would flood an area of 160 square miles
and would displace more than 20,000 indigenous peoples198. Some studies showed that the dam
would not produce as much electrical output as was projected and some feared that more dams
23 would be built on indigenous lands in the future199. Eletronorte, the government agency tasked with the construction of the dam, discredited those claims200. As a means of protest several
indigenous tribes banded together and formed one tribe of about 2,500 people that would occupy
the land slated for construction201.
With her election came a shift in conservation policies. Prior to her election, Brazilians had emphasized the need for conservation of the Amazon rainforest. In fact, deforestation fell by
80 percent from 2004-2010202. Additionally, an area of land the size of France was set aside for
conservation203. Rousseff’s government shifted the focus from conservation to development. She
created a provisional measure to allow her to decrease the lands under conservation and choose
which indigenous tribes to recognize204. The provision also addressed whether amnesty would be
given to those who deforested prior to 2008, provided that they plant new trees205. There has long been a battle in Brazil between conservationists and agriculturists206. Agriculture constitutes 22
percent of Brazil’s GDP, and agricultural interests remain influential in the north and
northeastern parts of Brazil207. Rousseff’s shift in emphasis is a continuation of that battle. She
vetoed the portion of the bill that would offer amnesty to deforesters208. Environmentalists had
hoped she would veto the entire bill, and were not satisfied209.
In May 2011, she banned a series of sex education videos that contained same sex scenes with the intention of combating homophobia210. She claimed that the videos contained images
that were not suitable for children and did not offer an objective view of homosexuality211. Gay
rights activists criticized the ban212. The same month Brazil’s highest court ruled in favor of same sex partnerships, giving them many of the same benefits as heterosexual couples, excluding marriage213. Rousseff opposed discrimination of homosexuals, but felt that the issue of same sex
marriage should be decided by the legislatures and not the executive214.
24 Like many countries in 2012, Brazil was not immune to the global financial crisis.
Economic growth stalled, prompting Rousseff to create numerous stimulus projects throughout
the country215. This level of government intervention is relatively common in developing
countries216. Some criticized the level of intervention that she has used, fearing that the country
was becoming too dependent on government intervention217. Rousseff defended her policies,
saying that her policies were necessary considering unemployment among youth was at 54
percent218. A week later, she announced a $4 billion stimulus package to combat stagnant
economic growth219.
In August 2012, she signed an affirmative action law that required universities to reserve
half of their admissions for impoverished applicants and several African American applicants220.
Specifically, the number of African American applicants was expected to increase from 8,700 to
56,000221. The states in Brazil would apportion the number of applicants based on the racial
makeup of the state222. This law, called the Law of Social Quotas, was in response to vast
economic inequalities that still existed and the high number of slaves that came over from Africa
centuries ago223. The law had wide support among the country’s legislature224.
Rousseff received several awards for her work as Brazil’s first president. On September
20, 2011, she was awarded the Woodrow Wilson Award for Public Service225. The award is
given to leaders, be they in government, arts and entertainment, or civic organizations, that
devote their careers and lives to improving the quality of life of others226. The next day she became the first woman to open a session of the United Nations General Assembly227. She
opened with a speech about a variety of issues ranging from the empowerment of women to the
need to create a Palestinian state228.
25 Compassion
Many of Rousseff’s policies were intended to reduce poverty. These programs began
before she was elected president, which included Lights for All, the Growth Acceleration
Program, and My House, My Life. The Law of Social Quotas was her attempt to combat economic and racial inequality that still exist today in Brazil. These examples show that she does care, particularly for the less fortunate.
Her attempt to build the Belo Monte Dam, which would have vastly altered the lives of indigenous peoples, shows an uncompassionate side of her. It can be argued that the energy produced by the dam would have brought electricity to several homes across Brazil, but the cost would have been the destruction of the indigenous tribes’ way of living. In terms of her opposition to the videos about sex education, most gay rights activists would say her opposition lacked compassion for the LGBT community. Others would say that she showed compassion by protecting Brazil’s youth from what she felt was inappropriate content. These examples show what some would consider to be a less caring and compassionate side of her.
Her former boss, Lula da Silva, showed his compassionate side with the many programs that he administered. One of his programs, Zero Hunger, was meant to help 46 million people in
various ways, such as giving them a monthly allotment of money for food and giving them the
means to get food on their own229. He also introduced a plan to end slave labor by stepping up police raids on ranches and seizing businesses found to have slaves230. Fernando Henrique
Cardoso, who served as president from 1995 to 2003, focused on human rights. He recognized
the state’s role in the torture and killing of citizens and created a task force to investigate the
deaths of hundreds231. Other human rights reforms included police reform and the definition of
26 torture as a crime232. Despite these advances, torture and unpunished killings remained
widespread under the Cardoso administration233.
Dilma Rousseff made notable progress on the fight against poverty and inequality in
Brazil. Her successors made progress as well, more so under Lula’s administration than
Cardoso’s. She came to power after a period of social reform and economic growth that allowed
her to enact legislation that could be considered “compassionate.” She has shown compassion as
a leader, but she has not proven to be more compassionate than Lula and Cardoso. The idea that
women are more compassionate than men does not hold true in her case.
Social Issues
The case of Dilma Rousseff supports the argument that women champion social issues.
Many of her programs have the goal of decreasing inequality in some fashion. Her Lights for All
program brought electricity to millions of homes, thereby improving their standard of living. Her
comments defending her use of stimulus projects also shows where her priorities lie—she
mentioned the high unemployment rate among youth as one of the defenses of the stimulus
projects.
She has not been a champion for LGBT issues. She has not been a forceful advocate for
same-sex marriage, as her colleague to the south, Christina Fernández de Kirchner, has234. Her ambitious attempt to build the Belo Monte Dam was meant to bring electricity to homes across
Brazil, thus raising their standard of living. Her forceful advocacy of issues concerning the poor is an area where she has been a social champion. Nevertheless, this has been done at the expense of the livelihoods of several indigenous tribes. It can be seen from these examples that she has her priorities when it comes to social issues. The impoverished rank at the top, as evinced by the
27 numerous programs that she has put in place to help them. Racial minorities have also benefited, as seen with the Law of Social Quotas. Indigenous tribes rank lower, as does the LGBT community. Thus, her record on social issues is mixed.
Her predecessors also made advances in social issues. One of the notable programs from the administration of Lula da Silva was Bolsa Família, which gave a monthly subsidy based on the number of children in the family, to over 12 million homes235. This allowed 30 million people to enter into the middle class and 19 million people made it out of extreme poverty236.
Additionally, 40 percent of the poorest Brazilians saw their incomes rise by 3.15 percent237. Lula inherited a favorable economic situation from Cardoso that allowed him to implement programs like Bolsa Família238. Cardoso’s program, Bolsa Escola, provided subsidies to poor families who had children enrolled in school239. It is estimated that the program affects about one third of
Brazil’s schoolchildren240.
Dilma Rousseff has implemented many social programs throughout her presidency. She has been a strong advocate for some social issues, though she seems to have focus more on the poor and minorities. She does not appear as a social champion when compared to Lula and
Cardoso. She has continued the work to promote equality in Brazil that they began. While she has been an advocate for social issues, she does not stand above Lula da Silva or Cardoso.
She has been a vocal advocate for the need to have more women in politics. This is consistent with the idea that female leaders serve as inspiration for women to run. When she made history by opening the session at the U.N. General Assembly, she remarked that women,
“…with tenacity are occupying the place they deserve in this world241.” Additionally, she has vowed that 30 percent of her cabinet will consist of women242. Rousseff’s election has served as an inspiration for many Brazilian women in a country that ranked 82nd among the 135 countries
28 surveyed in the World Economic Forum’s sixth annual Global Gender Gap study, which
measures the availability of resources to women in each country measured243.
Ideology, Religion, and Social Status
Her actions as president are consistent with her ideology. She is known to favor state-led
solutions for the economy244. The stimulus projects that she advocated as well as the $4 billion
stimulus package are examples of her state-led approach. She is a member of the Workers Party
(PT), which leans center-left245. The party’s website states that it has a democratic socialist
bias246. It formed from a union of workers in São Paulo247. Her previous party affiliation, the
Democratic Labor Party, held similar views as a socialist-leaning party248. Her views are
consistent with the views of her party.
Her religion has had a major influence on her social views. Like the majority of
Brazilians, she is Roman Catholic249. During her presidential campaign, she came out against
abortion250. Her opposition of the videos depicting homosexuals is also influenced by her
religious views; some of the staunchest opponents of the educational videos were religious
leaders251.
She was born into an affluent family252. Her father, Pedro Rousseff, was a Bulgarian
immigrant who was active in Bulgaria’s communist party253. Her mother, Dilma Jane da Silva,
was a schoolteacher254. Dilma Rousseff received a top notch education, where she played piano
and had an obsession with books255. She grew up in Belo Horizonte, which is like the Pittsburgh of Brazil256. Her upbringing in an industrial city likely influenced her views in support of the
common worker and the poor. Her father’s communist views likely had an impact as well. It is
not surprising, then, that many of her programs favored the poor and the working class.
