MISE EN LECTURE PUBLIQUE LECTURE EN - MISE / DÉCLASSIFIÉ DISCLOSURE - PUBLIC DECLASSIFIED States but Also in the Oil-Producing Countries

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

MISE EN LECTURE PUBLIQUE LECTURE EN - MISE / DÉCLASSIFIÉ DISCLOSURE - PUBLIC DECLASSIFIED States but Also in the Oil-Producing Countries CONSEIL DE L'ATLANTIQUE NORD NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL NATO UNCLASSIFIED and 568" PUBLIC DISCLOSED EXEMPLAIRE N0 COPY OR ICIHAL : ENGLISH ' % 4T ' 16th April, 1957 • DOCUMENT —— , • ^ ^ ( ^ JEmmi \ i- . : ' ' - ' THE MIDDLE EAST ' • Report by the .Committee of Political Advisers - The Soviet Union and the Middle East The USSR seeks everywhere to hring about the ultimate . Communist objective of world domination. It pursues this object- ive by flexible and opportunist methods. Communist ideology in certain respects handicaps them in pursuing their imperialist aims in the Middle East and they make .only limited use Of it. They present themselves in this area primarily as the champion of nationalism, particularly Arab nationalism. The fact that in so doing they are supporting nationalist feelings which are predomin- antly anti-Western makes these Soviet tactics especially effect- ive and dangerous. From the point of view of NATO, the main Soviet threat is not at present an attempt to take over territories but rather: . (a) to.destroy the strategic positions of the Western Powers in the Middle East, to disrupt defensive arrangements such as the Baghdad Pact and to secure the removal of Western bases; (b) to establish a stranglehold on Western oil supplies and thus to be in a position'to weaken both the Middle East and the West. / 2. The Soviet- Union seeks to obtain a voice in all important decisions affecting the Middle East. It has already obtained this voice to the extent that certain countries of the area r- particularly Egypt, and Syria - have helped this Soviet ambition by 'themselves making use of Soviet influence and drawing on Soviet support as a counterpoise to the West. 3. .In pursuit of its. objectives, Soviet policy seeks to discredit and undermine the position of governments and groups in the Middle East which are-willing to co-operate with the-West. This serves to increase instability -in the area and encourages the rise of elements embittered against the west, sometimes inexperienced and perhaps-irresponsible and reckless. The USSR, seeks to'create and aggravate difficulties for the West by bring- ing these elements into control especially in the oil-transit DECLASSIFIED - PUBLIC DISCLOSURE / DÉCLASSIFIÉ - MISE EN LECTURE PUBLIQUE LECTURE EN - MISE / DÉCLASSIFIÉ DISCLOSURE - PUBLIC DECLASSIFIED states but also in the oil-producing countries. k.. Western ideas and technology have had an unsettling effect .in. this area and their impact has been intensified by, and has in turn accelerated, the disintegration of the traditional religious and social structure. The Arab states are now sovereign but are painfully aware that they remain'dependent on the great powers for capital, arms and technical skills: for this they are NATO' OEORSg NATO SECRET -2- O-MC57)63 inclined to "blame the West. United hy common history, culture, language and'religion, they are nevertheless-:, rent hy so many rivalries and. conflicts that they aée^miabIeJto reach unity of action "in^'the face of the great powers *or to" develop" effective political- and economic measures^in common.^ ,y»Even within each country there are such sharp di'vïSidhîs' t'ha-t^there is no concensus on the methods and ultimate purpose of the government. Conser- vative businessmen, landovmers, traditional rulers and chiefs, minority groups in the area, are still' trying to develop a mutual- ly advantageous relationship with the "West. Of the Arah pop- ulation, however, two-thirds are under 30 years, almost all poor, and even those who have power or jobs are unsure of themselves and of the security of their position. In these circumstances- Arab nationalism" presents itself as a vague concept characterised by strongly- negative tendencies, anti-Western, anti-colonial, and on- the widest basis, anti-Israeli. Mingled with these impulses there are v:\r-icd personal and dynastic ambitions. 5. To exploit Arab nationalism, the USSR by 1-955 proclaimed its readiness to establish mutually profitable relations with any régime Intent on following "independent" foreign and domestic policies, i.e. any. regime which might be prepared to' move away from the West. By- this initiative, Russia reasserted her tradit- ional ambition to-, play a major rôle in the Middle East. In Europe the development of NATO strength blocked Soviet expansion.. Under these circumstances the USSR took a serious viev/ of the signature of the. Baghdad Pact. It may have feared this develop- ment and in any event it reacted sharply-to it as possibly prov- iding the groundwork for an extension of Western military bases in the area. ' 1 6. At -this time the USSR responded favourably to the overtures from the leading Arab opponents .of the Baghdad Pact - Egypt and Syria - for the supply of arms. It became increasing- ly clear that the USSR was prepared to supply weapons'", diplomatic support, markets, technical assistance, and, in1some instances, credits to states which .rejected alignment with the West. 7. The effect of the new Soviet policy on the Middle East was drastic. For. the first time, non-Communist, anti-Western nationalists were able to look to the Soviet Union for help that promised to offset Western influence in the Arab world. Above all, they saw the possibility of settling scores with'Israel (which they view as a creation of imperialist Western powers), thus redeeming Arab honour with Soviet help and. re-uniting the "Arab' homeland"', which Israel'geographically cuts asunder. More than any, other consideration this weighed in determining the attitude of most Arabs and in giving the USSR an entrée into the Middle East. DECLASSIFIED - PUBLIC DISCLOSURE / DÉCLASSIFIÉ - MISE EN LECTURE PUBLIQUE LECTURE EN - MISE / DÉCLASSIFIÉ DISCLOSURE - PUBLIC DECLASSIFIED 8. There are further reasons why the Arabs are inclined to look favourably toward the USSR, and to blame the West for many things it has not done or could not have prevented. While many Arabs recall the history of Western efforts from the"crusades onward to establish control in the Middle East,, they know ' little of Turkish, Iranian and Afghan encounters with Russia-, ' NATO SECRET -2- -3- NATO SECRET 57 W and give no credit to those who prevented Russian armies from reaching the Arah world. The West has substantial political influence in several Middle Eastern states and plays a major role in the most important enterprises in the economies of these states. It remains the major purchaser and supplier of commercial goods in all.Middle Eastern states, the sole purchasers of their oil, and until recently, the sole source•for capital, technicians and arms. Knowing this, certain Arab governments are . inclined to see closer relations with the USSR as providing a countervailing balance against Western influence in the area. Thus Soviet influence has been advanced in the area . on the invitation of nationalist independent governments without the use of Soviet armed forces and with only limited • recourse to the apparatus of international Communism. Soviet Methods 9. To take advantage of Middle Eastern receptivity, the Soviet Union has made skilful use of a wide variety of weapons. These include economic relations, propaganda, diplomatic manoeuvres, the furnishing of arms to certain states and, though in a limited way, the activities of local Communist movements. 10. The large expansion in Soviet bloc trade with the Middle East is marked by the Increase in trade agree- ments from 7 in 1953 to 31 in 1955. The greatest measure Of-Isuccess appears to have been achieved in those countries which had no oil resources, were not committed to Western• defence alliances and, with the exception of Syria were experiencing balance of payment difficulties. Egypt, Afghanistan and Syria were the most prominent among the Middle Eastern countries where Soviet influence grew, and this was partly related to arms deals made with the Soviet bloc. Since the last half of 1955 the pace of trade has. quickened and trade now involves mostly Soviet bloc capital goods and arms in barter exchanges for agricultural products. Large-scale credits were given to some countries, and the entire battery of trade agreements, technical assistance and trade fairs was used. - Although the initiative in the Soviet economic offensive has come from the Soviet Union, the satellites have played a very important p^rt in it. 11. Reduction in the. rate of increase of Russia's economic expansion for 1957 should not have much effect on its economic offensive in this area. Economic and military assjistance- has become an integral part of SovTet~dïplrom:a~cy and is likely to endure as long as the "competitive co- existence" policy continues. DECLASSIFIED - PUBLIC DISCLOSURE / DÉCLASSIFIÉ - MISE EN LECTURE PUBLIQUE LECTURE EN - MISE / DÉCLASSIFIÉ DISCLOSURE - PUBLIC DECLASSIFIED 12. Military, even more than economic aid has been the most spectacular demonstration of Soviet support for the Arabs. Egypt and Syria have received Soviet arms on favourable terms in quantities which are very substantial in proportion to their capacity to absorb them. Afghanistan and the Yemen have also received large arms supplies on favourable terms. The arms furnished are largely from stocks which are obsolescent•in the Soviet bloc and which they can easily spare'at little cost. In this way important Middle East states are being- brought into -3- NATO SECRET NATO SECRET -k- C-M(57)63 re.liance -upon' the Soviet bloc for military supplies. Similarly, these states are being brought to rely on Soviet bloc markets, for their „exports ; . .. : 13. Such, states are bound to think twice before taking actions which might, antagonise the USSR,. They could only be rescued from their eventual economic and. military dependency ' at substantial cost'to the rescuer. Moreover, by acting as. supplier to these states the USSR, wins friends in army circles and gains -the' advantages arising from the presence of Soviet technicians and the influence they may ticve on military'and economic policy.