29 Dilma Rousseff’s ideology and views on income equality were influenced by her upbringing in a family that favored communism and a city with industrial characteristics. Her ideology has been influenced by her views on income equality. Her preference for a state-led solution to mend inequalities shows the impact that her views have on her policies. Her religion has had a major impact on her policies, as the study by Norrander and Wilcox (2007) suggests.
Ascension to Power
Rousseff’s case is consistent with the notion that women come to power when their powers are few or constrained. As mentioned above, Brazil has a major gender gap in terms of availability of resources for women. Despite this gap, Rousseff has held many leadership roles in her life. Whether it was as a war guerilla or as a member of the Lula administration, she has been able to rise above that gender gap. This is partly due to her skills in both organization and advocacy. She helped orchestrate many activities within POLOP and COLINA. Her skills in working with the private sector to expand the state’s power grip and reduce blackouts brought her national recognition and undoubtedly helped her ascend the ranks. Her past activities as a war guerilla show that she does have some masculine tendencies. Regardless of whether she committed violent acts, her acceptance of said acts is viewed as a masculine trait. The executive of Brazil is very similar to the United States in structure and power, and is relatively limited in nature257. This tends to be more agreeable to the public, as Jalalzai (2004) states.
Jalalzai (2004) says that women tend to enter into politics during times of transition, weak political institutionalization, and with a high degree of patronization. She ascended to the presidency during the rise of the left that began in Brazil with Lula da Silva. Her positions in resistance organizations, which were political in nature, normally came after the dissolution of a prior organization. She was promoted to Chief of Staff within the Lula administration after the
30 former Chief of Staff was involved in a scandal258. This is an instance of weak
institutionalization. It is believed that she was hand-picked by Lula to succeed him, which is an
example of patronization259. Rousseff’s ascension to power included several transitions of power,
weak institutionalization, and a degree of patronization.
Birth Order, Siblings, and Familial Relations
Dilma Rousseff is the second of three children260. She has an older brother, Igor, and a younger sister, Zana Lucía261. Most leaders tend to be first-born children, a trend that she
diverges from. Her brother, Igor, fits the trend that the first-born child tends to excel
academically and is overrepresented in professions such as law. Indeed, Igor Rousseff became a
prominent lawyer262. Having said that, Dilma Rousseff also fits into many of these categories.
She excelled in school and was an avid reader263. First-born children tend to be dominant and
aggressive. Steinberg (2002) noted that the middle-born child tends to be passive and
submissive. She is neither of these. Dilma has demonstrated that with the work as a war guerilla.
There is no information to determine what her level of narcissism was, although it has been
noted that the Lula administration, which she was a part of, was known for its narcissism264.
First-born children tend to be interested in hard sciences. She made her name in the energy
sector, despite her degree in economics. While Dilma Rousseff was the second born child, many
of her characteristics are similar to those of a first-born child.
Blema Steinberg (2002) says that families with both a son and a daughter tend to treat
them differently, intensifying their feminine and masculine roles. It is true that Dilma has some
feminine characteristics, such as being caring and compassionate. However, she also has many
masculine qualities, such as her aggression in activist activities. This leans more toward the idea
that the inclusion of brothers helped intensify her masculine qualities.
31 Female politicians tend to identify with their fathers. Pedro Rousseff’s communist views likely had an influence on Dilma’s ideological views. Her father also emphasized the importance of reading, which she took to while at boarding school265. Her father did expect much of her, which is consistent with study findings. This also lends to the idea that her father’s expectations led to her becoming more assertive. Her father died in 1962, when Dilma was only 15 years old266. It is worth noting that his death occurred around the time that she went to high school, where she became active in resistance movements. It is possible that her devotion to such principles was a way for her to honor her father’s memory, inspiring her in her study of
Marxism. Steinberg’s (2002) hypothesis says that women may be influenced by their mothers in terms of the profession they choose, but that is not the case with Rousseff. Her activity in the resistance movement and subsequent political career were likely influenced by her father.
Conclusions
The case of Dilma Rousseff reveals that she has a compassionate side, though that compassion is aimed more at the poor and minorities. She has implemented several social programs, many of which aided the poor. She has not shown to be more compassionate than her predecessors. Lula and Cardoso both worked to eradicate inequality during their presidencies.
She follows the trend of being compassionate and advocating social issues, but not to the extent that studies suggest she should. Her ideology has been influenced by her upbringing in an industrial city in a family that favored communism. Her religion has also played an influential role in her advocacy (or what some may see as a lack of advocacy) in social issues. She came to power during a return to the left that began with Lula. She has ascended to several leadership roles in organizations during turbulent times for the organizations. She is the second born child
32 of her family, though she has many traits that first-born children have. Her father influenced her views and career choice, which is not consistent with study findings.
Chapter Four turns to the case of Laura Chinchilla of Costa Rica. She was born into a political family that influenced her political interests, allowing her to take a prominent role in
Costa Rican politics. Her case is somewhat different from the other women in terms of both policies and ideologies, which makes her an important case to study.
33 Chapter Four: Laura Chinchilla of Costa Rica
Laura Chinchilla Miranda was born on March 28, 1959, in San José, Costa Rica267. She
studied political science at the University of Costa Rica and earned her bachelor’s degree in
1981268. She earned her master’s degree in public policy from Georgetown University in 1989269.
In 1990 she became an international consultant for several international agencies in Latin
America270. She specialized in the area of institutional reform and specifically judicial and public
security reform271. Some of her accomplishments as a consultant included an assessment of the justice sector for the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and an assessment of and advice on police reform for the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB)272.
She also coordinated studies and projects on judicial reform for the United Nations Program for
Development (UNDP)273.
She has been a vocal advocate for issues dealing with public security and judicial
reform274. She has written and spoken extensively on these issues275. Her advocacy also included
serving on reform initiatives that promoted citizen security and human rights in Latin America at
the Project Advisory Committee for the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), the
Central American Dialogue Foundation Arias for Peace and Human Progress, and the
Foundation for Peace and Democracy (FUNPADEM)276.
Her career as a public official began in 1994 when she became Vice Minister for Public
Security under President José María Figueres Olsen277. She developed a program, the
Community Security Program (CSP), to decrease feelings of insecurity by organizing
neighborhood meetings to educate citizens about public security and policing and improve
relations between citizens and the police278. Her goal was to transform the police, which had a
34 reactive military police style, to a proactive, community-oriented style279. This was no easy task;
Costa Rico has no army, so the police tend to have militaristic qualities to fill the void280.
In 1996 she was promoted to Minister of Public Security281. She was the first woman to
hold this position282. She held this position for two years283. She served as the Chairwoman of the
Joint Drug Intelligence Center and the National Immigration Council284. She was also a member of the National Drug Council, National Security Council, and the Academic Council of the
National Police Academy285.
She ran successfully for a seat representing the province of San José in the Coast Rica
Legislative Assembly in 2002286. While in the legislature she focused on combating organized
crime, public corruption, domestic violence, and crimes affecting children287. She also fought for
the liberalization of state-controlled sectors of the economy and free trade agreements with
several international trading partners288. She served in the assembly for four years, ending in
2006289.
In 2006 she became Vice President and the Minister of Justice under President Óscar
Arias Sánchez290. The executive of Costa Rica has a unique structure. The Costa Rican
constitution creates a president and two vice presidents291. The length of her term was four years,
but she resigned in 2008 to prepare her campaign to be the nominee of the National Liberation
Party (PLN) for the presidency292. She kicked off her campaign on October 10, 2008293.
The message of her campaign centered on the need to reduce crime294. During her
campaign she said, “The greatest challenge we have is crime, violence, and drug trafficking295”.
She also vowed to continue the free-trade policies of her predecessor, Óscar Arias Sánchez296.
35 Additionally, she wanted to liberalize the electricity and telecommunication sectors, which were
state-controlled297. She won her party’s nomination on June 9, 2009298.
She received the endorsement of Óscar Arias Sánchez299. Her opponents attacked her
stances and claimed that she would be a puppet for Arias300. She campaigned on the need for
greater spending for education and law enforcement and the need to combat illicit drug
trafficking301. She also promised to create more jobs, particularly in the environmental and
technological sectors302. She was able to solidify her standing among Roman Catholics with her
socially conservative views; she opposed same sex marriage and abortion and opposed the
separation of church and state303. The election was held on February 7, 2010304. Her main
opponents, Ottón Solís and Otto Guevara, received 25 and 20 percent of the vote, respectively305.
Chinchilla received nearly 47 percent of the vote306. She was the first woman to be elected
president of Costa Rica307. She was inaugurated in May 2010 and will serve a four-year term,
ending in 2014308.
One of her first challenges as president centered on a conflict that erupted in October
2010 along the Costa Rica-Nicaragua border309. The two countries have fought over navigation
rights for the San Juan River for centuries310. Tensions erupted after a group of Nicaraguans
accompanied by 50 soldiers that were dredging the river set up camp of the Costa Rican side311.
In response, Costa Rica sent 70 police forces to the border and called in the Organization of
American States to mediate312. The conflict emerged as Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega announced his intention to run for re-election, which was unconstitutional as he had reached his term limit313. The Nicaraguan group did not retreat314
In response to the continued occupation by the Nicaraguan group, Chinchilla began the
construction of a 160-kilometer road along the banks of the San Juan River to advance the
36 progress and development of coastal communities315. She named the road after Costa Rican
President Juan Rafael Mora Porras, who is considered a hero in Costa Rica for securing Costa
Rican independence after William Walker, who had declared himself president of Nicaragua,
threatened to invade316.