Recommended publications
  • PUBLISHER S Iranian Opposition to the Shah
    HAH S Guide Iranian Opposition to the Shah Advisor: Wolfgang H. Behn Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin RANIAN OPPOSITION TO THE I AIDC PUBLISHERP U R L 1 5H E R S S BRILLB RI LL WolfgangWolfgang H.H. Behn,Behn, StaatsbibliothekStaatsbibliothek Preussischer Preussischer Kulturbesitz,Kulturbesitz, BerlinBerlin GuideGuide to the microform collection collection IDC numbersnumbers NE-1550NE-1550 - NE-1578 NE-1578 MU IDCIDC PUBLISHERSPUBLISHERS 1988 The Iranian opposition to the Shah The overthrow of the Shah came as a great surprise, even to many Iranists, in spite of the fact that the revolution had been in the air in Tehran long before this was realized in the West. More enigmatic than the Islamic revolution itself were the aims of its supporters, although most of the opposition groups had explicitly stated their objectives in their publications long before the revolution. But the tightening censorship in Iran had forced the whole spectrum of the opposition to publish abroad. The evasive nature of dissident literature makes bibliographical control, and acquisition in general, extremely difficult. In the case of the Iranian revolution we are fortunate that "W.H. Behn has taken on the formidable task of listing (in his bibliographies) every publication of an anti-Pahlavi nature in Persian, or in other languages about Iran, published outside Iran between 1962 and the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979. The measure of his success is that he has amassed a total of some 800 books and pamphlets... [The ] work... will be an indispensable tool for anyone studying the recent history of Iran and the sources of the opposition to the Shah that led to the revolution of 1979" (Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Celebrating the Centenary of the Communist Party of Iran
    Celebrating the Centenary of the Communist Party of Iran Document of the Enlarged Plenary Meeting of Central Committee (Feb. 2020) Dear Comrades, June 2020 marks the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of Iran. Although the seeds of the labour and social democracy movement in our homeland were planted and grown during the Constitutional Revolution (1906) - and had a decisive impact on its development and victory - the Iranian labour and communist movement in the form of an organised and cohesive party formally began in June 1920 with the founding of the Communist Party of Iran led by the prominent figure of the Constitutional Revolution, Haydar Amo-Oghli (also known as Haydar Khan). The history of the left and Marxist ideas in Iran dates back to the late 19th century and early 20th century. With the rapid growth of industry and the development of the capitalist mode of production, Marx’s teachings found their way to Iran. The social and political arena of that period could be summarised, within the historic development of Iranian society, as the transition from feudalism to capitalism. The nascent capitalism of that time was growing, albeit sluggishly, while in parallel the birth and formation of the working class was taking shape. In the late 19th century, under the influence and impact of progressive left-wing views, the anti- dictatorship struggle grew significantly, and a growing number of people began to join the revolutionary struggle. Abdolhossein Agāhi, our martyred comrade and a prominent historian, wrote in his book, “The History of [political]Parties in Iran”, about the growth of socialism in Iran: “For the first time in Iran, in [an edition Figure 1: Haydar Amo- Ogghli, Leader of the of] the newspaper “Iran” (March 1917) an article from Communist Party of Iran, 1920 “Akhtar” newspaper (printed in Istanbul) - [originally published] on the occasion of the 9th anniversary of the Paris Commune (March 18, 1871) - [was reprinted] in which socialist ideas were introduced [to Iran].
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical and Comparative Analysis of Organisational Forms of Selected Marxist Parties, in Theory and in Practice, with Special Reference to the Last Half Century
    Rahimi, M. (2009) A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/688/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century Mohammad Rahimi, BA, MSc Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD Centre for the Study of Socialist Theory and Movement Faculty of Law, Business and Social Science University of Glasgow September 2008 The diversity of the proletariat during the final two decades of the 20 th century reached a point where traditional socialist and communist parties could not represent all sections of the working class. Moreover, the development of social movements other than the working class after the 1960s further sidelined traditional parties. The anti-capitalist movements in the 1970s and 1980s were looking for new political formations.