There were many issues with mismanagement and corruption in the construction of the
road317. Chinchilla learned that two officials within the Ministry of Transport received payments
for giving preferential treatment to some companies working on the road318. She asked her
Transportation Minister Francisco Jimenez to resign, though it was believed that Jimenez was
not complicit in any wrongdoing319.
In August 2011 she went to Mexico to discuss efforts to boost cooperation against
organized crime320. Mexican drug cartels often travel through Costa Rica on their way down to
South America to acquire drugs321. She also stated her desire to supply police forces with better
equipment, allowing them to take a defensive approach as opposed to an offensive approach322.
She emphasized the need for Mexico to crack down on drug cartels in order to reduce drug trafficking in Costa Rica, signifying the need for a regional approach323.
Chinchilla has called for the debate of the legalization of drugs324. Drug-related violence
has escalated in Costa Rica, from 7 murders per 100,000 inhabitants in 2006 to 11 per 100,000
inhabitants in 2010325. She has increased the number of police officers by 1,500 since she took
office to combat the increased violence326. Her argument is that the legalization of drugs will decrease violence because sellers would not need to use violent means to obtain the drugs327. She has called on the United States to legalize drugs and to consider using a means aside from military action to combat drug violence328.
37 Compassion
Laura Chinchilla differs from the first two women in the ways that she is caring and compassionate. Fernández de Kirchner and Rousseff both emphasized the need to help the less fortunate. Chinchilla focused her attention on improving security. Additionally, it can be argued that her fight for judicial reform shows that she cares because she is fighting for fair and just trials for everyone. Some would claim that her socially conservative background shows a less compassionate side of her. Her opposition to same sex marriage and abortion angered those who have liberal and socialist views.
Her predecessor, Óscar Arias Sánchez, is credited with the abolition of the standing army329. He urged other Latin American leaders to limit the size of their armies, ensure freedom of the press, and hold open and free elections in what became known as “The Arias Plan”.330. His plan was so popular that he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987331. He became well- known throughout Latin America for his advocacy for peace and democracy. José María
Figueres Olsen, whom Chinchilla served under in the late 1990s, focused most of his policies on environmental and human development issues332.
Chinchilla’s focus on judicial and public security reform marked a contrast from her predecessors. She has not proven to be more compassionate than either man mentioned. It is hard to argue that her achievements stand above those of Arias, especially when his achievements led to a Nobel Peace Prize. She has shown a compassionate side, but her achievements are average relative to Arias and Olsen.
Social Issues
38 In terms of advocacy for social issues, she is unique. Her advocacy is focused on public
security rather than same-sex marriage or abortion. As mentioned above, she created the
Community Services Program to re-direct the actions of the police forces from reactive to
proactive. This demonstrated her commitment to fostering a more amicable relationship between
the police forces and citizens. An improved relationship may also lead to better communication
among the community and police, helping the police to catch criminals more efficiently. She
differs from Fernández de Kirchner, who advocated for same-sex marriage and abortion. She is
similar to Rousseff, who did not explicitly come out against same sex marriage but had opposed
some issues advocated by the LGBT community. Both Rousseff and Chinchilla oppose abortion.
Arias’ efforts to promote democracy and pacifism were strengthened when he was
awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987. He used the money from the prize to establish the Arias
Foundation for Peace and Human Progress (FUNPADEM)333. Chinchilla worked as a consultant for FUNPADEM prior to her political career. Olsen reorganized social programs to allow the poorer members of society to benefit more efficiently from programs334. He also introduced
programs to achieve greater biodiversity as well as Costa Rica’s first tax on carbon emissions335.
Chinchilla’s advocacy for social issues is unique. She focused on institutional reforms
instead of focusing on equality issues. Her predecessors have had a greater impact on social
issues than she has. Arias’ creation of FUNPADEM and Olsen’s advocacy for the poor and the
environment were more notable than many of Chinchilla’s programs. Her case does not hold true
to the idea that women are social champions, especially when compared to Arias and Olsen.
Some women inspire other women to run for office, but it is unlikely that Chinchilla will
have that effect. She has not proven to be a very popular president. In a poll taken in January
2012, only 23 percent of Costa Ricans approved of the job she was doing336. Her low approval
39 signifies that her policies may be out of touch with mainstream Costa Ricans. By extension,
women may not be inspired by her if they disapprove of her policies. She may not be as
inspirational as Fernández de Kirchner or Rousseff.
Ideology, Religion, and Social Status
The policies that she has advocated are consistent with her ideology. She belongs to the
National Liberation Party (PLN), which is a democratic party representing the solidarity of Costa
Ricans for the exercise of popular sovereignty337. The National Liberation Party is a member of
Socialist International, which is an organization of social democratic, socialist, and labor parties from across the world338. She promised to continue the policies of Óscar Arias Sánchez, another
member of PLN, when she campaigned for president. Her staunch support for public security and
judicial reform would help ensure greater efficiency among the service sector and the public.
This would allow for greater popular sovereignty.
She has also been greatly influenced by her religion. She is similar to Dilma Rousseff is
this respect. Her social views are influenced by her Roman Catholic faith. Specifically, she
opposes abortion, same-sex marriage, and an amendment to separate the church and state.
Roman Catholicism is the official religion of Costa Rica339. Just over 73 percent of Costa Ricans
are Roman Catholic340. Most of them consider themselves to be “mild” Catholics and have
flexible beliefs that are reflected in their tolerant and indifferent way of living341. Chinchilla’s
staunch Catholic views are not in line with mainstream Catholics in Costa Rica. This may be part
of the reason for her low approval ratings.
Her family was no stranger to politics. Her father, Raphael Angel Chinchilla, was a
comptroller for Costa Rica for many years342. Her mother was Emilce Miranda Castillo343. The
40 position held by her father within the government developed her interest in government344. The
function of a comptroller is to oversee and enforce compliance on the budgetary matters of the
nation345. It is of no surprise that she championed issues of public security and judicial reform
when one considers that her father’s job was to maintain the integrity of the government in
financial matters. Her family was middle class346. Additionally, she was educated in San José,
Costa Rica’s capital, and Washington D.C., the United States’ capital. This may have influenced her interest as well.
Her father’s association with the government had an impact on her ideology. The greatest influence that can be seen is with her religious views. Her case is a great example of what
Norrander and Wilcox (2007) found in their study. It is interesting to look at how her Catholic views have affected her popularity. As mentioned above, Catholics in Costa Rica take a more relaxed approach to their faith, whereas Chinchilla’s views are more conservative. This has had an impact on her policies and has led to a decline in her approval ratings.
Ascension to Power
Chinchilla came to power during a time when women’s powers were few and
constrained. Costa Rica has been a relatively stable democracy, but women have still struggled
for equality in Costa Rica because the country’s system has traditionally been defined by
patriarchal values347. Women have tended to use negotiation and persuasion as opposed to
violence to participate in the political process348. Their willingness to negotiate has been viewed
as an asset, helping them to incorporate themselves more efficiently into the political process349.
Chinchilla’s forceful advocacy for public security and judicial reform allowed her to gain
prominence on the political stage, to the point of being chosen as Vice Minister for Public
Security under the Olsen administration.
41 Jalalzai (2004) hypothesizes that women enter into power during times of transition, weak institutionalization, and with a high degree of patronization. She came to power following the election of other women in Latin America, some of which have been included as case studies here. She also came to power at a time when Costa Rica’s image was suffering. The reforms put in place by Arias made Costa Rica an example for other nations struggling for democracy and freedom. Recent drug violence, along with corruption scandals within the government tainted
Costa Rica’s image. Her advocacy for judicial and public security reforms undoubtedly seemed favorable to many Costa Ricans. There was also a degree of patronization in her ascension to the presidency. She was one of two-vice presidents under Óscar Arias Sánchez and promised to continue his policies as president when he was term-limited from running.
Birth Order, Siblings, Familial Relations
She is the eldest of four children350. Chinchilla earned a bachelor’s degree at the
University of Costa Rica followed by a master’s degree at Georgetown University, which is consistent with studies showing that the first born child tends to have exemplary achievement skills. There is no information to indicate her level of narcissism. She studied public policy at
Georgetown University and became a consultant for several non-governmental organizations, staying consistent with the idea that first-born children tend to be involved in law and political professions. The data from these studies were collected from male politicians, but each instance held true in Chinchilla’s case.
She is the only female among her siblings351. Studies have shown that the absence of an older brother leads to greater parental involvement, specifically a closer father-daughter relationship. Her father was a major influence on her. His involvement in government allowed her to discover the political world and eventually led her to a career in politics. Recent studies
42 have shown that the inclusion of brothers may lead to the intensification of masculine roles among women. She does not come across as masculine in the way Fernández de Kirchner and
Rousseff did, but her choice of study was unconventional for her time, when women tended to stay at home352. Thus, her choice of public security and judicial reform, while more acceptable for women to study today, was considered a masculine role at the time. Laura Chinchilla fits all of the criteria in the role of sex siblings in her development.
Female politicians tend to identify more with their fathers. As mentioned above, her father was very influential in her career development. They felt that their fathers expected more of them and encouraged them to move beyond gender role limitations. As her major influence, he likely encouraged her to study politics and continue her education. Women also tend to say that the responsibility expected of them allowed them to become more independent and assertive.
It takes someone who is both independent and assertive to actively advocate for reform in an area that is traditionally dominated by men.
Conclusions
Laura Chinchilla came into leadership during a time when many women were entering the political arena in Latin America. Her style has been different from the two other women discussed, but she has been an advocate for social issues such as public security. Part of the reason for that is because of the economic stability that Costa Rica enjoys relative to Argentina and Brazil. Her upbringing had a major influence on her ideology, as has her religion. Her case is interesting to consider when looking at birth order, siblings, and familial relations because she is almost precisely consistent with each of the findings. Her case is unique, especially when compared to the other female presidents discussed, making her an important figure to consider in this discussion.
43 The next chapter focuses on the case of Michelle Bachelet of Chile. Her story begins with political persecution and transitions to her involvement in politics. She has held several different positions in government, aspects of which can be seen in how she runs Chile.
44 Chapter Five: Michelle Bachelet of Chile
Verónica Michelle Bachelet Jeria was born on September 29, 1951 in Santiago, Chile353.
She was born into a military family, and she spent much of her childhood moving from base to base around Chile354. In 1962 she moved with her family to Bethesda, Maryland after her father was assigned to a military mission at the Chilean Embassy in Washington, D.C.355. She attended middle school in Bethesda and learned to speak English fluently356. She returned to Chile in 1964 and attended Liceo N˚1 Javiera Carrera, a prestigious school for girls, where she finished at the top of her class357. In 1970 she entered medical school at the University of Chile358. She achieved one of the highest scores ever reported on her medical school entrance exams359. She chose medicine because she believed it was a concrete way to alleviate pain and improve the health of
Chileans360. She chose to study medicine at her father’s urging361. She also joined the youth wing of the Socialist Party while in college362.
Bachelet’s father, an Air Force general, was put in charge of food rationing and distribution within the administration of Salvador Allende as food shortages began to grow in
Chile363. On September 11, 1973, the government of Salvador Allende was overthrown by
General Augusto Pinochet364. Bachelet’s father was viewed with suspicion, and he was subsequently imprisoned365. He was tortured for months and died of cardiac arrest on March 19,
1974366.
Bachelet and her mother were detained months later and were taken to Villa Grimaldi, which was one of the more infamous prisons during the regime of Pinochet367. She was tortured physically and psychologically, though she later claimed that others had it worse than her368.
They were later moved to the Cuatro Álamos prison, where they remained until January369. She
45 and her mother were freed months later thanks to the intervention of an Air Force general who
was related to them370.
Bachelet and her mother moved to Australia in exile to live with Bachelet’s brother,
Alberto371, who had moved there in 1969372. Months later, she and her mother moved to
Potsdam, East Germany373. She worked as a hospital orderly and continued her medical studies at Humboldt University in East Berlin for two years374. She also became fluent in German while
continuing her studies375. While in East Germany she met Jorge Dávalos, an architect and fellow
exile, whom she married in 1977376. She gave birth to her first son, Jorge Sebastián Alberto, in
1978 while in Leipzig377.
Bachelet returned to Chile in 1979 and continued her studies at the University of Chile378.
She specialized in public health and pediatrics379. She graduated in 1982380, finishing at the top
of her class381. She went on to specialize in pediatrics and public health at the Roberto del Río
Hospital for four years382. She gave birth to her second child, Francisca, in 1984383.
Bachelet also joined several different organizations that advocated for the restoration of
democracy in Chile384. One of these organizations was PIDEE, which offered different types of
treatments for children traumatized by the military dictatorship of Pinochet385. Democracy was
restored in 1990, and a need arose for professionals to help restore the country’s neglected public
health system386. She worked as an epidemiologist for the Metropolitan Health Service in
Santiago before moving to the National AIDS Commission387. She also served as a consultant for
the Pan-American Health Organization, the World Health Organization, and the German
Technical Cooperation Agency388.
46 In 1985 Bachelet met Alex Vojkovic Trier, an engineer who also served as a spokesman
for an armed group known as the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front389. She gave birth to her third
child, Sofía Henriquez, while she was with Vojkovic390. The two ended their relationship in
1987391. Her relationship with him became an issue during her presidential campaign because of
his association with the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front392, which was a terrorist group that
sponsored attacks against the government with the intention of overthrowing Pinochet393 .
In 1994 she joined the Ministry of Health as a consultant on primary care and health care
services management394. She remained interested in military affairs and was prompted to take
military strategy cources at the National Academy of Strategic and Political Studies in
Santiago395. She was inspired by her feelings that the government was not valuing defense policy
properly396. She excelled there and was invited to study at the Inter-American Defense College in
Washington, D.C. in 1997397.
Upon her return to Chile she was hired by the Defense Ministry as an aide398. In 1996 she
ran unsuccessfully for mayor of Las Condes, a wealthy suburb of Santiago399. She was also
elected to the Central Committee of the Socialist Party in 1998, where she specialized in defense
and military issues400. She remained with the Central Committee until March 11, 2000401. She went on to work as a campaign manager for Ricardo Lagos’ presidential campaign402.
Bachelet was named Minister of Health in the Lagos administration in 2000403. She served as the head of a network of public health services and supervised nearly 70,000 people404.
She was given the task of improving the quality and coverage of care at public health clinics405.
Another task she was given involved eliminating lines for patients waiting for treatment in public health clinics within three months406. She was able to reduce the lines by 90 percent and
subsequently offered her resignation since she was unable to complete the task407. Her
47 resignation was not accepted by President Lagos408. Additionally, she made the morning after pill freely available to victims of sexual abuse, which was seen as controversial, particularly among conservatives and Catholics409.
On January 7, 2002 she became the Minister of Defense410. She became the first woman
in both Chile and Latin America to hold this position411. As Defense Minister she sought to mend
ties between the military and victims of the dictatorship412. Part of her success may have had to
do with the fact that she was the head of an institution that had killed her father and tortured her
and her mother413. The role of the government and the Defense Ministry was strengthened in
affairs of the military414. She instituted equal opportunities for women in the military, the
Carabineros police, and the Investigations police415. She became known for approaching her job
with seriousness and pragmatism and soon became one of the most popular leaders in Chile,
behind President Ricardo Lagos416. She resigned from the Defense Ministry on October 1, 2004
and turned her focus to her campaign for president417.
There was an overwhelming amount of support for her campaign418. She began by
appearing with mayors and other candidates from her coalition across the country419. Bachelet
was the candidate for her party, the Party for Democracy, but faced opposition in her campaign
for the nomination of her coalition, known as Concertación420. Her opponent was Soledad
Alvear, of the Christian Democratic Party421. Alvear later dropped out, making Bachelet the sole
choice for her coalition’s nomination422.
Bachelet’s main opponent was Joaquín Lavín, the nominee of the right-leaning Alianza
coalition423. Coincidentally, she previously faced Lavín when she ran for mayor of Las
Condes424. Some feared that Lavín chances of winning were relatively low, and this prompted
billionaire Sebastián Piñera to enter the race425. She hoped she would get a majority of the votes,
48 which would allow her to avoid a runoff election between her and the candidate with the next
highest percentage. She received 49.5 percent of the vote during the December 2005 election,
followed by 25.4 percent for Piñera and 23.2 percent for Lavín426. She and Piñera proceeded to
the second round of voting, which was held on February 15, 2006427. She received 53.7 percent of the vote compared to 46.3 percent for Piñera428. She became the first woman to become
president of Chile429. She was inaugurated on May 11, 2006430. The ceremony took place in the city of Valparaíso, where the National Congress meets431.
Bachelet outlined a thirty-six point plan that she hoped to accomplish within the first 100 days of her presidency432. The proposals included expanding social benefits, improving education, providing better access to credit, and upgrading infrastructure433. These proposals were intended to help Chile’s lower classes. She also promised to listen to the voices of citizens, ending the tradition of an elitist style of ruling434. She promised that half of her cabinet would consist of women, a promise which she kept435.
Bachelet’s first state visit occurred on March 21, 2006, with a visit to Argentina436. She
signed several bilateral agreements with Argentinean President Néstor Kirchner, including an
agreement for mutual cooperation on energy and several construction projects to help strengthen
ties between the two nations437. They also offered support for the construction of a trans-Andean
railway438.
Another project that she undertook was a reformation of the pension system. She created
an advisory panel, headed by former budget director Mario Marcel, to analyze the current
pension system and make suggestions as to how it could be reformed439. The committee
suggested equalizing the retirement ages of men and women, granting bonuses to female
49 pensioners for each child they gave birth to, and providing coverage for the poorest 60 percent of
the population440.
Bachelet faced a challenge in April 2006 when thousands of students across the country
took to the streets to protest the quality of their education441. Among their demands were
transportation discounts and free university selection tests442. The students protested peacefully
in their schools and used the time to repair and paint the buildings443. These protests prompted
Bachelet to create an advisory committee to reform the education system444. The report issued by
the committee in December 2006 included proposals to eliminate discrimination and improve
educational opportunities for all Chilean students, strengthen technical education, and provide
more funding to make education more efficient445.