    [Show full text]
  • Letters to the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) from the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA, 2005-2008 (With a Reply from the CPN(M), 2006)
    On Developments in Nepal and the Stakes for the Communist Movement: Letters to the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) from the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA, 2005-2008 (With a Reply from the CPN(M), 2006) Revolutionary Communist Party, USA January 29, 2009 Letter from the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA to the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) November 4, 2008 Letter from the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA to the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) March, 2008 Letter from the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA to the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) October 2005 Letter from the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA to the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) July 1, 2006 Letter from the Central Committee, Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to the Central Committee, Revolutionary Communist Party, USA Appendices to October 2005 Letter from the RCP,USA to the CPN(M) “The Creative Development of MLM, Not of Revisionism”, excerpt from a talk by Bob Avakian, Chairman of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA. “Some Further Thinking on: The Socialist State as a New Kind of State”, excerpt from a talk given by Bob Avakian, Chairman of the Revolutionary Communist Party, to a group of Party members and supporters in 2005. Article from Revolution #160, March 28, 2009. On Developments in Nepal and the Stakes for the Communist Movement: Letters to the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) from the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA, 2005-2008 (With a Reply from the CPN(M), 2006), Editor’s Note: These letters are as they originally appeared with the exception of spelling and grammatical corrections and the deletion of a few citations internal to Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) publications.
    [Show full text]
  • Killing Hope U.S
    Killing Hope U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II – Part I William Blum Zed Books London Killing Hope was first published outside of North America by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London NI 9JF, UK in 2003. Second impression, 2004 Printed by Gopsons Papers Limited, Noida, India w w w.zedbooks .demon .co .uk Published in South Africa by Spearhead, a division of New Africa Books, PO Box 23408, Claremont 7735 This is a wholly revised, extended and updated edition of a book originally published under the title The CIA: A Forgotten History (Zed Books, 1986) Copyright © William Blum 2003 The right of William Blum to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Cover design by Andrew Corbett ISBN 1 84277 368 2 hb ISBN 1 84277 369 0 pb Spearhead ISBN 0 86486 560 0 pb 2 Contents PART I Introduction 6 1. China 1945 to 1960s: Was Mao Tse-tung just paranoid? 20 2. Italy 1947-1948: Free elections, Hollywood style 27 3. Greece 1947 to early 1950s: From cradle of democracy to client state 33 4. The Philippines 1940s and 1950s: America's oldest colony 38 5. Korea 1945-1953: Was it all that it appeared to be? 44 6. Albania 1949-1953: The proper English spy 54 7. Eastern Europe 1948-1956: Operation Splinter Factor 56 8. Germany 1950s: Everything from juvenile delinquency to terrorism 60 9. Iran 1953: Making it safe for the King of Kings 63 10.
    [Show full text]
  • In All the Major Political Developments in Twentieth-Century Iran, From
    THE WORKING CLASS AND THE ISLAMIC STATE IN IRAN H A I D E H M O G H I S S I A ND S A E E D R A H N E M A n all the major political developments in twentieth-century Iran, from the Iconstitutional revolution of 1906–11 and the nationalization of the oil industry in early 1950s to the political upheavals of early 1960s and the 1979 revolution, workers were major participants and demonstrated a high level of militancy. However, governments of diverse persuasions, from the Pahlavis’ modernizing dictatorial monarchy to the liberal nationalists, and the Islamists’ pre-modern theocracy, have ignored workers’ legitimate demands and suppressed their dissent. Many factors account for this failure, not least of them being the qualitative and quantitative weaknesses of the working class—a result of the specific nature of capitalist development and industrialization in Iran. Because of its own internal weaknesses, the workers’ movement has depended historically on left social democratic and communist movements both organi- zationally and intellectually. In fact, socialist and communist ideas about the workers’ right to form unions and emancipate themselves preceded the emer- gence of the working class itself. Yet dependence on external leadership made Iranian workers susceptible to the theoretical and political wavering and internal conflicts of the country’s left intelligentsia. As well, the continuous suppression of the left by successive dictatorial regimes inevitably also affected the militancy and organizational efficacy of the working-class movement. In this context, it is reasonable to argue that the progress of the working-class movement has been and continues to be directly linked to the movement for democracy and social change.