Bachelet signed a law in October 2006 that regulated the conditions of contract workers.
Specifically, the law required companies with contract workers to register with the Labor
Department446. Companies that did not comply with the contracts would face fines447. The law
was expected to benefit more than 1.2 million workers448. The law was also expected to protect workers from practices such as firing and subsequently hiring workers under worse conditions or the loss of collective bargaining rights449.
Augusto Pinochet died on December 10, 2006450. Bachelet said that he would not be
given a state funeral, which is traditionally given to former presidents when they pass away451.
Instead he was given a military funeral at the Santiago Military Academy452. Bachelet did not
attend the funeral and sent her defense minister in her place453. Chileans had mixed emotions
following Pinochet’s death. His supporters remembered him as a leader who brought Marxism to
Chile454. His opponents, and Bachelet specifically, reminded the public of the human rights
atrocities he committed455.
50 On December 16, 2006 she introduced a measure that would make the morning after pill
available to girls as young as 14 years old without the need for parental consent456. The move was considered controversial by many on the right and even from some within her coalition457.
She countered that the move was needed in order to ensure social justice: “…not everyone is equal and not everyone has the same possibilities,” and also said it was her duty to “…guarantee that all Chileans have real options in this area, as in others458.” She faced criticism from some on
the left who claimed she should have gone farther and legalized abortion459.
Bachelet continued a project that began under Ricardo Lagos to modernize the
Transantiago subway system460. The subway system in Santiago needed to be renovated to make
it easier for Santiago’s workers to travel to work and home more quickly461. Several problems
emerged with the project. The global positioning system that was supposed to guide bus
scheduling and intervals between buses failed462. This led many people to opt for the old, inefficiennt routes463. Riders complained that the new routes were illogically placed and many
people were left stranded at bus stops464. Bachelet’s popularity plummeted following the
fiasco465. She admitted that she made a mistake by continuing the project, saying that things had
not been done properly466.
Bachelet created the Economic and Social Stabilization Fund in March 2007467. She
included an initial investment of $5 billion for the fund468. The fund would receive fiscal
surpluses that exceeded one percent of GDP469. The fund served as a safeguard from fiscal
departures, such as those that occur from economic downturns, by using the funds to reduce
dependency on global businesses470.
Bachelet created several initiatives to help Chile’s poorer populations. Chile Grows with
You was a program that offered universal day care, maternity care, and health services for
51 children and their families471. The program was expected to help the poorest 40 percent of the population472. Within the program was a plan to deliver layettes to all children born in public
hospitals473. She also created a program to deliver sets of books, called literary briefcases, to over
400,000 families with children in 1-4 grades between 2008 and 2010474. I Choose my PC was a
$30 million investment by the government to deliver 60,000 computers to children who exhibited
academic excellence475. She signed a law in June 2009 that equalized pay for men and women476.
Bachelet dealt with many foreign relations issues throughout her presidency. In July 2006
she sent a letter of protest to Argentinean President Néstor Kirchner after he raised the price of
natural gas exports to Chile477. In the letter she expressed her disappointment with the price
increase and said that the move damaged relations of trust between Chile and Argentina478. In
addition, tensions grew between the two nations in 2006 after Argentina created maps showing
disputed territory as part of Argentina479. The disputed area, known as the Southern Patagonian
Ice Fields, is the second largest area in the world containing potable water480. Border disputes
also occurred between Chile and Peru. The dispute was over the definition of an area of sea that
is a rich source of fish and an important source of commercial income481. The dispute began
nearly 100 years ago and remains disputed to this day482.
A week before the end of Bachelet’s term as president, on February 27, 2010, an 8.8-
magnitude earthquake devastated Chile483. She was strongly criticized for her response to the
quake484. She defended her response, saying that she was unable to communicate with key
members of her staff because communications systems went down after the quake485. Another criticism was that aid was slow to arrive to the region486. She waited to send the army into the
region and there were indications that she turned down offers of international aid, which she later
denied487 . She emphasized the need for patience in getting aid to the devastated regions488. Part
52 of the reason for the slow response may have been due to the transition of government that was taking place at the time489. The President-elect and her former opponent, Sebastián Piñera, was set to be inaugurated the following week490.
Bachelet has been active post-presidency. Months after she left the presidency, she established a think-tank called Fundación Dialoga, which is tasked with promoting diversity and progressivism in Chile491. On July 2, 2010, she became the head of UN Women, which was established by the UN General Assembly492. UN Women has the goal of promoting gender equality and empowerment at global, regional, and national levels493. She stepped down from
UN Women on March 15, 2013494. This led to widespread speculation that she would run again for president495. On April 13, 2013, she announced that she would run again for nomination for the presidency496.
Compassion
The case of Michelle Bachelet lends support to the idea that women tend to be compassionate. Under the administration of Ricardo Lagos, she worked to modernize the public health care system and eliminate lines at public health clinics. She reformed the pension system, equalizing the retirement age for men and women and providing coverage for the poorest 60 percent of Chile’s population. She also regulated conditions for contracted workers and equalized pay for men and women. She established many programs that targeted poorer populations with schoolchildren, including I Choose my PC, the distribution of literary briefcases, and the reformation of the education system in response to student protests. Chile
Grows with You and the distribution of layettes to children born in public hospitals were designed to aid the poorer populations with children. Her drive to continue the modernization of
Transantiago was an effort to make travel more efficient within Santiago, even though the
53 project quickly turned into a fiasco. All of these cases demonstrate her compassion, particularly
for the poor and youth of Chile.
Bachelet’s predecessor, Ricardo Lagos, sought to make health care available to all
Chileans497. As mentioned above, Bachelet worked to make the public health system more
efficient while working as Minister of Health under Lagos. Lagos also developed a plan, Chile
Solidario, aimed to combat poverty through several sub-programs, some of which targeted the
elderly, children, and the homeless498. He introduced a law in April 2004 to legalize divorce499.
He created Chile Barrio, which was a program that created an independent government entity to
deal with issues of squatter settlements500. Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle, who served as president from 1994-2000, also made inroads in combating inequality. He, along with his predecessor,
Patricio Aylwin, developed programs to reform education and increase education spending as well as eliminating extreme poverty501. The efforts of Aylwin and Ruiz-Tagle were insufficient
in eradicating existing inequalities502.
Bachelet and Lagos were able to target poverty more effectively than Ruiz-Tagle and
Aylwin. Bachelet and Lagos essentially built upon the framework that Ruiz-Tagle and Aylwin
had put in place. It can be argued that Bachelet was able to design more efficient programs to
combat poverty. Her programs dealing with education and schoolchildren stand out above her
predecessors. Again, this may be due to the work that had already been done. She was able to
make inroads in the fight against inequality, but those accomplishments do not necessarily stand
above those of her predecessors.
54 Social Issues
Bachelet championed many social issues while president. She signed a law that equalized
pay for men and women and equalized the retirement age for men and women. She reformed the
pension system to give women a larger share of money for every child they give birth to. Her
promise to compose her Cabinet of 50 percent women is another example of the ways in which
she worked to promote gender equality.
Bachelet’s move to make the morning after pill available, including to girls 14 years of
age without the need for parental consent, was seen as a rather progressive move for a country
with a strong Roman Catholic background503. Abortions are still illegal in Chile under any
circumstances504. Despite her push toward the left on reproductive rights, Chile still has some of
the strictest reproductive laws in South America505. Bachelet was supportive of LGBT rights,
though not much progress on rights occurred during her presidency506. Civil unions were not recognized in Chile until 2010507.
Bachelet has been a stronger advocate for reproductive rights and LGBT rights than her
predecessors. The fact that Chile has among the strictest abortion laws in South America and
only recently began recognizing civil unions is a testament to the lack of action on social policy
that occurred during the 1990s and early 2000s in Chile. A notable exception was the legalization
of divorce under Lagos. Bachelet made significant strides in gender equality with her laws
making the retirement age the same for men and women and fighting for equal pay. Her actions
were much more notable than her predecessors in terms of social policy, lending support to the
idea that she championed social issues.
Ideology, Religion, and Social Status
55 Bachelet belongs to Chile’s Socialist Party. The Socialist Party describes its objectives as
uniting democracy and socialism and achieving equality and freedom for all humans508. For the
most part, her policies were consistent with her party’s ideology. The reforms in the pension
system, laws regulating contracted workers, and the programs that dealt with helping the
impoverished populations are state-led solutions consistent with socialism. The lack of
advancement of LGBT and abortion rights is a departure from the Socialist Party’s objective of
achieving equality and freedom for all humans.
Bachelet considers herself to be agnostic509. She has said that she believes in the state: “I believe that the state has an important role in guaranteeing the diversity of men and women…their different spiritualties, philosophies, and ways of life510.” Chile is overwhelmingly
Roman Catholic, comprising 89 percent of Chileans511. A substantial number of Chileans still oppose divorce, but do not seem to be bothered by the fact that she is divorced with three children512. Her policies were overwhelmingly consistent with her belief in the role of the state.
Bachelet was born into a military family. Her father was an Air Force general, and her
mother was an architect513. The family moved to several different locations throughout Chile and
the United States514. Her attendance at one of Santiago’s prestigious girls’ schools may lead one
to infer that her family was relatively well-off. In reality, her family belonged to the middle
class515. Her father’s association with the government of Salvador Allende led to the persecution
of her family, including the death of her father under Pinochet’s regime516. The persecution that
was inflicted upon her family undoubtedly had an impact on her development.
Ascension to Power
56 The Socialist Party had recently formed an alliance with the Christian Democrats to
prove that it was mature enough to handle governmental responsibilities517. Bachelet’s election
was a major victory for the Socialist Party. The Lagos and Bachelet administrations expanded
social programs and citizens’ rights, signaling a shift to the left518. She came into power as
president during a commodity export boom that helped stabilize Chile’s economic growth519. She
came into power within the context of a transition to the left and a transition to a more
economically stable Chile.
Bachelet came into power at a time when women’s influence was restrained. Chile uses
an electoral system known as the binomial system, which breaks candidates into different
blocs520. The top candidate from the top two blocs are elected to represent the district in the
legislature521. This system makes it difficult to get elected regardless of gender, though it is even
harder for women. The binomial system, combined with the absence of gender quotas, makes it
difficult for women to get elected522.
Birth Order, Siblings, Familial Relations
Bachelet is the younger of two children523. She had an older brother, Alberto, whom she
and her mother stayed with in Australia during their exile from Chile524. Blema Steinberg (2002) notes that first-born students have an advantage in educational achievement, but Bachelet had several educational achievements under her belt. She attended a prestigious Santiago girls’ school, medical school at the University of Chile, Humboldt University, and the Inter-American
Defense College. In all of these instances, she graduated at the top of her class. Younger siblings tend to be more passive and submissive. Bachelet has exhibited neither of these traits in her presidency. She forcefully defended her response to the earthquake in 2010 as well as her decision to make the morning after pill widely available, among other things. Middle-born
57 children tend to be overrepresented in law, medical, and political professions. Bachelet worked
in the medical profession for several years before she began working in a political capacity. She
lacks many of the characteristics of a middle-born child. She has made several impressive
educational achievements, she has an active, resistant personality as opposed to a passive and
submissive one. She does, however, follow the trend of working in the medical and political
fields.
Women with an older brother tend to exhibit masculine qualities. She has exhibited many
masculine qualities. For instance, her interest in military strategies show a masculine side of her.
It takes a masculine attitude to be in charge of the armed forces, which she did as Defense
Minister. The inclusion of her brother may have intensified her tendency to defend her policies
so forcefully. Women with an older brother are less likely to be discouraged from pursuing roles
traditionally held by men. Her roles as Defense Minister and then as president are seen as
masculine roles.
Women tend to be influenced more by their fathers. Fathers that are challenging and
abrasive tend to raise the most competent children525. The military background of Bachelet’s father likely led him to be challenging and abrasive. Bachelet’s case certainly lends support to this idea as she consistently finished at the top of her class, went to Medical school and earned a master’s degree in military studies. Women also believed that the maturity demanded by their parents allowed them to become more assertive and independent. Traces of this maturity can be seen in how she advocates for her policies. Bachelet once said that, “I have a mother that always told me since I was a child that marriage is not the goal of a woman…that you can do much more than that526.” Steinberg (2002) claimed that while women may feel closer to their fathers, their
58 choice of profession may be influence by their mothers. Her mother encouraged her to move beyond the traditional roles of women.
Conclusions
Michelle Bachelet set herself apart as a leader. Her predecessors developed social policies designed to aid the poor. She was able to go further with that aid because of the work that had already done. She stood out because of her social aid programs, but much of that would not have been possible without the work of her predecessors. She has made a greater impact on social issues than other male presidents have. Her socialist ideology and belief that the state should play the role of guaranteeing diversity of men and women influenced the policies that she advocated. The return of the left combined with the commodity export boom gave her an opportunity to ascend to the presidency, despite Chile’s lack of female representation.
Bachelet does not have the characteristics that many middle-born children exhibit. In fact, the traits she exhibits are more in line with what a first-born child would have. The inclusion of her brother likely intensified her masculine qualities. This may be part of the reason why she advocates so forcefully for her policies. Her parents undoubtedly influenced her academically as well as professionally. They encouraged her to move beyond traditional gender roles. Bachelet’s case serves as an example of the distinguishable impact that can make in politics.
Each case has centered on the presidencies of four female leaders. Now that their cases have been explained, some general findings and conclusions can be noted. The next section will look at the ways in which these women fit into the general characteristics mentioned at the beginning of this study.
59 Final Conclusions
This study considered four female Latin American presidents and looked at how they matched up to research looking into the impacts that women have on the political process.
Christina Fernández de Kirchner of Argentina, Dilma Rousseff of Brazil, Laura Chinchilla of
Costa Rica, and Michelle Bachelet of Chile each have some unique aspect that adds to the discussion. It is important to consider each woman in relation to the others discussed to determine whether the generalizations above hold true.
Each woman has some achievement that can be construed as compassionate. Of particular note is compassion for the poor. The women who led nations with a high degree of inequality, like Fernández, Rousseff, and Bachelet, all have been quite vocal on the need to reduce income inequality. Costa Rica does not have inequality to the level that the other countries do, so Chinchilla has not been nearly as vocal as the other three women have. The women from countries with a high degree of inequality also fought for greater education opportunities for schoolchildren. Fernández allocated nearly $2 million to schoolchildren of poor families. Rousseff introduced the Law of Social Quotas to ensure greater access to the poor and minorities, and Bachelet delivered computers and literary bookcases to enhance learning opportunities.
Furthermore, it is worth considering the degree of inequality that exists in each nation and how it has affected the policies of each president. Argentina spent much of the past decade recovering from a devastating economic crisis. Fernández inherited a more stable economy and thus was able to focus on other areas. This accounts for the greater impact of compassionate programs in Argentina. Rousseff inherited a more economically stable condition that began under Lula da Silva, so she was able to narrow her focus to target specific areas. Bachelet’s
60 situation was similar to Rousseff’s. Chinchilla’s case is unique because she took her focus in a
different direction with her advocacy for public security and judicial reforms. It can be argued
that she was able to focus on these issues because her country’s economy was more stable.
While there are several examples of compassion for each woman, it is interesting to note
that Fernández, Rousseff, and Chinchilla have all been heavily criticized as showing a lack of
compassion in one way or another. Fernández has a ruthless and aggressive style of leading,
which is often aimed at those who oppose her. Rousseff has been criticized for her inaction on
LGBT issues, as has Chinchilla. Bachelet has undoubtedly received criticism for her actions, but
it has not been on the level of the other women.
Research has shown women to be more compassionate than men in terms of what they advocate. These women had mixed results on this criterion. Fernández demonstrated more compassion than her predecessors. This is likely due to the transition to a more stable economy, which has already been mentioned. Rousseff has not demonstrated more compassion than Lula or Cardoso. Both men enacted programs that were instrumental in elevating people economically. Chinchilla’s accomplishment pale in comparison to Arias and Olsen. Again, this is due to the favorable economic situation in Costa Rica that allowed them to focus on the promotion of democracy. Bachelet’s programs targeted narrower sections of the poorer populations, so her programs were more efficient than the others.
These women have all been strong advocates for social issues. Fernández is notable for her legalization of same-sex marriage. Bachelet’s move to make the morning after pill widely available was a push to the left. These two woman enacted legislation that was socially liberal in an area that is seen as socially conservative. Rousseff and Chinchilla have not followed suit; their stances have been more conservative on LGBT and reproductive issues. Rousseff’s policies have
61 worked to eradicate poverty and to improve the standard of living for Brazilians. Chinchilla is unique in her advocacy of public security issues and police reform.
All four women have noteworthy social accomplishments, but some of them seem less noteworthy when compared to past presidents. This is along the same lines as what was discussed above. Fernández enacted more social legislation than her predecessors. Beyond that, her policies have been notably liberal, as has Bachelet’s. Rousseff’s enactments have been along the same lines as Lula and Cardoso and seem less noteworthy because of this. It is fair to say that she is average relative to Lula and Cardoso. Chinchilla’s social advocacy is unique since her focus has been more bureaucratic in nature. She pales in comparison to Arias and Olsen, but that is partly due to the economic situation at the time. Bachelet’s programs seem more notable because of their narrow yet effective results.
Fernández, Rousseff, and Bachelet has been vocal about the need for more women involvement in politics. They have advocated for issues that are important to women, such as reproductive rights and other gender-based issues. They also serve as an inspiration to other women since they all broke the glass ceiling by being the first woman to lead their respective country. Chinchilla is the exception, despite the fact that she was the first female president of
Costa Rica. She does not advocate for gender-based issues the way the other women have. Her area of focus is decidedly more masculine, which has led many women to view her unfavorably.
Each woman’s ideology has been influenced by her upbringing. Fernández came from a working class family, so she grew up in an environment that favored socialist-leaning politics.
She also grew up during the rule of Juan Perón and was influenced by him politically. Rousseff grew up in an industrial city in a family that had ties to communism. Those ties had a major influence on her and she continued her study of Marxism and activism well into high school.