    [Show full text]
  • Two Lines Over Maoist Revolution in Nepal: Five Letters
    TWO LINES OVER MAOIST REVOLUTION IN NEPAL FIVE LETTERS FROM THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (MAOIST) AND THE REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNIST PARTY, USA KASAMA ESSAYS FOR DISCUSSION Kasama is a communist project that, in theory and practice, fights for the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. website: kasamaproject.org email: [email protected] Contents Letter of RCP, USA (January 2009) . 1 Letter of RCP, USA (November 2008) . 3 The Problem Is The Line Of The Party . .3 New Democracy & Socialism Are Stepping Stones On The Road To Communism . 4 The Election Miracle? . 7 “Without A People’s Army The People Have Nothing” . 7 Part Of The Rebirth Of Revolutionary Communism Or Part Of Its Burial? . 8 New Synthesis Or Tired Old Bourgeois Democracy? . 10 “Emancipators Of Humanity” Or Builders Of A New Switzerland? . 10 Two‑Line Struggle Or “Three Lines”? . 12 In Summation: Fight To Save The Revolution! . 14 Letter of RCP, USA(March 2008) . 17 Troubling Tactics In the Pursuit of a Wrong Ideological and Political Line . 19 What is the Goal–to “Restructure the State” or to “Smash It”? . 21 Bourgeois Democracy and New Democracy . 24 “Proportional” Bourgeois Democracy or the New‑Democratic System? . 26 Land to the Tiller . 28 On the Constitution and Class Rule . 29 Revolutionary Practice . 30 Who’s Fooling Whom? . 31 Arming the Masses with the Truth or Sowing Deliberate Confusion? . 32 Togliatti and Thorez . 34 Rewriting Party History . 35 More Reversal of Historical Verdicts . 36 The International Dimension . 37 “Combine Two into One” or “Divide One Into Two”? . 38 Eclecticism Defended . 40 Crux of the Matter–Ideological and Political Line .
    [Show full text]
  • 2015-02-28 Collection of International Messages (2004-2014)
    TENTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FORMATION OF CPI(MAOIST) COMMEMORATIVE VOLUME WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE! LONG LIVE PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM! INTERNATIONAL MESSAGES AND STATEMENTS Central Committee Communist Party of India (Maoist) FOREWORD As part of our endeavour to republish important party documents on the occasion of the celebrations of ten years of the formation of CPI(Maoist), we are bringing out here a compilation of international messages. This volume includes messages sent by our party to fraternal parties, messages sent to us by our fraternal parties and organisations from across the world as well as statements jointly issued by us with other parties over the past decade. Lenin had pointed out that true internationalism consists of carrying out the revolutionary tasks in one’s own country and supporting this, and only this line, in other countries. Our party, which is one of the detachments of international proletariat, is carrying out this directive as a foremost task of proletarian internationalism. To liberate the country from the clutches of imperialism and domestic reaction and in leading the people in revolution, our party strives resolutely to uphold the theory of MLM and to apply it creatively to the concrete practice of Indian new democratic revolution as an inseparable part of world socialist revolution. Close and lively fraternal relations with revolutionary parties and organisations of other countries is an important component of a Maoist party’s proletarian internationalist stand. Be it the messages exchanged on significant occasions and events, on major political developments or turns in the revolutionary movements of different countries, to share the joy of important victories or in the grief of sad losses, to affirm the solidarity of the proletarian parties and organisations and to express our shared objectives, etc., stand testimony to these profound feelings.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
    demarcations-journal.org Reviewing the Differences between the Communist Party of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) and the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan – by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) (First appeared June 2011, reviewed 8 March 2013, www.cpimlm.com) Some time has elapsed since the publication of issue 3 of Shola1 [the official publication of the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan – C(M)PA], which carries a critique of our Party’s line in an article entitled, “The Communist Party of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist - CPIMLM) has fallen into the wrong path of post- Marxism-Leninism-Maoism”. In this article, Shola criticizes the new synthesis of communist theory by Bob Avakian and attacks our Party for its support of the new synthesis. After the appearance of Shola’s article, some comrades who are more familiar with the history of the C(M) PA and its views were assigned to prepare a reply to that article. In June 2011, the 7th Plenum of the Central Committee (CC) of the CPIMLM studied this reply and made recommendations on the basis of which the reply was reworked and became more comprehensive. Due to factors related to the priorities of our Party, the publication of this reply was delayed. Although the reply could have been improved by taking into consideration the recent articles published by the C(M)PA, nevertheless, in order to prevent further delay we’ve decided to publish the reply as it is. During this period, we have become even more convinced that the ideological and political chasm between our Party and the C(M)PA is indeed deep and that this is a reflection of the two-line struggle that has been going on in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) over the past few years.