62 Chinchilla came from a family that was active in politics. This influenced her and led to her political career. Bachelet was born into a military family that was persecuted under the Pinochet regime. Her father’s career as an Air Force general led to her influence in military strategy. Her ideology was reinforced by her hatred for Pinochet and his regime.
For the most part, each woman has consistently followed the ideology of her party.
Fernández belongs to the Justicialist Party, which advocates a form of socialism that began with
Juan Perón. Her views have been consistent with a socialist, state-led approach to politics.
Rousseff’s party affiliation has changed over time, but she became a member of the Worker’s
Party in 2001. Prior to that, she was a member of the Democratic Labor Party. The Worker’s
Party claims to have a democratic social bias, and the Democratic Labor Party is similar with a bias towards socialism. Chinchilla belongs to the National Liberation Party, which has a social democratic bias that works to promote the solidarity of all Costa Ricans. Bachelet is a member of the Socialist Party, which is organized to unite democracy and socialism and achieve equality for all humans. Each woman’s policies as president have emulated her party’s principles.
The study by Norrander and Wilcox (2007) claims that women who are religious tend to hold traditional, conservative views. This has held true in the cases of Chinchilla and Rousseff.
Both women, who are Roman Catholic, have socially conservative views. Chinchilla opposes same-sex marriage and abortion, as does Rousseff. Rousseff has faced some criticism for her socially conservative views, but not to the extent that Chinchilla has. Chinchilla’s views are staunchly conservative, while most Catholics in Costa Rica take a more relaxed approach to their beliefs. This has had a negative impact on Chinchilla’s approval ratings and have led many to oppose her. Fernández is also Roman Catholic, but her views are socially liberal. Many of her actions on social issues drew criticism from Catholic Church leaders. Bachelet is agnostic and
63 believes that the state should regulate issues dealing with diversity and philosophy. Her actions as president are in accord with this view. Chinchilla and Rousseff lend support for Norrander and
Wilcox’s (2007) study, but Fernández and Bachelet are exceptions. The mere fact that a woman is religious is not enough to determine whether she is socially conservative.
Farida Jalalzai (2004) hypothesizes that women come to power when their powers are few and constrained. She also says that the public tends to see the president as a masculine position. Fernández enter into an executive that is relatively restricted, according to Argentina’s constitution. She was the first elected president of Argentina, though Isabel Perón had led
Argentina decades before. Perón’s combative and violent tendencies led the public to view her as more masculine than the typical female leader. Fernández’s efforts to mimic Perón’s leadership style may have alleviated some of the concerns that she would not be able to handle the position.
Rousseff came to power at a time when a major gender gap existed in terms of resource availability in Brazil. Chinchilla was able to rise to power at a time when women were starting to play a more influential role in a political system that was traditionally seen as patriarchal. Part of the reason for that greater influence was the use of peaceful means to voice their opinions as opposed to violent means. Chile’s binomial electoral system has made it very difficult for women to get elected. This, combined with the absence of gender quotas, has stifled the influence that women could have on Chile’s political process. Bachelet exhibited masculine qualities as Defense Minister, alleviating public concerns in a way similar to Fernández in
Argentina. All four cases involved some form of constriction in the powers of women politically, which confirms Jalalzai’s (2004) idea.
Jalalzai (2004) also looks at three other factors that allow women to ascend the political ladder: times of transition, weak institutionalization, and patronage. Fernández, Rousseff, and
64 Bachelet all came to power during the return of the left in Latin America. This return began with
Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Da Silva in Brazil, and Néstor Kirchner in Argentina. All three women rode that wave. Chinchilla is not included in the return of the left because her ideology is not consistent with the leftist ideologies of the other three women. There were also other transitions that allowed these women to come to power. Fernández came to power following the economic crisis of 2002, which began to turn around with the election of her husband. Rousseff rose to numerous leadership positions within the resistance movement. The disorganization of these groups, like COLINA and VPR-Palmares, allowed her to take control when things went awry. She proved skilled in this as well as her work within the administrations of Dutra and Lula da Silva that allowed her to become more influential. Chinchilla came to power at a time when
Costa Rica’s image was suffering region-wide. Costa Rica had been a model for stable democracy for the other burgeoning democracies in the region, but that image had been marred by government corruption and drug violence. Her advocacy of judicial and public security reforms gave her a platform that many viewed favorably, enabling her to be elected. Bachelet came to power as Chile was becoming more economically stable due to a recent boom in commodity exports. Each woman came to power during some form of transition, confirming that factor mentioned by Jalazai (2004).
Another factor that Jalalzai (2004) considers is weak institutionalization. Fernández,
Rousseff, and Chinchilla all came to power through governments that had problems with corruption. Members of Kirchner’s government were viewed as corrupt in some of their dealings, as was Kirchner himself. Kirchner’s corruption centered on the substantial growth of his income (and hers, by extension) during his and her times as president. Rousseff became
Lula’s Chief of Staff following a corruption scandal that led to the resignation of her
65 predecessor. Chinchilla campaigned on the need to reform corrupt ways of governing and was elected based on the idea of reform. It is interesting to note that Fernández and Chinchilla have both faced issues of corruption within their governments, meaning that female leaders are not immune to these problems just because they came to power through times of weak institutionalization. Bachelet stands in contrast to these cases, as Chile’s institutions have grown stronger within the last decade. Thus, Jalalzai’s (2004) idea of weak institutionalization as a factor is supported by three of the cases, though Bachelet is an exception. Still, it has proven to be a strong indicator, though not a definite one.
A third factor Jalalzai (2004) considers is patronization. Fernández became president following her husband and promised to continue the work that he began. Rousseff is said to have been the hand-picked successor of Lula. Chinchilla was endorsed by her predecessor and former boss, Óscar Arias Sánchez. Her opponents claimed that she would be a puppet for Arias. She also had a famous last name, since her father was a popular Comptroller General decades before.
Bachelet did work as Defense Minister for the Lagos administration, but claims of patronization were not common for her. Part of the reason she was elected was because of her popularity from her work as Defense Minister. Just as with weak institution, claims of patronization were a factor for three of the women, excluding Bachelet. Patronization is a factor, but it does not hold true in every instance.
Birth order is factor that determines the attitudes and behavior of the woman, according to Steinberg (2002). Fernández is the eldest of two daughters. Rousseff is the middle-born child and has an older brother and a younger sister. Chinchilla is the eldest of four children and has three younger brothers. Bachelet has an older brother. Rousseff and Bachelet are the only leaders among the four who are not the eldest sibling. Steinberg’s (2002) study found that first-born
66 children tend to have greater economic achievements, have greater expectations from their parents, tend to exhibit dominant and aggressive behaviors, rank high on indices of narcissism, and tend to be overrepresented in law, medical, and political professions. Fernández was successful in academics and attended law school. It may be assumed that her entrance into law school was encouraged by her parents, but there is no evidence to confirm this. She has shown a dominant and aggressive side, especially toward her opponents. Her inability to accept criticism for her policies can be seen as a level of narcissism. She has served in both law and political professions. She has each of the characteristics mentioned by Steinberg (2002). Chinchilla holds a bachelor’s degree and master’s degree, so she has been successful academically. Her father may have encouraged her to attend graduate school, indicating that her parents had high expectations of her. She may be considered dominant and aggressive when one looks at her reaction to Nicaragua as well as her interest in public security and judicial reform, which is seen as more masculine. There has been no information to determine her level of narcissism. She held several advisory roles and has been involved in politics for over a decade. Chinchilla is also consistent with Steinberg’s (2002) analysis, though her level of narcissism is unknown.
Rousseff is a middle-born child, but she fits the mold of a first-born child. Steinberg
(2002) noted that middle-born children tend to be passive and submissive, but she is neither of these. She has been successful academically, though her education was less of a priority for her due to her involvement in the resistance movement. Her parents expected much of her. They encouraged her to read and study piano and sent her to upscale private schools, which would ensure that she received greater attention from her teachers. Her involvement in the resistance movement shows that she is both dominant and aggressive, the opposite of passive of submissive. Her level of narcissism is unknown, though Lula’s administration, which she was
67 involved in, has been noted for strong levels of narcissism. She has been involved in the political sector for decades. Even her association with armed resistance is political. Thus, Rousseff acts more like a first-born child, which is evidence against what Steinberg (2002) says about middle- born children.
Despite her status as a younger child, Bachelet also fits the mold of a first-born child. She has had incredible academic achievements. She consistently finished at the top of her class, achieved the highest score on her medical school entrance exams, and has a bachelor and two masters’ degrees. Her parents encouraged her to study hard and sent her to one of Santiago’s prestigious schools. She has had to be dominant and aggressive in her defense of policies and response, specifically in her response to the 2010 earthquake. Those involved in the military profession (or, in her case, the Ministry of Defense) tend to be dominant and aggressive. There is no information at her level of narcissism. She has been involved in medical and political professions. Just like Rousseff, she identifies with first-born traits more than middle-born traits.
Steinberg’s (2002) analysis of first-born children came from mostly male leaders, but they have shown to hold true for female leaders as well. It is hard to consider narcissism in the study since there is little information on each woman’s level of narcissism. Notably, her analysis does not hold true for middle-born children. In fact, they tend to act like first-born children.
Steinberg (2002) also looks at the sex of siblings in role development. Specifically, the absence of an older brother leads to greater parental involvement and a closer father-daughter relationship. Fernández and Chinchilla do not have older brothers. Fernández’s parents were involved in her upbringing, though she did not have a close relationship with her father, who was an Anti-Peronist. She never mentions her father when campaigning, which led some to accuse her of being ashamed of her father. Chinchilla’s parents were also involved in her upbringing.
68 Her interest in public security and judicial reforms suggest that she had a close relationship with her father. First-born women are treated as “honorary sons” and are less discouraged from holding professions traditionally held by men. Steinberg’s (2002) study holds in only one of the cases.
Steinberg’s (2002) study also finds that the inclusion of brothers may lead to the intensification of masculine traits. Rousseff, Chinchilla, and Bachelet all have brothers. Rousseff has exhibited several masculine traits, especially during her time in the armed resistance movement. Chinchilla’s interests in judicial and public security reforms are traditionally viewed as masculine areas. Bachelet’s focus on military strategy and her forceful dominance of her policies are also seen as masculine traits. These two cases are consistent with Steinberg’s (2002) idea.
Female politicians tend to identify more with their fathers. Fernández is an exception to this idea. Her mother was a Peronist, which suggests that her mother had a greater influence on her. She rarely speaks about her father, and some suggest she may even be ashamed of her father.
Rousseff’s father was involved with the Communist Party in Bulgaria. Her father died when she was 15, but he may have continued to influence her after his death. She continued to study
Marxism after his death and became involved in armed resistance against the military dictatorship. Chinchilla’s father was involved in politics and influenced her academic interests and career decision. Bachelet’s father was involved in the military, which may have led to her desire to study military strategy, which led to her appointment as Defense Secretary. Three of the cases confirm the idea that women tend to identify with their fathers, including the notion that their fathers encouraged them to move beyond gender limitations. Fernández is an exception to this idea, however.
69 Despite the close relationship with their fathers, it is believed that their mothers influenced their career choice. This is true in Fernández’s case. He mother was a Peronist and may have led to her involvement in the Peronist Youth Movement while in college. There is little evidence to indicate that Rousseff’s choice of profession was influenced by her mother. In fact, the evidence lends more to the idea that her father was the one that influenced her. Chinchilla’s case is similar to Rousseff’s. Her career choice was influenced by her father. Bachelet’s mother did encourage her to move beyond traditional gender roles, though her choice of study was influenced by her father. Fernández and, to some extent, Bachelet are the only examples of the mother’s influence on career choice.
Each woman has shown some form of care and compassion, though the degree of that compassion may be influenced by the amount of inequality that exists within the country. The greater the inequality, the broader the policies tend to be. Countries with less inequality tend to allow the leaders to focus their policies more narrowly. This same is true about their advocacy of social policies. Yet despite these shows of compassion, Fernández, Rousseff, and Chinchilla have all shown a distinct lack of compassion at some point. When viewed in relation to their predecessors, there are mixed results as to whether they are more caring and compassionate.
Fernández showed more compassion, and Bachelet’s programs proved to be more efficient.
Rousseff and Chinchilla were not more compassionate than their predecessors, however. In terms of social policies, Fernández and Bachelet have more notable achievements, especially in terms of socially liberal policies. Chinchilla and Rousseff pale in comparison to their predecessors. It holds true that female leaders are caring, compassionate, and advocate for social policies, but results are mixed as to whether they advocate more so than previous presidents. For the most part, these women have been vocal about the need for greater female involvement in politics.
70 Chinchilla is a notable exception, possibly due to her lack of advocacy for “gender-based issues”.
Each woman’s ideology was influenced by her upbringing and has been relatively consistent with the views espoused by her party. Religion is not a dependable indicator of social views, as
Fernández and Bachelet have shown with their liberal policies. Each woman came to power at a time when women’s powers were few or constrained. They all came to power during a time of transition. Three of the four cases involved weak institutionalization and patronization, making them a strong but not definite indicator. In terms of birth order, the leaders who were born first exhibited every trait discussed, with the exception of narcissism since there is little information in that area. The middle-born leaders did not exhibit the traits that they were assumed to have.
They tended to act like their first-born siblings. Steinberg’s (2002) study was done on male politicians, but it held true for first-born female students as well. It did not hold true for middle- born female leaders, however. The absence of an older brother leads to greater expectations for the daughter and a closer father-daughter relationship, though not in the case of Fernández. This held true in only one of the two cases. The two cases where there was the inclusion of a brother did lead to the intensification of masculine traits. In general, women tend to identify more closely with their fathers. This held true in all of the cases, except for Fernández. Their career choices tend to be influenced by their mothers, but this was only true in Fernández’s case and to some extent in Bachelet’s case. Thus, these are strong but not definite indicators.
Some of these qualities are better indicators of how women impact politics others, but this study has shown that even the strongest of indicators have their exceptions. Women do advocate for compassion and social issues, though not necessarily more so than their male predecessors. They do encourage other women to enter into politics, but even that does not hold true in every case. One can look at their upbringing and party affiliation as good indicators of
71 where they stand ideologically, though religion is not such a good indicator. Women do come to power during times when women’s powers are few and constrained and during times of transition. Many of them came to power during times of weak institutionalization and patronage, though that does not hold true in every case. First-born women have shown to exhibit every trait that Steinberg (2002) analyses, but middle-born women tend to exhibit traits consistent with first-born women. The absence of a brother may lead to greater parental involvement and a closer father-daughter relationship, but not always. The inclusion of a brother leads to an intensification of masculine traits in women. Women do tend to identify more with the fathers, but not in every case. Their career choices may be influenced by their mothers, but only in some cases.
This study is just a brief glance at the impact of women in politics. Furthermore, it only focuses on Latin America. Much more can and should be said about the impacts that women can have on the political process. The women studied here were all elected democratically, though not all female presidents have been. An analysis of stricter leaders, like Isabel Perón, might add another dimension to the discussion. Additionally, there are female presidents in Europe and
Asia that have had an impact on the political process. Their impacts would also add to the discussion. All of these aspects are important to consider, though this study is a starting point.
72 Notes
1 http://www.iwdc.org/resources/fact_sheet.htm 2 http://www.iwdc.org/resources/fact_sheet.htm 3 “Women and Politics Worldwide”, p. 3 4 “Love and Politics: Women Politicians and the Ethics of Love”, p. 91 5 “Love and Politics: Women Politicians and the Ethics of Love”, p. 92 6 “Love and Politics: Women Politicians and the Ethics of Love”, p. 92 7 “Love and Politics: Women Politicians and the Ethics of Love”, p. 90 8 “Love and Politics: Women Politicians and the Ethics of Love”, p. 90 9 “It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don’t Run for Office”, p. 84. 10 “Political Power and Women’s Representation in Latin America”, p. 27 11 “Political Power and Women’s Representation in Latin America”, p. 25 12 “Political Power and Women’s Representation in Latin America”, p. 25 13“ Political Power and Women’s Representation in Latin America”, p. 80 14 “Love and Politics: Women Politicians and the Ethics of Love”, p. 99 15 “Love and Politics: Women Politicians and the Ethics of Love”, p. 93 16 “Love and Politics: Women Politicians and the Ethics of Love, p. 36 17 “Why Latin America Swings Left: Ideological Self-Identification in Conservative Chile”, p. 76 18 “Why Latin America Swings Left: Ideological Self-Identification in Conservative Chile”, p.76 19 “Why Latin America Swings Left: Ideological Self-Identification in Conservative Chile”, p. 76 20 “Why Latin America Swings Left: Ideological Self-Identification in Conservative Chile”, p. 76 21 “Why Latin America Swings Left: Ideological Self-Identification in Conservative Chile”, p. 36 22 “Women Rule: Shattering the Glass Ceiling”, p. 208 23 “Women Rule: Shattering the Glass Ceiling”, p. 211 24 “Women Rule: Shattering the Glass Ceiling”, p. 211 25 “Women Rule: Shattering the Glass Ceiling”, p. 212 26 “Women Rule: Shattering the Glass Ceiling”, p. 212 27 “Women Rule: Shattering the Glass Ceiling”, p. 212 28 “The Making of Female Presidents and Prime Ministers: The Impact of Birth Order, Sex and Siblings, and Father-Daughter Dynamics”, p. 94 29 “The Making of Female Presidents and Prime Ministers: The Impact of Birth Order, Sex and Siblings, and Father-Daughter Dynamics”, p. 95 30 “The Making of Female Presidents and Prime Ministers: The Impact of Birth Order, Sex and Siblings, and Father-Daughter Dynamics”, p. 95 31 “The Making of Female Presidents and Prime Ministers: The Impact of Birth Order, Sex and Siblings, and Father-Daughter Dynamics”, p. 95 32 “The Making of Female Presidents”, p. 98 33 “The Making of Female Presidents”, p. 98 34 “The Making of Female Presidents”, p. 98 35 “The Making of Female Presidents”, p. 98 36 “The Making of Female Presidents”, p. 100 37 “The Making of Female Presidents”, p. 100 38 “The Making of Female Presidents”, p. 100 39 “The Making of Female Presidents”, p. 101
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