    [Show full text]
  • Blood-Soaked Secrets Why Iran's 1988 Prison
    BLOOD-SOAKED SECRETS WHY IRAN’S 1988 PRISON MASSACRES ARE ONGOING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: Collage of some of the victims of the mass prisoner killings of 1988 in Iran. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Amnesty International https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 13/9421/2018 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 METHODOLOGY 18 2.1 FRAMEWORK AND SCOPE 18 2.2 RESEARCH METHODS 18 2.2.1 TESTIMONIES 20 2.2.2 DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE 22 2.2.3 AUDIOVISUAL EVIDENCE 23 2.2.4 COMMUNICATION WITH IRANIAN AUTHORITIES 24 2.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 25 BACKGROUND 26 3.1 PRE-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 26 3.2 POST-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 27 3.3 IRAN-IRAQ WAR 33 3.4 POLITICAL OPPOSITION GROUPS 33 3.4.1 PEOPLE’S MOJAHEDIN ORGANIZATION OF IRAN 33 3.4.2 FADAIYAN 34 3.4.3 TUDEH PARTY 35 3.4.4 KURDISH DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF IRAN 35 3.4.5 KOMALA 35 3.4.6 OTHER GROUPS 36 4.
    [Show full text]
  • Sociological Study of History of the Tudeh Party from 1941 Until 28 Mordad Military Coups in 1953
    Special Issue INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES AND December 2015 CULTURAL STUDIES ISSN 2356-5926 Sociological Study of History of the Tudeh Party from 1941 until 28 Mordad Military Coups in 1953 Mohammad Reza Saeidi Far* MA in Sociology, Zahedan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zahedan, Iran *Corresponding Author [email protected] Milad Jahantab MA in Sociology, Zahedan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zahedan, Iran Abstract The aim of this study was sociological survey of history of Tudeh Party from 1941until the 28 Mordad military coup in 1953. After the fall of Reza Shah and the collapse of the twenty years Rezakhani tyranny, homeland political openness, again made it possible for Marxists survivor of the "CPI" along with "The Fifty-Three", the national elements and intellectual, to be freely the publisher of their long thoughts. Therefore, on the secound of October 1941 in the home of "Soleiman M. Eskandary" more than seventy of professional revolutionaries, communists, trade unionists, nationalist and liberal elements were assemble, to initiate new attempt on the Tudeh party. In the wake of the collapse of the dictatorship of Reza Shah in September 1941, Iran had the opportunity to achieve the revolution's ideals of democracy, sovereignty of law, social participation and political power. In this case, by taking advantage of the world situation, the political parties that are form of organized social forces and expressing desires and interests groups and social strata, emerged and took shape. The Tudeh Party of Iran was among the first parties, formed in political space of Iran that the conditions of its activity were provided, day after day expanded, and shortly became the most organized and widely party, was founded in Iran.
    [Show full text]
  • The Left Movement and National Question: from Romanticism to Realism (With a Focus on Komala Organization)
    Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies Copyright 2016 2016, Vol. 3, No. 1, 20-48 ISSN: 2149-1291 The Left Movement and National Question: From Romanticism to Realism (With a Focus on Komala Organization) Sabah Mofidi1 Scientific-Applied University, Sine (Sanandaj), Kurdistan, Iran This article studies the ‘national question’and its importance in the Left thought and movement from a realistic and pragmatic perspective. It elaborates that during the history of this movement, the nationalistic reading on the Left thought, even in popular socialist countries, led to confiscating Marxism in favor ofthe nationalistic interests, though it apparently emphasized on the internationalist slogans. Also it draws on the fact thatthe theoreticians and pragmatic Marxist leaders of each country, subject to conditions and priorities, had a special interpretation of Marxism. In some third world countries, theoppressed nations’ nationalistic desires have been condemned by the Left organizations of the dominant nations as deviation from Marxism and to trivialize the national question. This climate affected some Kurdish Left parties in a way that at first they followed the romantic and idealistic leftists of the nations who don’t have the national question, but afterward with awareness of their theoretical and political mistakes, they tried to distance themselves from them and moved towards realism. So, the author seeks to answer, whysuch a thing happened and what its effects on the Kurdistan politics have been. Toward this end, the article in the different parts examines the importance of the national question and nationalism in the Marxist theories, the Left movement in Iran and Kurdistan in general, and Komala-Kurdistan Toilers Revolutionary Organization of Iran in particular.
    [Show full text]